(navigation image)
Home American Libraries | Canadian Libraries | Universal Library | Community Texts | Project Gutenberg | Children's Library | Biodiversity Heritage Library | Additional Collections
Search: Advanced Search
Anonymous User (login or join us)
Upload
See other formats

Full text of "History of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the Catholic : [microform]"

s^. 










s^ 



IMAGE EVALUATION 
TEST TARGET (MT-3) 




1.0 ^lii 1^ 

■^ l&i 122 



I.I 



£ Iti |2.0 






\\25 HI 1.4 



HUiil 



1.6 







Photographic 

Sdences 

Corporation 



23 WEST MAIN STREET 

WEBSTER, N.Y. 14S80 

(716) 872-4503 






\ 



RV 



•>^ 





S> 











6^ 






►■^ 
A<p 







CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 



CIHIVI/ICIViH 
Collection de 
microfiches. 




Canadian Institute for Historical ly/licroreproductions / Institut Canadian de microroproductions historiquas 





Tachnical and Bibliographic Notaa/Notas tachniquaa at bibliographiquaa 



Th« 
tot 



Tha Inatituta haa attamptad to obtain tha baat 
original copy availabia for filming. Faaturaa of thia 
copy which may ba bibliographically uniqua. 
which may altar any of tha imagaa in tha 
raproduction. or which may tignificantiy changa 
tha uaual mathod of filming, ara chackad balow. 



□ Colourad covara/ 
Couvarturo da coulaur 



I — I Covara damagad/ 



D 



n 



D 



Couvartura andommagia 



Covara raatorad and/or laminatad/ 
Couvartura raataurte at/ou palliculia 



□ Covar titia miaaing/ 
La 



titra da couvartura manqua 



I I Colourad mapa/ 



Cartaa giographiquaa 9n coulaur 



□ Colourad ink (i.a. othar than blua or black)/ 
Encra da coulaur (i.a. autra qua biaua ou noira) 

I — I Coi^ourad plataa and/or iliuatrationa/ 



D 



Planchaa at/ou iliuatrationa 9n coulaur 



Bound with othar matarial/ 
Rail* avac d'autraa documanta 



Tight binding may eauaa ahadovira or diatortion 
along intarior margin/ 

La r» liura sarria paut cauaar da I'ombra ou da la 
diatoraion la tong do la marga IntArfaura 

Blank laavaa addad during raatoration may 
appaar within tha taxt. Whanavar poaaibla. thaaa 
hava baan omittad from filming/ 
II aa paut qua cartainaa pagaa blanchaa ajoutiaa 
lora d'una raatauration apparaiaaant dana la taxta. 
maia. lorsqua cala itait poaaibla, caa pagaa n'ont 
paa 6t* filmiaa. 

Additional commanta:/ 
Commantairaa supplimantairaa: 



L'Inatitut a microfilm* la maillaur axamplaira 
qu'il lui a M poaaibla da aa procurar. Laa details 
da cat axamplaira qui aont paut-Atra uniquaa du 
point da vua bibliographiqua, qui pauvant modif iar 
una imaga raproduita, ou qui pauvant axigar una 
modification dana la mAthoda normaia da filmaga 
aont indiqute ci-daaaoua. 



r~1 Colourad pagaa/ 







Pagaa da coulaur 

Pagaa damagad/ 
Pagaa andommagiaa 

Pagaa raatorad and/oi 

Pagaa raataurtea at/ou pallicultea 

Pagaa diacolourad. stainad or foxa« 
Pagaa dAcoloriaa, tachatias ou piquias 

Pagaa datachad/ 
Pagaa dAtachias 

Showthrough/ 
Tranaparanca 

Quality of prin 

Quality inigala da I'impraaaion 

Includaa aupplamantary matarii 
Comprand du material suppi^mantaira 

Only adition availabia/ 
Saula MItion diaponibia 



|~~*| Pagaa damagad/ 

I — I Pagaa raatorad and/or laminatad/ 

FT] Pagaa diacolourad. stainad or foxad/ 

I I Pagaa datachad/ 

Fyj Showthrough/ 

rn Quality of print varias/ 

pn Includaa aupplamantary matarial/ 

I — I Only adition availabia/ 



Tha 
pes 
oft 
film 



Orif 

bag 

tha 

aion 

oth( 

first 

sion 

oril 



Tho 
ahal 
TINl 
whi( 

M«f 

diffi 
anti 
bog 

righ^ 
roqu 
mot 



Pagaa wholly or partially obscured by errata 
slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to 
ensure the best possible image/ 
Les pages totalement ou partiellement 
obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, 
etc., ont M filmtes A nouveau de facon A 
obtenir la mailleure image possible. 



This item is filmed at tha reduction ratio checked below/ 

Ce document eat film* au taux da reduction indiquA ci-daaaoua. 



10X 








14X 








18X 








22X 








26X 








30X 
























y 





























12X 



16X 



aox 



24X 



28X 



32X 



Th« copy filmad h«r« haa b—n raproducMl thanks 
to tha ganaroaity of: 

Dana Porter Art> Library 
Univarahy of Watarloo 

Tha imagaa appaaring hara ara tha boat quality 
poaaibia conaidaring tha condition and lagibility 
of tha originai copy and in icaaping with tt«a 
Aiming contract apacif ieationa. 



Originai copiaa in printad papar covara ara fiimad 
baginning with tha front oovar and anding on 
tha iaat paga with a printad or iiiuatratad impraa- 
•ion, or tha bacic eovar whan appropri'ata. Aii 
othar originai copiaa ara fiimad baginning on tha 
first paga with a printad or iliuatratad impraa> 
aion, and anding on tha Iaat paga with a printad 
or iliuatratad impraaaion. 



L'axampiaira film* fut raproduit grica i la 
gAniroaitA da: 

Dana Portar Arts Library 
Univarsity of Watarloo 

Laa imagaa auivantaa ont «t« raproduitaa avac la 
plua grand toin, compta tanu da la condition at 
da la nattat* da l'axampiaira film*, at an 
conformity avac laa conditions du contrat da 
fiimaga. 

I.aa axampiairaa originaux dont |a couvartura an 
papiar aat ImprimAa sont f llmis wt commandant 
par la pramiar plat at it tarminant soit par la 
dami4ra paga qui comporta una amprainta 
d'imprassion ou d'illustration. soit par la sacond 
plat, salon la cas. Tous laa autras axamplairas 
originaux sont filmis an commandant par la 
pramMra paga qui comporta una amprainta 
dimpraasion ou d'illuatratlon at an tarminant par 
la darnlAra paga qui comporta una taila 
amprainta. 



Tha iaat racordad frama on aach microficha 
shall contain tha symbol —^(moaning "CON- 
TINUED"), or tha symbol ▼ (moaning "END"), 
whichavar appiiaa. 



Un daa symboiaa suivanta apparaitra sur la 
darniAra imaga da ehaqua microficha. salon la 
caa: la symbols — ^ signifia "A SUiVRE", la 
symbols V signifia "FIN". 



Mapa, plataa. charts, ate., may ba fiimad at 
diffarant raduction ratioa. Thoaa too larga to ba 
antlraly includad in ona axpoaura ara fiimad 
baginning in tha uppar laft hand comar. laft to 
right and top to bottom, aa many framaa aa 
raquirad. Tha following diagrama lliuatrata tha 
mathod: 



Laa cartas, pianchaa. tablaaux, ate. pauvant Atra 
fiimAa A das taux da riduction diff^ants. 
Lorsqua la document ast trop grand pour Atra 
raproduit an un saul cllchA, ii ast film* A partir 
da I'angla supAriaur gaucha. da gaucha A droita, 
at da haut an baa, an pranant la nombra 
d'Imagaa nAcaasaira. Las diagrammas suivants 
liiuatrant la mAthoda. 



1 2 3 




1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 



HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



OF 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 




CM Ifc U S T O F IBi ]Z Hi C '^ jL HI M ]E U g „ 



t-y^i-. 



f1- /'//( . 'ioui'/ . ■'■/._ 



i:.i/^ 



'I 



HISTORY OF THE REIGN 



ov 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA 



THE CATHOLIC. 



By WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT, 

CORRBSPONDINO MBMBBR OP THB INSTITUTB OP PKANCB, OP THB ROVAI. 
ACADBMV OP HISTORY AT MADRID, BTC. 



Conjugio tali I 



Qua (urgere regnm 
Virgil. jEntld. iv. 47. 

Crevere vires, fiimaque et imperi 
Porrecta majestaa ab Euro 
Solis ad Occiduum cubile. 

Horat, Carm. iv. 15. 



NEW AND REVISED EDITION. 

WITH THE author's LATEST CORRECTIONS AND 

ADDITIONS. 



EDITED BY JOHN FOSTER KIRK. 



IN THREE VOLUMES— VOL. IIL 



PHILADELPHIA: 

J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO. 

1875. 



Property of the Library 
^fi\yi^x%\\yi of Waterloo 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, In the year 1837, by 

WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Massachusetts. 



Reentered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1865, by 

SUSAN PRESCOTT and WILLIAM GARDINER PRESCOTT, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Massachusetu. 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 187a, by 

J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO., 
In the OfiBce of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. 



Lippincott's Prbss, 
Philadblphia. 



.1 



CONTENTS OF VOL. III. 



PART SECOND. 



THE PERIOD WHEN, THE INTERIOR ORGANIZATION OF THE 
MONARCHY HAVING BEEN COMPLETED, THE SPANISH 
NATION ENTERED ON ITS SCHEMES OF DISCOVERY AND 
CONQUEST ; OR THE PERIOD ILLUSTRATING MORE PAR- 
TICULARLY THE FOREIGN POLICY OF FERDINAND AND 
ISABELLA. 

(CONTINUBD.) 



CHAPTER X. 



PAGB 



Italian Wars.— Partition of Naples. — Gonsalvo over 

RUNS Calabria 3 

Louis XII.'s Designs on Italy 
Politics of that Country .... 
The French conquer Milan . 
Alarm of the Spanish Court . . . 
Remonstrance to the Pope . . . 
Boldness of Garcilasso de la Vega . 
Negotiations with Venice and the Emperor 
Louis openly menaces Naples . 
Views of Ferdinand .... 
Fleet fitted out under Gonsalvo de Cordova 
Partition of Naples .... 
Ground of Ferdinand's Claim . 
Gonsalvo sails against the Turks . 
Storming of St. George . . ... 
Honors paid to Gonsalvo 



4 
4 
5 
6 
6 

7 
8 

9 
xo 

13 

»3 
14 
z6 

17 

19 



(iii) 



iv CONTENTS. 

PAOB 

The Pope confirms the Partition 20 

Astonishment of Italy so 

Success and Cruelties of the French 23 

Fate of Frederick 2a 

Gonsalvo invades Calabria • . . 25 

Invests Tarento 26 

Discontents in the Army 26 

Munificence of Gonsalvo 27 

He punishes a Mutiny 28 

Bolder Plan of Attack 29 

Tarento surrenders . • 30 

Perjury of Gonsalvo 31 



CHAPTER XL 



Italian Wars.— Rupture with France.— Gonsalvo be- 



sieged IN Barleta .... 

Mutual Distrust of the French and Spaniards 

Cause of Rupture 

The French begin Hostilities 

The Italians favor them . . . 

The French Army ... 

Inferiority of the Spaniards 

Gonsalvo retires to Barleta . 

Siege of Canosa .... 

Chivalrous Character of the War . 

Tournament near Trani . 

Duel between Bayard and Sotomayor 

Distress of the Spaniards . 

Spirit of Gonsalvo 

The French reduce Calabria 

Constancy of the Spaniards . 

Nemours defies the Spaniards . . 

Rout of the French Rear-guard . 

Arrival of Supplies .... 

Design on Ruvo .... 

Gonsalvo storms and takes it 

His Treatment of the Prisoners 

Prepares to leave Barleta . 



35 
35 
36 
38 
39 
41 
42 

43 
45 
46 

47 
48 

SO 
SI 
5a 
53 
S3 
54 
55 
56 
57 

59 
60 



CONTENTS. f 
CHAPTER XII. 

PAGB 

Italian Wars.— Negotiations with France.— Victory 
OF Cerignola.— Surrender of Naples . . .61 

Birth of Charles V 61 

Philip and Joanna visit Spain 63 

Recognized by Cortes 65 

Philip's Discontent 66 

Leaves Spain for France 67 

Negotiates a Treaty with Louis XII 68 

Treaty of Lyons 69 

The Great Captain refuses to comply with it . . . .71 

Marches out of Barleta 73 

Distress of the Troops 73 

Encamps before Cerignola 73 

Nemours pursues . 74 

The Spanish Forces 75 

The French Forces 76 

Battle of Cerignola 76 

Death of Nemours ^^ 

Rout of the French 78 

Their Loss 79 

Pursuit of the Enemy 80 

D'Aubigny defeated 8z 

Submission of Naples 83 

Triumphant Entry of Gonsalvo . . . . . .83 

Fortresses of Naples 84 

Castel Nuovo stormed 85 

Nearly all the Kingdom reduced 86 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Negotiations with France.— Unsuccessful Invasion of 

Spain.— Truce 87 

Treaty of Lyons 87 

Rejected by Ferdinand ........ 88 

His Policy examined 89 

Joanna's Despondency 93 

First Symptoms of her Insanity 94 



id 



CONTENTS. 



PAGB 



The Queen hastens to her 95 

Isabella's Distress . , • 
Her Illness and Fortitude . , 
The French invade Spain . , 
Siege of Salsas • . . . 
Isabella's Exertions . . , 
Ferdinand's Successes . . , 
Truce with France 
Reflections on the Campaign . . 
Impediments to Historic Accuracy 
Speculative Writers . , 



CHAPTER XIV 

Italian Wars.—Condition of Italy. — French and Span- 
ish Armies on the Garigliano 

Melancholy Condition of Italy . 
Views of the Italian States 
Of the Emperor .... 
Great Preparations of Louis XII. . 
Death of Alexander VI. 
Electioneering Intrigues .. . . 

Julius II 

Gonsalvo repulsed before Gaeta 
Strength of his Forces 
Occupies San Germano . 
The French encamp on the Garigliano 
Passage of the Bridge . . , 
Desperate Resistance . 
The French resume their Quarters . 
Anxious Expectation of Italy . 
Gonsalvo strengthens his Position . 
Great Distress of the Army 
Gonsalvo's Resolution . . 
Remarkable Instance of it . 
Patience of the Spaniards . 
Situation of the French 
Their Insubordination 
Saluzzo takes the Command 



95 
96 

97 
99 
100 
103 
103 
104 
106 
107 



109 

109 

"3 
114 

"S 
116 

118 
119 
120 
121 
123 
124 
126 
136 
128 
129 
136 
130 

131 
131 
133 
133 
134 
134 



Heroism of Paredes and Bayard 135 



CONTENTS. 



vii 



CHAPTER XV. 

PAGI 

Italian Wars.— Rout of the Garigliano.— Treaty 

WITH France.— GoNs A Lvo's Military Conduct . 138 

Gonsalvo secures the Orsini 138 

Assumes the Offensive 139 

Plan of Attack I40 

Consternation of the French . . . . . . . 141 

They retreat on Gaeta 142 

Action at the Bridge of Mola 143 

Hotly contested 144 

Arrival of the Spanish Rear 144 

The French routed 145 

Their Loss 146 

Gallantry of their Chivalry 147 

Capitulation of Gaeta 147 

Gonsalvo's Courtesy 150 

Chagrin of Louis XII 150 

Sufferings of the French 151 

The Spaniards occupy Gaeta 152 

Public Enthusiasm 153 

Extortions of the Spanish Troops 154 

Gonsalvo's Liberality to his Officers 155 

Apprehensions of Louis XII . 156 

Treaty with France ........ 157 

Gallantry of Louis d'Ars 158 

Causes of the French Failures 159 

Review of Gonsalvo's Conduct x6o 

His Reform of the Service 161 

Influence over the Army 163 

His Confidence in their Character 163 

Position of the Army ....,,.. 165 

Results of the Campaigns 165 

Memoirs of Gonsalvo de Cordova 166 

Fiench Chronicles 168 



• •• 

Vlll 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

PAOB 

rLLNEss AND Death OF ISABEi^LA.— -Her Character . 171 

Decline of the Queen's Health 171 

Mad Conduct of Joanna 173 

The Queen seized with a Fever 173 

Retains her Energies 174 

Alarm of the Nation , 175 

Her Testament 176 

Settles the Succession 177 

Ferdinand named Regent 178 

Provision for him 175 

Her Codicil 180 

She fails rapidly ......... 182 

Her Resignation and Death . . ... . . . 183 

Her Remains transported to Granada 184 

Laid in the Alhambra . . . . . . . . 185 

Isabella's Person J85 

Her Manners 186 

Her Magnanimity 188 

Her Piety 189 

Her Bigotry 191 

Common to her Age 292 

And later Times Z93 

Her Strength of Principle 194 

Her Practical Sense 195 

Her unwearied Activity 196 

Her Courage 197 

Her Spnsibility 199 

Parallel with Queen Elizabeth aoi 

Universal Homage to her Virtues 907 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Ferdinand Regent. — His second Marriage.— Dissen- 
sions WITH Philip.— Resignation of the Regency . 210 

Philip and Joanna proclaimed 310 

Discontent of the Nobles 313 

Don Juan Manuel 213 



IL- 



171 
173 
173 
«74 
i7S 
176 

177 
178 
179 
180 
Z83 

183 
Z84 

X8S 

x8S 
186 
188 
189 
191 
192 

193 

194 

19s 
196 

197 

199 
301 
ao7 



CONTENTS. ix 

VAOB 

Philip's Pretensions 214 

His Party increases ai6 

He tampers with Gonsalvo de Cordova 219 

Ferdinand's Perplexities 220 

Proposals for a second Marriage 222 

Policy of Louis XH 223 

Treaty with France 224 

Its Impolicy 225 

Concord of Salamanca • • . 227 

Philip and Joanna embark 228 

Reach Corufla 231 

Philip joined by the Nobles 231 

His Character 232 

Ferdinand unpopular 234 

Interview with Philip . 235 

Courteous Deportment of Ferdinand 236 

Philip's Distrust 237 

Ferdinand resigns the Regency 238 

His private Protest 239 

His Motives 240 

Second Interview 242 

Departure of Ferdinand 243 

Authorities for the Account of Philip 244 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

Columbus.— His Return TO Spain.— His Death . . 245 

Columbus's last Voyage . . . . . . . 245 

He learns Isabella's Death . 346 

His Illness a^y 

He visits the Court . . . , 348 

Ferdinand's unjust Treatment of him 249 

He declines in Health and Spirits 250 

His Death 251 

His Person and Habits . 252 

His Enthusiasm 253 

His lofty Character .... .... 254 

A* 



X CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

rAGB 

Reign and Death of Philip I.— Proceedings in Castile. 

—Ferdinand VISITS Naples 356 

Philip and Joanna 356 

Philip's arbitrary Government 357 

Reckless Extravagance 358 

Troubles from the Inqubition 359 

Ferdinand's Distrust of Gonsalvo 361 

He sails for Naples 364 

Gonsalvo's Loyalty 364 

Death of Philip 367 

His Character 369 

Provisional Government 371 

Joanna's Condition . . . - 373 

Convocation of Cortes ' . 374 

Ferdinand received with Enthusiasm 375 

His Entry into Naples . . . . . . . . 376 

Restores the Angevins 378 

General Dissatisfaction 379 






CHAPTER XX. 

Ferdinand's Return and Regency.— Gonsalvo's Honors 

AND Retirement 380 

Meeting of Cortes ........ 380 

Joanna's insane Conduct 380 

She changes her Ministers . 383 

Disorderly State of Castile 384 

Distress of the Kingdom ....... 385 

Ferdinand's politic Behavior 386 

He leaves Naples 388 

Gonsalvo de Cordova 288 

Grief of the Neapolitans . 391 

Brilliant Interview of Ferdinand and Louis .... 393 

Compliments to Gonsalvo .^ 293 

The King's Reception in Castile 295 

Joanna's Retirement 396 

Irregularity of Ferdinand's Proceedings . . . . . 299 



CONTENTS, xi 

PAOB 

General Amnesty 301 

He establishes a Guard 30a 

His excessive Severity 303 

Disgust of the Nobles 305 

Gonsalvo's Progress through the Country . • . . 306 

Ferdinand breaks his Word 307 

The Queen's Coolness 308 

Gonsalvo withdraws from Court 309 

Splendor of his Retirement 309 

CHAPTER XXI. 



XiMENES.— Conquests in Africa.— University of AlcalX. 

—Polyglot Bible 311 

Policy of Ferdinand's Severity 311 

Enthusiasm of Ximenes 313 

His Designs against Oran 314 

His warlike Preparations r . 314 

His Perseverance . . . . . . . . 316 

Sends an Army to Africa 316 

Addresses the Troops 317 

The Command left to Navarro 318 

Battle before Oran 318 

The City stormed 320 

Moorish Loss 321 

Ximenes enters Oran 321 

Opposition of his General 333 

His Distrust of Ferdinand 324 

Ximenes returns to Spain ....... 325 

Refuses public Honors 325 

Navarro's African Conquests 337 

College of Ximenes at Alcald 330 

Its Magnificence 331 

Provisions for Education 332 

The King visits the University 335 

Polyglot Edition of the Bible 336 

Difficulties of the Task 338 

Grand Projects of Ximenes 341 



xii 



CONTENTS. 









CHAPTER XXII. 

rAOB 

Wars and Politics of Italy 344 

Projects against Venice .....•• 345 

League of Cambray 345 

Its Origin 346 

Louis XII. invades Italy 348 

Resolution of Venice 349 

Alarm of Ferdinand 350 

Investiture of Naples 351 

Holy League 353 

Gaston de Foix 353 

Battle of Ravenna 354 

Death of Gaston de Foix . 356 

His Character 356 

The French retreat 358 

Venice disgusted 359 

Battle of Novara . 360 

Of La Motta 361 

The Spaniards victorious 361 

Dam's " Histoire de Venise" 361 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

Conquest of Navarre 363 

Sovereigns of Navarre . . . . . • . 363 

Distrust of Spain 365 

Negotiations with France 365 

Ferdinand demands a Passage 366 

Navarre allied to France 367 

Invaded by Alva 368 

And conquered 369 

Character of Jean d'Albret 370 

Discontent of the English 371 

Discomfiture of the French 37a 

Treaty of Orthis 373 

Ferdinand settles his Conquests ...... 375 

United with Castile 376 

The King's Conduct examined 377 



4 



CONTENTS. xiii 

VAOB 

Right of Passage 380 

Imprudence of Navarre 38> 

It authorizes War 381 

Gross Abuse of Victory 38a 

Authorities for the History of Navarre .... 383 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Death of Gonsalvo de Cordova. — Illness and Death 

OF Ferdinand.— His Characier 385 

Maximilian's Pretensions 385 

Gonsalvo ordered to Italy 386 

General Enthusiasm ... . . . . . 387 

The King's Distrust 387 

Gonsalvo goes into Retirement 388 

The King's Desire for Children 389 

Decline of his Health 390 

Gonsalvo 's Illness and Death 393 

Public Grief 39a 

His Character 394 

His private Virtues 396 

His Want of Faith 397 

His Loyalty 399 

Ferdinand's Illness increases 400 

His Insensibility to his Situation 401 

His last Hours 403 

His Death and Testament 404 

His Body transported to Granada ...... 406 

His Person and Character 408 

His Temperance and Economy 409 

His Bigotry 41X 

Accused of Hypocrisy 41a 

His Perfidy 413 

His shrewd Policy 415 

His Insensibility . 416 

Contrast with Isabella 417 

Gloomy Close of his Life 418 

His kingly Qualities 420 

Judgment of his Contemporaries • . • • • 430 



auv 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XXV. 



PAQB 



Administration, Death, and Character of Cardinal 
XlMENES 404 

Disputes respecting the Regency 
Charles proclaimed King . . 



Anecdote of Ximenes . 

His Military Ordinance . 

His domestic Policy . 

His foreign Policy . 

Assumes the sole Power 

Intimidates the Nobles . 

Public Discontents 

Treaty of Noyon . 

Charles lands in Spain 

His ungrateful Letter 

The Cardinal's last Illness 

His Death 

His Character 

His Versatility of Talent 

His despotic Government 

His moral Principle 

His Disinterestedness . 

His monastic Austerities . 

His Economy of Time 

His Person 

Parallel with Richelieu 

Notice of Galindez de Carbajal 



4^5 

497 
427 

4a8 
43t 
43X 
43a 

434 
434 
435 
437 
438 
439 

439 

440 

441 
443 



445 
446 

447 
448 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

General Review of the Administration of Ferdinand 

AND Isabella 450 

Policy of the Crown 450 

Depression of the Nobles 451 

Their great Power • . 45* 

Treatment of the Church 456 

Care of Morals 458 

State of the Commons . 459 



CONTENTS. XV 

Their Consideration 461 

Royal Ordinances 463 

Arbitrary Measures of Ferdinand 466 

Advancement of Prerogative 468 

Legal Compilations 470 

Organiiation of Councils 474 

Legal Profession advanced 476 

Character of the Laws 476 

Erroneous Principles of Legislation 478 

Principal Exports 481 

Manufactures 483 

Agriculture 484 

Economical Policy ' . 487 

Internal Improvements 489 

Increase of Empire 490 

Government of Naples 49a 

Revenues from the Indies . 493 

Spirit of Adventure 494 

Progress of Discovery ....... 495 

Excesses of the Spaniards • 497 

Slavery in the Colonies ....... 500 

Colonial Administration 50a 

General Prosperity 503 

Public Embellishments 507 

Augmentation of Revenue 509 

Increase of Population 510 

Patriotic Principle 51a 

Chivalrous Spirit of the People . . . . . .513 

Spirit of Bigotry 517 

Beneficent Impulse 5ig 

ITie Period of National Glory . . , , , . 519 



!i !i 



!i'l 







.^^Tf^ ^f/m/>///fif//S 



f/f 



^\ 



PART SECOND. 

(continued.) 



I493-I5I7. 

The period when, the interior organization of the mon- 
archy HAVING been completed, THE SPANISH NATION 
entered on its schemes of discovery AND CONQUEST; 
OR THE PERIOD ILLUSTRATING MORE PARTICULARLY THE 
FOREIGN POLICY OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



Vol. III.— I 



CHAPTER X. 

ITALIAN WARS. — PARTITION OF NAPLES. — GONSALVO 
OVERRUNS CALABRIA. 



1498-1502. 

Louis XIL's Designs on Italy. — Alarm of the Spanish Court. — Bold 
Conduct of its Minister at Rome. — Celebrated Partition of Naples. 
— Gonsalvo sails against the Turks. — Success and Cruelties of the 
French. — Gonsalvo invades Calabria. — He punishes a Mutiny. — 
His munificent Spirit. — He captures Tarento. — Seizes the Duke of 
Calabria. 

During the last four years of our narrative, in which 
the unsettled state of the kingdom and the progress of 
foreign discovery appeared to demand the whole atten- 
tion of the sovereigns, a most important revolution 
was going forward in the affairs of Italy. The death 
of Charles the Eighth would seem to have dissolved 
the relations recently arisen between that country 
and the rest of Europe, and to have restored it to its 
ancient independence. It might naturally have been 
expected that France, under her new monarch, who 
had reached a mature age, rendered still more mature 
by the lessons he had received in the school of ad- 
versity, would feel the folly of reviving ambitious 
schemes, which had cost so dear and ended so disas- 
trously. Italy, too, it might have been presumed, 
lacerated and still bleeding at every pore, would have 
learned the fatal consequence of invoking foreign aid 

(3) 






I. 



ii 



4 ITALIAN IVARS. 

in her domestic quarrels, and of throwing open the 
gates to a torrent sure to sweep down friend and foe 
indiscriminately in its progress. But experience, alas! 
did not bring wisdom, and passion triumphed as usual. 

Louis the Twelfth, on ascending the throne, assumed 
the titles of Duke of Milan and King of Naples, thus 
unequivocally announcing his intention of asserting 
his claims, derived through the Visconti family, to the 
'former, and, through the Angevin dynasty, to the latter 
state. His aspiring temper was stimulated rather than 
satisfied by the martial renown he had acquired in the 
Italian wars ; and he was urged on by the great body 
of the French chivalry, who, disgusted with a life of 
inaction, longed for a field where they might win new 
laurels arid indulge in the joyous license of military 
adventure. 

Unhappily, the court of France found ready instru- 
ments for its purpose in the profligate politicians of 
Italy. The Roman pontiff, in particular, Alexander 
the Sixth, whose criminal ambition assumes something 
respectable by contrast with the low vices in which he 
was habitually steeped, willingly lent himself to a mon- 
arch who could so effectually serve his selfish schemes 
of building up the fortunes of his family. The ancient 
republic of Venice, departing from her usual sagacious 
policy, and yielding to her hatred of Lodovico Sforza, 
and to the lust of territorial acquisition, consented to 
unite her arms with those of France against Milan, 
in consideration of a share (not the lion's share) of 
the spoils of victory. Florence, and many other infe- 
rior powers, whether from fear or weakness, or the 
short-sighted hope of assistance in their petty inter- 



PARTITION OF NAPLES. 



national feuds, consented either to throw their weight 
into the same scale or to remain neutral.* 

Having thus secured himself from molestation in 
Italy, Louis the Twelfth entered into negotiations with 
such other European powers as were most likely to 
interfere with his designs. The emperor Maximilian, 
whose relations with Milan would most naturally have 
demanded hiS interposition, was deeply entangled in 
a war with the S^iss. The neutrality of Spain was 
secured by the treaty of Marcoussis, August 5th, 1498, 
which settled all the existing differences with that 
country. And a treaty with Savoy in the following 
year guaranteed to the French army a free passage 
through her mountain-passes into Italy.' 

Having completed these arrangements, Louis lost no 
time in mustering his forces, which, descending like a 
torrent on the fair plains of Lombardy, effected the 
conquest of the entire duchy in little more than a 
fortnight ; and, although the prize was snatched for a 
moment from his grasp, yet French valor and Swiss 
perfidy soon restored it. The miserable Sforza, the 
dupe of arts which he had .so long practised, was trans- 
ported into France, where he lingered out the remainder 
of his days in doleful captivity. He had first called 
the barbarians into Italy, and it was a righteous retri- 
bution which made him their earliest victim.' 

' Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. i. lib, 4, p. 214, ed. 1645. — Flassan, 
Diplomatic Fran9aise, torn. i. pp. 275, 277. 

" Duinont, Corps diplomatique, torn. iii. pp. 397-400. — Flassan, 
Diplomatic Fran9aise, tom. i. p. 279. 

3 Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 4, pp. 250-252. — Memoires de la Tr6- 
moille, chap. 19, apud Petitot, Collection de Memoires, tom. xiv. — 
Buonaccorsi, Diario de" Successi piu important! (Fiorenza, 1568), pp. 
a<>-29. 



:' 



!| 



; 1 ,'. 



ii 

m II 



i 



6 



ITALIAN WARS. 



By the conquest of Milan, France now took her 
place among the Italian powers. A preponderating 
weight was thus thrown into the scale, which disturbed 
the ancient political balance, and which, if the projects 
on Naples should be realized, would wholly annihilate 
it. These consequences, to which the Italian states 
seemed strangely insensible, had long been foreseen 
by the sagacious eye of Ferdinand the Catholic, who 
watched the movements of his powerful neighbor with 
the deepest anxiety. He had endeavored, before the 
invasion of Milan, to awaken the different governments 
in Italy to a sense of their danger, and to stir them up 
to some efficient combination against it.* Both he and 
the queen had beheld with disquietude the increasing 
corruptions of the papal court, and that shameless cu- 
pidity and lust of power which made it the convenient 
tool of the French monarch. 

By their orders, Garcilasso de la Vega, the Spanish 
ambassador, read a letter from his sovereigns in the 
presence of his Holiness, commenting on his scandal- 

4 Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 3, cap. 31. — Martyr, 
in a letter written soon after Sforza's recovery of his 'Capital, says that 
the Spanish sovereigns " could not conceal their joy at the event, such 
was their jealousy of France." (Opus Epist., epist. 213.) The same 
sagacious writer, the distance of whose residence from Italy removed 
him from those political rancors and prejudices which clouded the 
optics ol* his countrymen, saw with deep regret their coalition with 
France, the fatal consequences of which he predicted in a letter to a 
friend in Venice, the former minister at the Spanish court. " The king 
of France," says he, " after he has dined with the duke of Milan, will 
come and sup with you." (Epist. 207.) Daru, on the authority of 
Burchard, refers this remarkable prediction, which time so fully verified, 
to Sforza, on his quitting his capital. (Hist, de Venise, torn. iii. p. 326, 
3d ed.) Martyr's letter, however, is dated some months previously to 
that event. 



PARTITION OF NAPLES. 



7 



ous immorality, his invasion of ecclesiastical rights 
appertaining to the Spanish crown, his schemes of 
selfish aggrandizement, and especially his avowed pur- 
pose of transferring his son, Caesar Borgia, from a 
sacred to a secular dignity ; a circumstance that must 
necessarily make him, from the manner in which it 
was to be conducted, the instrument of Louis the 
Twelfth.* 

This unsavory rebuke, which probably lost nothing 
of its pungency from the tone in which it was delivered, 
so incensed the pope that he attempted to seize the 
paper and tear it in pieces, giving vent at the same time 
to the most indecent reproaches against the minister 
and his sovereigns. Garcilasso coolly waited till the 
storm had subsided, and then replied, undauntedly, 
"that he had uttered no more than became a loyal 
subject of Castile ; that he should never shrink from 
declaring freely what his sovereigns commanded, or what 
he conceived to be for the good of Christendom ; and, 
if his Holiness were displeased with it, he could dismiss 
him from his court, where he was convinced, indeed, 
his residence could be no longer useful."* 

5 Louis XII., for the good offices of the pope in the affair of his 
divorce from the unfortunate Jeanne of France, promised the un- 
cardinalled Caesar Borgia the duchy of Valence in Dauphiny, with 
a rent of 20,000 livres, and a considerable force to support him in his 
flagitious enterprises against the princes of Romagna. (Guicciardini, 
Istoria, torn. i. lib. 4, p. 207. — Sismondi, Hist, des Fran9ais, tom. xv. p. 
275.) In a letter written not long after by the Spanish minister to his 
sovereigns, he freely comments on the selfish and fickle character of 
the pope, veiling himself " como suela en las ypocrisias. Yo no lo 
puedo sufrir." Carta de Garcilasso de la Vega, Roma, 8 de Nov. 
1499, MS. 

* Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, tom. i. lib. 3, cap. 33. — Garcilasso 



8 



ITALIAN WARS. 



Ferdinand had no better fortune at Venice, where 
his negotiations were conducted by Lorenzo Suarez de 
la Vega, an adroit diplomatist, brother of Garcilasso.' 
These negotiations were resumed after the occupation 
of Milan by the French, when the minister availed 
himself of the jealousy occasioned by that event to 
excite a determined resistance to the proposed ng- 
gression on Naples. But the republic was too sorely 
pressed by the Turkish war — which Sforza, in the hope 
of creating a diversion in his own favor, had brought 
on his country — to have leisure for other operations. 
Nor did the Spanish court succeed any better at this 
crisis with the emperor Maximilian, whose magnifi- 
cent pretensions were ridiculously contrasted with his 
limited authority, and still more limited revenues, 
so scanty, indeed, as to gain him the contemptuous 
epithet among the Italians ol pochi denari, or "the 
Moneyless." He had conceived himself, indeed, 
greatly injured, both on the score of his imperial 
rights and his connection with Sforza, by the conquest 
of Milan ; but, with the levity and cupidity essential 
to his character, he suffered himself, notwithstanding 

de la Vega seems to have possessed little of the courtly and politic 
address of a diplomatist. In a subsequent audience, which the pope 
gave him together with a special embassy from Castile, his blunt 
expostulation so much exasperated his Holiness that the latter hinted 
it would not cost him much to have him thrown into the Tiber. The 
bold bearing of the Castilian, however, appears to have had its effect ; 
since we find the pope soon after revoking an offensive ecclesiastical 
provision he had made in Spain, taking occasion at the same time to 
eulogize the character of the Catholic sovereigns in full consistory. 
Ibid., lib. 3, cap. 33, 35. 

7 Oviedo has made this cavalier the subject of one of his dialogues. 
Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, quinc. 3, dial. 44. 



'Ill 



PAKriTlON OF NAPLES. ^ 

the remonstrances of the Spanish court, to be bribed 
into a truce with King Louis, which gave the latter 
full scope for his meditated enterprise on Naples.' 

Thus disembarrassed of the most formidable means 
of annoyance, the French monarch went briskly for- 
ward with his preparations, the object of which he did 
not affect to conceal. Frederick, the unfortunate king 
of Naples, saw himself with dismay now menaced with 
the loss of empire, before he had time to taste the 
sweets of it. He knew not where to turn for refuge, 
in his desolate condition, from the impending storm. 
His treasury was drained, and his kingdom wasted, by 
the late war. His subjects, although attached to his 
person, were too familiar with revolutions to stake 
their lives or fortunes on the cast. His countrymen, 
the Italians, were in the interest of his enemy; and his 
nearest neighbor, the pope, had drawn from personal 
pique motives for the most deadly hostility.' He had 
as little reliance on the king of Spain, his natural ally 
and kinsman, who, he well knew, had always regarded 
the crown of Naples as his own rightful inheritance. 
He resolved, therefore, to apply at once to the French 
monarch ; and he endeavored to propitiate him by the 



8 Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn, i, lib. 3, cap. 38, 39. — Daru, 
Hist, de Venise, torn. iii. pp. 336, 339, 347. — Muratori, Annali d'ltalia 
(Milano, 1820), torn. xiv. pp. 9, lo. — Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. i. lib. 
S, p. 260. 

9 Alexander VI. had requested the hand of Carlotta, daughter of 
King Frederick, for his son, Caesar Borgia ; but this was a sacrifice at 
which pride and parental affection aliiie revolted. The slight was not 
to be forgiven by the implacable Borgias. Comp. Giannone, Istoria 
di Napoli, lib. 29, cap. 3.— Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. i. lib. 4, p. 223. 
— Zurit.-!, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 3, cap. 22. 

A* 



10 



ITALIAN WARS. 



^ti! 



most humiliating concessions, — the ofTer of an annual 
tribute, and the surrender into his hands of some of 
the principal fortresses in the kingdom. Finding these 
advances coldly received, he invoked, in the extremity 
of his distress, the aid of the Turkish sultan, Bajazet, 
the terror of Christendom, requesting such supplies 
of troops as should enable him to make head against 
their common foe. This desperate step produced no 
other result than that of furnishing the enemies of the 
unhappy prince with a plausible ground of accusation 
against him, of which they did not fail to make good 
use.'" 

The Spanish government, in the mean time, made 
the most vivid remonstrances, through its residenl 
minister, or agents expressly accredited for the pur- 
pose, against the proposed expedition of Louis the 
Twelfth. It even went so far as to guarantee the 
faithful discharge of the tribute proffered by the king 
of Naples." But the reckless ambition of the firench 
monarch, overleaping the barriers of prudence, and 
indeed of common sense, disdained the fruits of con- 
quest without the name. 

Ferdinand now found himself apparently reduced to 
the alternative of abandoning the prize at once to the 
French king, or of making battle with him in defence 
of his royal kinsman. The first of these measures, 
which would bring a restless and powerful rival on 



" Guicciardini, Istoria, torn, i, lib. 5, pp. 265, 266. — Giannone, Istoria 
di Napoli, lib. 29, cap. 3. — Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 
3, cap, 40. — Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, lib. i, p. 229. — Daru, Hist, 
do Vonise, torn. iii. p. 338. 

II Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., lib. 14, epist. 218. 



PARTITION OF NAPLliS. 



II 



the borders of his Sicilian dominions, was not to be 
thought of for a moment. The latter, which pledged 
him a second time to the support of pretensions hostile 
to his own, was scarcely more palatable. A third ex- 
pedient suggested itself; the partition of the kingdom, 
as hinted in the negotiations with Charles the Eighth, 
by which means the Spanish government, if it could 
not rescue the whole prize from the grasp of Louis, 
would at least divide it with him." 

Instructions were accordingly given to Gralla, the 
minister at the court of Paris, to sound the govern- 
ment on this head, bringing it forward as his own pri- 
vate suggestion. Care was taken at the same time to 
secure a party in the French councils to the interests 
of Ferdinand." The suggestions of the Spanish envoy 
received additional weight from the report of a con- 



" See Part II., chapter 3, of this History. — F'crdinand, it seems, en- 
tertained the thought of visiting Italy in person. This appears from a 
letter, or rather an elaborate memorial, of Garcilasso de la Vega, urging 
various considerations to dissuade his master from this step. In the 
course of it he lays open the policy and relative strength of the Italian 
states, half of whom, at leixst, he regards as in the interests of France. 
At the same time he advises the king to carry the war across his own 
borders into the French territory, and thus, by compelling Louis to 
withdraw his forces, in part, from Italy, cripple his operations in that 
country. The letter is full of the suggestions of a shrewd policy, but 
shows that the writer knew much more of Italian politics than of what 
was then passing in the cabinets of Paris and Madrid. Carta do Gar- 
cilasso de la Vega, Toledo, 25 de Agosto, 1500, MS. 

'3 According to Zurita, Ferdinand secured the services of Guillaume 
de Poictiers, lord of Clerieux and governor of Paris, by the promise 
of the city of Cotron, mortgaged to him in Italy. (Hist, del Rey Her- 
nando, lib, 3, cap. 40.) Comines calls the same nobleman a good 
sort of a man, " qui ais^ment croit, et pour especial tels personnages^' 
meaning King Ferdinand, Comines, Memoires, liv. 8, chap. 33. 



13 



ITALIAN WARS. 



sulorable armament then equipping in the port of 
Malaga Its ostensible purpose ivas to t:o-oi)erate with 
the Venetians in the defence of their possessions in the 
Levant. Its main object, however, was to cover the 
coasts of Sicily in any event from the French, and to 
afford means for prompt action on any point where 
circumstances might require it. The fleet consisted 
of about sixty sail, large and small, and carried forces 
amounting to six hundred horse and four thousand 
foot, picked men, many of them drawn from the hardy 
regions of the north, which had been taxed least 
severely in the Moorish wars.'* 

The command of the whole was intrusted to the 
Great Captain, Gonsalvo de Cordova, who since his 
return home had fully sustained the high reputation 
which his brilliant military talents had acquired for 
him abroad. Numerous volunteers, comprehending 
the noblest of the young chivalry of Spain, pressed 
forward to serve under the banner of this accomplished 
and popular chieftain. Among them may be particu- 
larly noticed Diego de Mendoza, son of the grand 
cardinal, Pedro de la Paz,'* Gonzalo Pizarro, father 

»4 Bcmbo, Istoria Viniziana, torn. iii. lib. s, p. 324. — Ulloa, Vita et 
Fatti deir invitissimo Imperatore Carlo V. (Venetia, 1606), fol. 2. — 
Mariana, Hist, de ICspafla, toni. ii. lib. 27, cap. 7. — Giovio, Vitae Illust. 
Virorum, torn. i. p. 226. — Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. 
lib. 4, cap. XI. — Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. lo, 
sec. 13. 

»s This cavalier, one of the most valiant captains in the army, w;is 
so diminutive in size that, when mounted, he seemed almost lost in the 
high demipeak war-saddle then in vogue ; which led a wag, according 
to Brantdme, when asked if he had seen Don Pedro de Paz pass that 
way, to answer that " he had seen his horse and saddle, but no rider." 
CEuvres, torn. i. disc. 9. 



II 



PAHririoN or xap/.es. 



>3 



of the celebrated adventurer of Peru, and Diego dc 
Paredes, whose perse ud prowess and feats of extrava- 
gant daring furnished many an incredible legend for 
chronicle and romance. With this gallant armament 
the Great Captain weighed anchor in the port of 
Malaga, in May, 1500, designing* to touch at Sicily 
before proceeding against the Turks.'* 

Meanwhile, the negotiations between France and 
Spain, respecting Naples, were brought to a close, by 
a treaty for the equal partition of that kingdom be- 
tween the two powers, ratified at Granada, November 
nth, 1500. This extraordinary document, after en- 
larging on the unmixed evils flowing from war, and the 
obligation on all Christians to preserve inviolate the 
blessed peace bequeathed them by the Saviour, pro- 
ceeds to state that no other prince, save the kings of 
France and Aragon, can pretend to a title to the throne 
of Naples ; and as King Frederick, its present occu- 
pant, has seen fit to endanger the safety of all Christen- 
dom by bringing on it its bitterest enemy, the Turks, 
the contracting parties, in order to rescue it from this 
imminent peril and preserve inviolate the bond of 
peace, agree to take possession of his kingdom and 
divide it between them. It is then provided that the 
northern portion, comprehending the Terra di Lavoro 
and Abruzzo, be assigned to France, with the title of 
King of Naples and Jerusalem, and the southern, con- 
sisting of Apulia and Calabria, with the title of Duke 
of those provinces, to Spain. The dogana, an impor- 
ts Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, torn. viii. p. 217.— B maldez, Reyes 
Cat61icos, MS., cap. 161. — Garibay, Compendia, tain. ii. lib. 19, 
::ap. 9. 



ii 



I 



^ i 



i 'i 



14 



ITALIAN WARS. 



tant duty levied on the flocks of the Capitanate, was 
to be collected by the officers of the Spanish govern- 
ment, and divided equally with France. Lastly, any 
inequality between the respective territories was to be 
so adjusted that the revenues accruing to each of the 
parties should be precisely equal. The treaty was to 
be kept profoundly secret until preparations were com- 
pleted for the simultaneous occupation of the devoted 
territory by the combined powers.'' 

Such were the terms of this celebrated compact, by 
which two European potentates coolly carved out and 
divided between them the entire dominions of a third, 
who had given no cause for umbrage, and with whom 
they were both at that time in perfect peace and amity. 
Similar instances of political robbery (to call it by the 
coarse name it merits) have occurred in later times ; 
but never one founded on more flimsy pretexts, or 
veiled under a more detestable mask of hypocrisy. 
The principal odium of the transaction has attached 
to Ferdinand, as the kinsman of the unfortunate king 
of Naples. His conduct, however, admits of some 
palliatory considerations that cannot be claimed foi 
Louis. 

The Aragonese nation always regarded the bequest 
of Ferdinand's uncle Alfonso the Fifth in favor of his 
natural offspring as an unwarrantable and illegal act. 
The kingdom of Naples had been won by their own 
good swords, and, as such, was the rightful inherit- 
ance of their own princes. Nothing but the domestic 
troubles of his dominions had prevented John the 

»y See the ordnal treaty, apud Dumont, Corps diplomatique, torn, 
iii. pp. 445, 446. 



PARTITION OF NAPLES. 



IS 



Second of Aragon, on the decease of his brother, from 
asserting his claim by arms. His son, Ferdinand the 
Catholic, had hitherto acquiesced in the usurpation 
of the bastard branch of his house only from similar 
causes. On the accession of the present monarch, he 
had made some demonstrations of vindicating his pre- 
tensions to Naples, which, however, the intelligence 
he received from that kingdom induced him to defer 
to a more convenient season.'* But it was deferring, 
not relinquishing, his purpose. In the mean time, he 
carefully avoided entering into such engagements as 
should compel him to a different policy by connecting 
his own interests with those of Frederick ; and with 
this view, no doubt, rejected the alliance, strongly 
solicited by the latter, of the duke of Calabria, heir 
apparent to the Neapolitan crown, with his third 
daughter, the inflinta Maria. Indeed, this disposition 
of Ferdinand, so far from being dissembled, was well 
understood by the court of Naples, as is acknowledged 
by its own historians.'' 

It may be thought that the undisturbed succession 
to the throne of Naples of four princes, each of whom 
had received the solemn recognition of the people, 
might have healed any defects in their original title, 
however glaring. But it may be remarked, in extenu- 
ation of both the French and Spanish claims, that the 
principles of monarchical succession were but imper- 
fectly settled in that day; that oaths of allegiance 
were tendered too lightly by the Neapolitans, to carry 

»8 See Part II. chapter 3, of this History. 

«9 Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, lib. 29, cap. 3.— Zurita, Hist, del Rey 
Hernando, torn. i. hb. 3, cap. 32. 



i6 



ITALIAN WARS. 



:■( 



the same weight as in other nations ; and that the 
prescriptive right derived from possession, necessarily 
indeterminate, was greatly weakened in this case by the 
comparatively few years, not more than forty, during 
which the bastard line of Aragon had occupied the 
throne, — a period much shorter than that after which 
the house of York had in England, a few years before, 
successfully contested the validity of the Lancastrian 
title. It should be added that Ferdinand's views ap- 
pear to have perfectly corresponded with those of the 
Spanish nation at large ; not one writer of the time, 
whom I have met with, intimating the slightest doubt 
of his title to Naples, while not a few insist on it with 
unnecessary emphasis."' It is but fair to state, how- 
ever, that foreigners, who contemplated the transaction 
with a more impartial eye, condemned it as inflicting 
a deep stain on the characters of both potentates. 
Indeed, something like an apprehension of this, in the 
parties themselves, may be inferred from their solici- 
tude to deprecate public censure by masking their 
designs under a pretended zeal for religion. 

Before the conferences respecting the treaty were 
brought to a close, the Spanish armada under Gon- 
salvo, after a detention of two months in Sicily, where 
it was reinforced by two thousand recruits, who had 
been serving as mercenaries in Italy, held its course 
for the Morea. (September 21st, 1500.) The Turkish 
squadron lying before Napoli di Romania, without 



«> See, in particular, the Doctor Salazar de Mendoza, who exhausts 
the subject — and the reader's patience — in discussing the multifarious 
grounds of the incontrovertible title of the house of Aragon to Naples, 
Monarquia, toni. i. lib. 3, cap. 12-15. 



PARTITION OF NAPLES. 



«7 



awaiting Gonsalvo's approach, raised the siege, and 
retreated precipitately to Constantinople. The Span- 
ish general, then uniting his forces with the Venetians, 
stationed at Corfu, proceeded at once against the forti- 
fied place of St. George, in Cephalonia, which the 
Turks had lately wrested from the republic." 

The town stood high on a rock, in an impregnable 
position, and was garrisoned by four hundred Turks, 
all veteran soldiers, prepared to die in its defence. 
We have not room for the details of this siege, in 
which both parties displayed unbounded courage and 
resources, and which was protracted nearly two months 
under all the privations of famine and the inclemencies 
of a cold and stormy winter."' 

At length, weary with this fatal procrastination, Gon- 
salvo and the Venetian admiral, Pesaro, resolved on a 
simultaneous attack on separate quarters of the town. 
The ramparts had been already shaken by the mining 
operations of Pedro Navarro, who in the Italian wars 
acquired such terrible celebrity in this department, 
till then little understood. The Venetian cannon, 

»« Giovio, Vitse Illust. Virorum, torn. i. p. 226. — Chronica del Gran 
Capitan, cap. 9. — Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 4, cap. 
19. — Gonsalvo was detained most unexpectedly in Messina, which he 
had reached July 19, by various embarrassments, enumerated in his 
correspondence with the sovereigns. The difficulty of obtaining sup- 
plies for the troops was among the most prominent. The people of 
the island showed no good will to the cause. Obstacles multiplied 
until it seemed as if they came from the devil himself ; /are^'tf;/ ostaculos 
del diablo. Among others, he indicates the coldness of the viceroy. 
Part of these letters, as usual, is in cipher. Cartas a los Reyes Catolicos, 
fhas en Messina 4 15 y 21 de Setiembre de 1501, MS. 

» Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, ubi supra.— Chrdnica del Gran 
Capitan, cap. 14. 
Vol. III._2 



i8 



ITALIAN WARS. 



i; , ; 



larger and better served than that of the Spaniards, 
had opened a practicable breach in the works, which 
the besieged repaired with such temporary defences as 
they could. The signal being given at the appointed 
hour, the two armies made a desperate assault on 
different quarters of the town, under cover of a Tciur- 
derous fire of artillery. The Turks sustained the attack 
with dauntless resolution, stopping up the breach with 
the bodies of their dead and dying comrades, and 
pouring down volleys of shot, arrows, burning oil and 
sulphur, and missiles of every kind, on the heads of 
the assailants. But the desperate energy, as well as 
numbers, of the latter, proved too strong for them. 
Some forced the breach, others scaled the ramparts; 
and, after a short and deadly struggle within the walls, 
the brave garrison, four-fifths of whom, with their com- 
mander, had fallen, were overpowered, and the vic- 
torious banners of St. Jago and St. Mark were planted 
side by side triumphantly on the towers."' 

The capture of this place, although accomplished at 
considerable loss, and after a most gallant resistance 
by a mere handful of men, was of great service to the 
Venetian cause ; since it was the first check given to 
the arms of Bajazet, who had filched one place after 
another from the republic, menacing its whole colonial 
territory in the Levant. The promptness and effi- 
ciency of King I^erdinand's succor to the Venetians 
gained him high reputation throughout Europe, and 
precisely of the kind which he most coveted, that of 

•3 Giovio, Vitse Illust. Virorum, ubi supra. — Chronica del Gran 
Capitan, cap. lo. — Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib 4, 
cap. 25. — Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 167. 



PARTITION OF NAPLES. 



>9 



being the zealous defender of the faith ; while it 
formed a favorable contrast to the cold supinencss of 
the other powers of Christendom. 

The capture of St. George restored to Venice the 
possession of Cephalonia; and the Great Captain, 
having accomplished this important object, returned 
in the beginning of the following year, 1501, to Sicily. 
Soon after his arrival there, an embassy waited on him 
from the Venetian senate, to express their grateful sense 
of his services ; which they testified by enrolling his 
name on the golden book, as a nobleman of Venice, 
and by a magnificent present of plate, curious silks and 
velvets, and a stud of beautiful Turkish horses. Gon- 
salvo courteously accepted the proffered honors, but 
distributed the whole of the costly largess, with the 
exception of a few pieces of plate, among his friends 
and soldiers."* 

In the mean while, Louis the Twelfth having com- 
pleted his preparations for the invasion of Naples, an 
army, consisting of one thousand lances and ten thou- 
sand Swiss and Gascon foot, crossed the Alps, and 
directed its march towards the south. (June ist, 1500.) 
At the same time a powerful armament, under Philip de 
Ravenstein, with six thousand five hundred additional 
troops on board, quitted Genoa for the Neapolitan 
capital. The command of the land-forces was given to 
the Sire d'Aubigny, the same brave and experienced 
officer who had formerly coped with Gonsalvo in the 
campaigns of Calabria. "^ 

"4 Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., ctip. 167. — Quintana, EspafSoles 
c^lebres, torn. i. p. 246. — Giovio, Vitee lllust. Virorum, p. 228. — Ulloa, 
Vita di Carlo V., fol. 4. 

«s Jean d'Auton, Hisloire de Louys XII. (Paris, 1622), part, i, chap. 



90 



ITALIAN WARS. 



No sooner had D'Aiibigny crossed the papal borders 
than the French and Spanish ambassadors announced 
to Alexander the Sixth and the college of cardinals 
the existence of the treaty for the partition of the 
kingdom between the sovereigns, their masters, re- 
questing his Holiness to confirm it and grant them the 
investiture of their respective shares. In this very 
reasonable petition his Holiness, well drilled in the 
part he was to play, acquiesced without difficulty; de- 
claring himself moved thereto solely by his considera- 
tion of the pious intentions of the parties, and the 
unworthiness of King Frederick, whose treachery to 
the Christian commonwealth had forfeited all right (if 
he ever possessed any) to the crown of Naples.** 

From the moment that the French forces had de- 
scended into Lombardy, the eyes of all Italy were 
turned with breathless expectation on Gonsalvo and 
his army in Sicily. The bustling preparations of the 
French monarch had diffused the knowledge of his 
designs throughout Europe. Those of the king of 
Spain, on the contrary, remained enveloped in pro- 
found secrecy. Few doubted that Ferdinand would 
step forward to shield his kinsman from the invasion 
which menaced him, and, it might be, his own domin- 
ions in Sicily; and they looked to the immediate junc- 
tion of Gonsalvo with King Frederick, in order that 
their combined strength might overpower the enemy 
before he had gained a footing in the kingdom. Great 

44, 45, 48, — Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. i. p. 265. — Sainct-Gelais, 
Histoire de Louys XII. (Paris, 1622), p. 163. — Buonaccorsi, Diario, 
p. 46. 

•• Ztirita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 4, cap. 43. — Lanuza, 
Historias, torn. i. lib. i, cap. 14. 



JilL 



PARTITION OF NAPLES. 



21 



was their astonishment when the scales dropped from 
their eyes, and they beheld the movements of Spain in 
perfect accordance with t'.ose of France, and directed 
to crush their common victim between them. They 
could scarcely credit, says Guicciardini, that Louis the 
Twelfth could be so blind as to reject the proffered 
vassalage and substantial sovereignty of Naples, in 
order to share it with so artful and dangerous a rival 
as Ferdinand.'' 

The unfortunate Frederick, who had been advised 
for some time past of the unfriendly dispositions of 
the Spanish government,'* saw no refuge from the 
dark tempest mustering against him on the opposite 
quarters of his kingdom. He collected such troops as 
he could, however, in order to make battle with the 
nearest enemy, before he should cross the threshold. 
On the 28th of June, the French army resumed its 
march. Before quitting Rome, a brawl rose between 
some French soldiers and Spaniards resident in the 
capital; each party asserting the paramount right of 
its own sovereign to the crown of Naples. From 
words they soon came to blows, and many lives were 
lost before the fray could be quelled ; a melancholy 



"7 Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. i. lib. 5, p. 266. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo 
v.. fol. 8. 

* In the month of April the king of Naples received letters from his 
envoys in Spain, written by command of King Ferdinand, informing 
him that he had nothing to expect from that monarch in ci\se of an 
invasion of his territories by France. Frederick bitterly complained 
of the late hour at which this intelligence was given, which effectually 
prevented an accommodation he might otherwise have made with 
King Louis. Lanuza, Historias, lib. i, cap. 14. — Zurita, Hist, del 
Rey Hernando, toin. i. lib. 4, cap. 37. 



i I ; 



IS 



aa 



ITALIAN WARS. 



I- I 



augury for the permanence of the concord so unright- 
eously established between the two governments.'* 

On the 8th of July, the French crossed the Neapol- 
itan frontier. Frederick, who had taken post at St. 
Germano, found himself so weak that he was com- 
pelled to give way on its approach, and retreat on his 
capital. The invaders went forward, occupying one 
place after another with little resistance, till they came 
before Capua, where they received a temporary check. 
During a parley for tiie surrender of that place, they 
burst into the town, and, giving free scope to their 
fiendish passions, butchered seven thousand citizens in 
the streets, and perpetrated outrages worse than death 
on their defenceless wive? and daughters. It was on this 
occasion that Alexander the Sixth's son, the infamous 
Caesar Borgia, selected forty of the most beautiful from 
the principal ladies of the place and sent them back 
to Rome to swell the complement of his seraglio. 
The dreadful doom of Capua intimidated further re- 
sistance, but inspired such detestation of the French 
throughout the country, as proved of infinite prejudice 
to their cause in their subsequent struggle with the 
Spaniards." 

King Frederick, shocked at bringing such calamities 
on his subjects, resigned his capital without a blow in 
its defence, and, retreating to the isle of Ischia, soon 
after embraced the counsel of the French admiral 

"9 D'Auton, Hist, de Louys XII., part, i, chap. 48. 

3° Summonte, Hist, di Napoli, torn. iii. lib. 6, cap. 4. — D'Auton, 
Hist, de Louys XII., part. 1, chap. 51-54. — UUoa, Vita di Carlo '' ., 
fol. 8. — Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 5, pp. 268, 269. — Zurita, Hist, del 
Rey Hernando, torn. 5. lib. 4, cap. 41. — Giannone, Istoria di Napoh, 
lib. 29, cap. 3. 



PARTITION OF NAPLES. 



23 



so unright- 
ents." 
lie Neapol- 
post at St. 

was cctn- 
reat on his 
ipying one 
. they came 
rary check, 
place, they 
3e to their 

citizens in 
than death 
was on this 
e infamous 
lutiful from 
them back 
s seraglio, 
further re- 
he French 
prejudice 
with the 

calamities 
a blow in 
[chia, soon 
admiral 



-D'Auton, 
Idi Carlo "^ ., 
fita, Hist, del 

di Najpoii, 



Ravenstein, to accept a safe-conduct into France and 
throw himself on the generosity of Louis. (Oct. 1501.) 
The latter received him courteously, and assigned him 
the duchy of Anjou, with an ample revenue for his 
maintenance, which, to the credit of the French king, 
was continued after he had lost all hope of recovering 
the crown of Naples. s' With this show of magna- 
nimity, however, he kept a jealous eye on his royal 
guest ; under pretence of paying him the greatest re- 
spect, he placed a guard over his person, and thus 
detained him in a sort of honorable captivity to the 
day of his death, which occurred in 1504- 

Frederick was the last of the illegitimate branch of 
Aragon who held the Neapolitan sceptre; a line of 
princes who, whatever might be their characters in 
other respects, accorded that munificent patronage to 
letters which sheds a ray of glory over the roughest 
and most turbulent reign. It might have been ex- 
pected that an amiable and accomplished prince, like 
Frederick, would have done still more towards the 
moral development of his people, by healing the ani- 
mosities which had so long festered in their bosoms. 
His gentle character, however, was ill suited to the 
pvil times on which he had fallen j and it is not im- 
probable that he found greater contentment in the 
calm and cultivated retirement of his latter years, 
sweetened by the sympathies of friendship which ad- 
versity had proved,3» than when placed on the dazzling 

3« St. Gelais, Hist, de Louys XH., p. 163. — D'Auton, Hist, de 
Louys XH., part, i, ch. 56. — Summonte, Hist, di Napoli, torn. iii. p. 
541. 

3a The reader will readily call to mind the Neapolitan poet Sannazaro, 



: > 



ill 



\ki 



n 



ITALIAN WARS, 



heights which attract the admiration and envy of man« 
kind." 

Early in March, Gonsalvo de Cordova had received 
his first official intelligence of the partition treaty, 
and of his own appointment to the post of lieutenant- 
general of Calabria and Apulia. He felt natural regret 
at being called to act against a prince whose character 
he esteemed, and with whom he had once been placed 
in the most intimate and friendly relations. In the 
true spirit of chivalry, he returned to Frederick, before 
taking up arms against him, the ('.uchy of St. Angel 
and the other large domains with which that monarch 
had requited his services in the late war, requesting at 
the same time to be released from his obligations of 
homage and fealty. The generous monarch readily 
complied with the latter part of his request, but in- 
sisted on his retaining the grant, which he declared an 
inadequate compensation, after all, for the benefits the 
Great Captain had once rendered him. 3* 

The levies assembled at Messina amounted to three 

whose fidelity to his royal master forms so beautiful a contrast with 
the conduct of Pontano, and indeed of too many of his tribe, whose 
gratitude is of that sort that will only rise above zero in the sunshine 
of a court. His various poetical effusions afford a noble testimony^ 
to the virtues of his unfortunate sovereign, the more unsuspicious as 
many of them were produced in the days of his adversity. 

33 " Neque mala vel bona," says the philosophic Roman, " quae 
vulgus putet; multos, qui conflictari adversis videantur, beatos; ac 
plerosque, quamquam magnas per opes, miserriraos; si illi gravem 
fortunam constanter tolerent, hi prospera inconsult^ utantur." Tacitus, 
Annales, lib. 6, sect. 22. 

34 Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 4, cap. 35. — Giovio, 
Vitae lUust. Virorum, p. 230. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, cap. ai.— 
Luuuza, Uistorias, torn. i. lib. i, cap. 14. 



rARTITIOX OF NAPLES. 



n 



hundred heavy-armed, three hundred light horse, and 
three thousand eight hundred infantry, together with 
a small body of Spanish veterans, which the Castilian 
ambassador had collected in Italy. The number of 
the forces was inconsiderable, but they were in excel- 
lent condition, well disciplined, and seasoned to all 
the toils and difficulties of war. On the 5th of July, 
the Great Captain landed at Tropea, and commenced 
the conquest of Calabria, ordering the fleet to keep 
along the coast, in order to furnish whatever supplies 
he might need. The ground was familiar to him, and 
his progress was facilitated by the old relations he had 
formed there, as well as by the important posts which 
the Spanish government had retained in its hands as 
an indemnification^ for the expenses of the late war. 
Notwithstanding the opposition or coldness of the 
great Angevin lords who resided in this quarter, the 
entire occupation of the two Calabrias, with the excep- 
tion of Tarento, was effected in less than a month. 3s 

This city, remarkable in ancient times for its defence 
against Hannibal, was of the last importance. King 
Frederick had sent thither his eldest son, the duke of 
Calabria, a youth about fourteen years of age, under 
the care of Juan de Guevara, count of Potenza, with 
a strong body of troops, considering it the place of 
greatest security in his dominions. Independently of 
the strength of its works, it was rendered nearly inac- 
cessible by its natural position ; having no communi- 
cation with the mainland except by two bridges, at 

35 Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 11, sec. 8. — Ziirita, 
Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 4, cap. 44. — Mariana, Hist, de 
lispana, torn. ii. lib. 27, cap. 9. 



26 



ITALIAN WARS. 



i( 



m'\ 



opposite quarters of the town, commanded by strong 
towers, while its exposure to the sea made it easily 
open to supj)lies from abroad. 

Gonsalvo saw that the only method of reducing the 
place must be by blockade. Disagreeable as the delay 
was, he prepared to lay regular siege to it, ordering the 
fleet to sail round the southern point of Calabria and 
blockade the port of Tarento, while he threw up works 
on the land side, which commanded the passes to the 
town and cut off its communications with the neighbor- 
ing country. The place, however, was well victualled, 
and the garrison prepared to maintain it to the last. 3* 

Nothing tries more severely the patience and dis- 
cipline of the soldier than a life of sluggish inaction, 
unenlivened, as in the present instance, by any of th« 
rencontres or feats of arms which keep up military 
excitement and gratify the cupidity or ambition of the 
warrior. The Spanish troops, cooped up within their 
intrenchments, and disgusted with the languid mo- 
notony of their life, cast many a wistful glance at the 
stirring scenes of war in the centre of Italy, where 
Ctesar Borgia held out magnificent promises of pay 
and plunder to all who embarked in his adventurous 
enterprises. He courted the aid, in particular, of the 
Spanish veterans, whose worth he well understood, for 
they had often served under his banner, in his feuds 
with the Italian princes. In consequence of these 
inducements, some of Gonsalvo's men were found to 
desert every day; while those who remained were 

36 Giovio, VitcE Illust. Virorum, p. 231. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., 
fol. 9. — Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, lib. 29, cap, 3. — Chronica del 
Gran Capitan, cap. 31. 



PARTITION OF NAPLES. 



27 



becoming hourly more discontented, from the large 
arrears due from the government ; for Ferdinand, as 
already remarked, conducted his operations with a 
stinted economy very different from the prompt and 
liberal expenditure of the queen, always competent to 
its object." 

A trivial incident, at this time, swelled the popular 
discontent into mutiny. The French fleet, after the 
capture of Naples, was ordered to the Levant to assist 
the Venetians against the Turks. Ravenstein, ambi- 
tious of eclipsing the exploits of the Great Captain, 
turned his arms against Mitilene, with the de.>ign of 
recovering it for the reiTublic. He totally failed in the 
attack, and his fleet was soon after scattered by a tem- 
pest, and his own ship wrecked on the isle of Cerigo. 
He subsequently found his way, with several of his 
principal officers, to the shores of Calabria, where he 
landed in the most forlorn and desperate plight. Gon- 
salvo, touched with his misfortunes, no sooner learned 
his necessities than he sent him abundant supplies of 
provisions, adding a service of plate, and a variety of 
elegant apparel for himself and followers ; consulting 
his own munificent spirit in this, much more than the 
limited state of his finances.^^ 



37 Carta de Gonzalo A los Reyes, Tarento, 10 de Mayo, 1502, MS. — 
Don Juan Manuel, the Spanish minister at Vienna, seems to have been 
fully sensible of this trait of his master. He told the emperor Maxi- 
milian, who had requested the loan of 300,000 ducats from Spain, that 
it was as much money as would suffice King Ferdinand for the con- 
quest, not merely of Italy, but Africa into the bargain. Zurita, Hist, 
del Rey Hernando, toni. i. lib. 3, cap. 42. 

33 Hembo, Istoria Viniziana, tom. iii. lib. 6, p. 368.— Giovio, VitjB 
must. Virorum, p. 232.— D'Aiiton, part. 1, chap. 71, 72. 



' 


1 




1 






, 


i! 




■i 

;i 




l! 


















1 


■ 



W t |i 



!l 



a8 



ITALIAN WARS. 



This excessive liberality was very inopportune. The 
soldiers loudly complained that their general found 
treasures to squander on foreigners, while his own 
troops were defrauded of their pay. The Biscayans, a 
people of whom Gonsalvo used to say "he had rather 
be a lion-keeper than undertake to govern them," 
took the lead in the tumult. It soon swelled into open 
insurrection ; and the men, forming themselves into 
regular companies, marched to the general's quarters 
and demanded payment of their arrears. One fellow, 
more insolent than the rest, levelled a pike at his breast 
with the most angry and menacing looks. Gonsalvo, 
however, retaining his self-possession, gently put it 
aside, saying, with a good-natured smile, ** Higher, 
you careless knave, lift your lance higher, or you will 
run me through in your jesting." As he was reiter- 
ating his assurances of the want of funds, and his 
confident expectation of speedily obtaining them, a 
Biscayan captain called out, *' Send your daughter to 
the brothel, and that will soon put you in funds!" 
This was a favorite daughter named Elvira, whom 
Gonsalvo loved so tenderly that he would not part 
with her even in his campaigns. Although stung to 
the heart by this audacious taunt, he made no reply, 
but, without changing a muscle of his countenance, 
continued, in the same tone as before, to expostulate 
with the insurgents, who at length were prevailed on 
to draw off, and disperse to their quarters. The next 
morning, the appalling ^i^ectacle of the lifeless body 
of the Biscayan, hanging by the neck from a window 
of the house in which he had been quartered, admon- 



PARTITION OF NAPLES. 



29 



ished the army that there were limits to the general's 
forbearance it was not prudent to overstep. » 

An unexpected event, which took place at this 
juncture, contributed even more than this monitory- 
lesson to restore subordination to the army. This 
was the capture of a Genoese galleon with a valuable 
freight, chiefly iron, bound to some Turkish port, as it 
was said, in the Levant, which Gonsalvo, moved no 
doubt by his zeal for the Christian cause, ordered to 
be seized by the Spanish cruisers, and the cargo to be 
disposed of for the satisfaction of his troops. Giovio 
charitably excuses this act of hostility against a friendly 
power with the remark that "when the Great Captain 
did any thing contrary to law he was wont to say, *A 
general must secure the victory at all hazards, right or 
wrong; and, when he has done this, he can compensate 
those whom he has injured with tenfold benefits.' "*° 

The unexpected length of the siege of Tarento de- 
termined Gonsalvo, at length, to adopt bolder measures 
for quickening its termination. The city, whose insu- 
lated position has been noticed, was bounded on the 
north by a lake, or rather arm of the sea, forming an 
excellent interior harbor, about eighteen miles in cir- 
cumference. The inhabitants, trusting to the natural 
defences of this quarter, had omitted to protect it by 
fortifications, and the houses rose abruptly from the 



39 Chronica del Gran Capitan, cap. 34. — Quintana, Espafloles c^le- 
brcs, torn. i. pp. 252, 253. — Giovio, Vitas Illust. Virorum, p. 232. — The 
turbulent character of the Biscayans is noticed by the Great Captain 
in a letter, of somewhat earlier date, to the secretary Almazan. Carta, 
16 de Abril, 1501, MS. 

♦> Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, lib. i, p. 233. 



: 1 H 
^- 1 'I 











■ 








(■ 




\ 




\ \ 





iiill 



Jm 



30 



ITALIAN WARS. 



margin of the basin. Into this reservoir the Spanish 
commander resolved to transport such of his vessels 
then riding in the outer bay as from their size could be 
conveyed across the narrow isthmus which divided it 
from the inner. 

After incredible toil, twenty of the smallest craft 
were moved on huge cars and rollers across the inter- 
vening land and safely launched on the bosom of the 
lake. The whole operation was performed amid the 
exciting accompaniments of discharges of ordnance, 
strains of martial music, and loud acclamations of the 
soldiery. The inhabitants of Tarento saw with con- 
sternation the fleet so lately floating in the open ocean 
under their impregnable walls, now quitting its native 
element, and moving, as it were by magic, across the 
land, to assault them on the quarter where they were 
the least defended.*' 

The Neapolitan commander perceived it would be 
impossible to hold out longer, without compromising 
the personal safety of the young prince under his care. 
He accordingly entered into negotiations for a truce 
with the Great Captain, during which articles of capit- 
ulation were arranged, guaranteeing to the duke of 
Calabria and his followers the right of evacuating the 
place and going wherever they listed. The Spanish 
general, in order to give greater solemnity to these 

4' Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, ubi supra. — Chr6nica del Gran 
Capitan, cap. 33. — Gonsalvo took the hint for this, doubtless, from 
Hannibal's similar expedient, (See Polybius, lib. 8.) Caesar notices 
a similar manoeuvre, executed by him in his wars in Spain. The 
vessels which he caused to be transported, however, across twenty 
miles of land, were much inferior in size to those of Gonsalvo, De 
Bello Civili, lib. i, cap, 54. 



^^ 



rARTITION OF NAPLES. 



3X 



engagements, bound himself to observe them by an 
oath on the sacrament.^ 

On the ist of March, 1502, the Spanish army took 
possession, according to agreement, of the city of 
Tarento ; and the duke of Calabria, with his suite, was 
permitted to leave it, in order to rejoin his father in 
France. In the mean time, advices were received from 
Ferdinand the Catholic, instructing Gonsalvo on no 
account to suffer the young prince to escape from his 
hands, as he was a pledge of too great importance for 
the Spanish government to relinquish. The general in 
consequence sent after the duke, who had proceeded in 
company wit!- the count of Potenza as far as Bitonto, 
on his way ' • ' ? north, and commanded him to be 
arrested and \ .0 , : t back to Tarento. Not long after, 
he caused him to be conveyed on board one of the 
men-of-war in the harbor, and, in contempt of his 
solemn engagements, sent a prisoner to Spain. <^ 

4a Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 4, cap. 52, 53. — 
Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. i. lib. 5, p. 270. — Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, 
lib. 29, cap. 3. — Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, torn. xiv. p. 14. — The vari- 
ous authorities differ more irreconcilably than usual in the details of 
the siege. I have followed Paolo Giovio, a contemporary, and per- 
sonally acquainted with the principal actors. All agree in the only 
fact in which one would willingly see some discrepancy, Gonsalvo's 
breach of faith to the young duke of Calabria. 

43 Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn, i. lib. 4, cap. 56. — Abarca, 
Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 11, sec. 10-12. — Ulloa, Vita di 
Carlo v., fol. 9. — Lanuza, Historias, lib. i, cap. 14. — Martyr, who was 
present on the young prince's arrival at court, where he experienced 
the most honorable reception, speaks of him in the highest terms: 
"Adolescens namque est et regno et regio sanguine dignus, miraa in- 
dolis, forma egregius." (See Opus Epist., epist. 252.) He survived 
to the year 1550, but without ever quitting Spain, contrary to .the fond 
prediction of his friend Sannazaro ; 



$2 



ITALIAN WARS. 



The national writers have made many awkward at- 
tempts to varnish over this atrocious act of perfidy in 
their favorite hero. Zurita vindicates it by a letter 
from the Neapolitan prince to Gonsulvo, requesting 
the latter to take this step, since he preferred a resi- 
dence in Spain to one in France, but could not with 
decency appear to act in opposition to his father's 
wishes on the subject. If such a letter, however, were 
really obtained from the prince, his tender years would 
entitle it to little weight, and of course it would afford 
no substantial ground for justification. Another ex- 
planation is offered by Paolo Giovio, who states that 
the Great Captain, undetermined what course to adopt, 
took the opinion of certain learned jurists. This sage 
body decided "that Gonsalvo was not bound by his 
oath, since it was repugnant to his paramount obliga- 
tions to his master ; and that the latter was not bound 
by it, since it was made without his privity !" ■" The 
man who trusts his honor to the tampering of casuists 
has parted with it already.*^ 

" Nam mihi, nam tempus veniet, cum reddita sceptra 
Partlienopes, fractosqiie tu4 sub ciispide reges 
Ipse canam." 

Opera La tin a, Ecloga 4. 
44 Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, lib. 4, cap. 58. — Giovio, Vitrc 
Illust. Virorum, lib. i, p. 234. — Mariana coolly disposes of Gonsalvo's 
treachery with the remark, " No parece se le guardo lo que tenian 
asentado. En la guerra quien hay que de todo punto lo guarde ?" 
(Hist, de Espafia, torn. 11. p. 675.) 



-" Dolus an virtus, quis in hoste requirat?" 



45 In Gonsalvo's correspondence is a letter to the sovereigns, written 
soon after the occupation of Tarento, in which he mentions his efforts 
to secuce the duke of Calabria in the Spanish interests. He speaks 



PARTITION OF NAPLES. 



33 



The only palliation of the act must be sought in the 
prevalent laxity and corruption of the period, which is 
rife with examples of the most flagrant violation of 
both public and private faith. Had this been the act 
of a Sforza, indeed, or a Borgia, it could not reason- 
ably have excited surprise. But coming from one of a 



with confidence of his own ascendency over the young man's mind, 
and assure* the sovereigns that the latter will be content to continue 
with him till he shall receive instructions from Spain how to dispose 
of him. At the same time the Great Captain took care to maintain a 
surveillance over the duke, by means of the attendants on his person. 
We find no allusion to any promises under oath. The communica- 
tion is too brief to clear up the dilficulties in this dark transaction. 
As coming from Gonsalvo himself, the document has great interest, 
and I will give it to the reader in the original: "A vuestras altezas he 
dado aviso de la entrada de las vanderas e gente de vuestras altezas 
por la gracia de nuestro Seiior en Tarento el primero dia de Marzo, e 
asi en la platica que estava con el duque don fernando de ponerse al 
servicio y amparo de vuestras alte9as syn otro partido ny ofrecimiento 
demas de certificarle que en todo tiempo seria libre para yr donde 
quisiese sy vuestras altezas bien no le tratasen y que vuestras alte9as 
le tenian el respeto que a tal persona como cl sc deve. El conde de 
poten9a e algunos de los que estan ccerca del han trabajado por 
apartarle de este proposito e levarle a Iscla asi yo por muchos modos 
he procurado de reducirle al servicio de vuestras aUc9as y tengole en 
tal termino que puedo certificar a vuestras aUc9as que este niozo no 
les saldra de la mano con consenso suyo del servicio de vuestras alte9as 
asta tanto que vuestras alte9as me embien a mandar como del he de 
disponer e de lo que con el se ha de facer y por las contrastes que en 
csto han entrevenido no ha salido de taranto porque asi ha convenido. 
El viernes que sera once de marzo saldra a castellaneta que es quince 
miUas de aqui con algunos destos suyos que Ic quieren seguir con al- 
guna buena parte de compafiia destos criados de vuestras alte9as para 
acompanarle y este niismo dia viernes entraran las vanderas e gente 
de vuestras alte9as en el castillo de tarento con ayuda de nuestro 
Seiior." De Tarento, lo de Marzo, 1502, MS. 
Vol. III.-3 B* 




I 



"'!'l 



34 



ITALIAN IVARS. 



noble, magnanimous nature, like Gonsalvo, exemplary 
in his private life, and unstained with any of the grosser 
vices of the age, it excited general astonishment and 
reprobation, even among his contemporaries. It has 
left a reproach on his name which the historian may 
regret, but cannot wipe away. 



CHAPTER XI. 

ITALIAN WARS. — RUPTURE WITH FRANCE.— GONSALVO 
BESIEGED IN BARLETA. 



1502, 1503. 

Rupture between the French and Spaniards. — Gonsalvo retires to 
Barleta.— Chivalrous Character of the War. — Tourney near Trani. 
— Duel between Bayard and Sotomayor. — Distress of Barleta. — 
Constancy of the Spaniards.— Gonsalvo storms and takes Ruvo. — 
Prepares to leave Barleta. 

It was hardly to be expected that the partition 
treaty between France and Spain, made so manifestly 
in contempt of all good faith, would be maintained any 
longer than suited the convenience of the respective 
parties. The French monarch, indeed, seems to have 
prepared, from the first, to dispense with it so soon as 
he had secured his own moiety of the kingdom;' and 
sagacious men at the Spanish court inferred that King 

' Peter Martyr, in a letter written from Venice, while detained there 
on his way to Alexandria, speaks of the efforts made by the French 
emissaries to induce the republic to break with Spain and support their 
master in his designs on Naples : " Adsunt namque a Ludovico rege 
Gallorum oratores, qui omni nixu conantur a vobis Venetorum aniinos 
avcrtcre. Fremere dentibus aiunt oratorem primarium Galium, quia 
nequeat per Venetorum suffragia consequi, ut aperte vobis hostilitateni 
cdicant, utque velint Gallis regno Parthenopco contra vestra prnesidia 
ferre suppetias." The letter is dated October ist, 1501. Opus Epist., 
epist. 231. 

(35) 






36 



ITALIAN WARS. 



Ill ' 



Ferdinand would do as much, when he should be in a 
situation to assert his claims with success.' 

It was altogether improbable, whatever Hi-^jht be the 
good faith of the parties, that an arrangement could 
long subsist which so rudely rent asunder the members 
of this ancient monarchy; or that a thousand points 
of collision should not arise between rival hosts, lying 
as it were on their arms within bowshot of each other 
and in view of the rich spoil which each regarded as 
its own. Such grounds for rupture did occur, sooner 
probably than either party had foreseen, and certainly 
before the king of Aragon was prepared to meet it. 

The immediate cause was the extremely loose lan- 
guage of the partition treaty, which assumed such a 
geographical division of the kingdom into four prov- 
inces as did not correspond with any ancient division, 
and still less with the modern, by which the number 
was multiplied to twelve. ^ The central portion, com- 
prehending the Capitanate, the Basilicate, and the 

3 Martyr, after noticing the grounds of the partition treaty, com- 
ments with his usual shrewdness on the politic views of the Spanish 
sovereigns: " Facilius namque se sperant, earn partem, quam sibi 
Galli sortiti sunt, habituros aliquando, quam si universum regnum oc- 
cuparint." Opus Epist., epist. 218. 

3 The Italian historians, who have investigated the subject with some 
parade of erudition, treat it so vaguely as to leave it, after all, nearly 
as perplexed as they found it. Giovio includes the Capitanate in 
Apulia, according to the ancient division; Guicciardini, according to 
the modern ; and the Spanish historian Mariana, according to both. 
The last writer, it may be observed, discusses the matter with equal 
learning and candor, and more perspicuity than either of the preced- 
ing. He admits reasonable grounds for doubt to which moiety of the 
kingdom tlie Basilicate and Principalities should be assigned. Mari- 
ana, Hist, de Espana, torn. ii. p. 670. — Guicciardini, Istoria, tom. i. 
lib. s, pp. 274, 275. — Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, lib. 1, i»p. 234, 235. 



m. 



RESOLUTION OF THE SPANIARDS. 



37 



Principality, became debatable ground between the 
parties, each of whom insisted on these as forming an 
integral part of its own moiety, '"he French had no 
ground whatever for contesting ihe possession of the 
Capitanate, the first of these provinces, and by far the 
most important, on account of the tolls paid by the 
numerous flocks which descended every winter into its 
sheltered valleys from the snow-covered mountains of 
Abruzzo.* There was more uncertainty to which of the 
parties the two other provinces were meant to be as- 
signed. It is scarcely possible that language so loose, 
in a matter requiring mathematical precision, should 
have been unintentional. 

Before Gonsalvo de Cordova had completed the 
conquest of the southern moiety of the kingdom, and 
while lying before Tarento, he received intelligence of 
the occupation by the French of several places, both 
in the Capitanate and Basilicate. He detached a body 
of troops for the protection of these countries, and, 
after the surrender of Tarento, marched towards the 
north to cover them with his whole army. As he was 
not in a condition for immediate hostilities, however, 
he entered into negotiations, which, if attended with 
no other advantage, would at least gain him time.* 



♦ The provision of the partition treaty, that the Spaniards should 
collect the tolls paid by the flocks on their descent from the French 
district of Abiuzzo into the Capitanate, is conclusive evidence of the 
intention of the contracting parties to assign the latter to Spain. See 
the treaty apud Duinont, Corps diplomatique, torn. iii. pp. 445, 446. 

s Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 4, cap. 52. — Mariana, 
Hist, de Espana, torn. ii. lib. 27, cap. 12. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., 
fol. 10. — Gonsalvo, in his account of these transactions to the sover- 
eigns, notices " the intemperate language and bearing" both of llie 



38 



ITALIAN HA as. 




The pretensions of the two parties^ as might have 
been expected, were too irreconcilable to admit of 
compromise ; and a personal conference between the 
respective commanders-in-chief (April ist, 1502) led 
to no better arrangement than that each should retain 
his present acquisitions till explicit instructions could 
be received from their respective courts. 

But neither of the two monarchs had further instruc- 
tions to give ; and the Catholic king contented him- 
self with admonishing his general to postpone an open 
rupture as long as possible, that the government might 
have time to provide more effectually for his support 
and strengthen itself by alliance with other European 
powers. But, however pacific may have been the dis- 
position of the generals, they had no power to con- 
trol the passions of their soldiers, who, thus brought 
into immediate contact, glared on each other with the 
ferocity of bloodhounds ready to slip the leash which 
held them in temporary check. Hostilities soon broke 
out along the lines of the two armies, the blame of 
which each nation charged on its opponent. There 
seems good ground, however, for imputing it to the 
French ; since they were altogether better prepared for 
war than the Spaniards, and entered into it so heartily 
as not only to assail places in the debatable ground, 
but in Apulia, which had been unequivocally assigned 
to their rivals.* 

viceroy and Al^gre. This part of the letter is in cipher. Carta de 
Tarento, 10 de Marzo, 1502, MS. 

6 D'Auton, Hist, de Louys XII., part. 2, chap. 3-7. — Zurita, Hist, 
del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 4, cap. 60, 62, 64, 65. — Giovio, VitiB 
Ilhist. Virorum, torn. i. p. 236. — Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, lib. 29, 
cap. 4. — Bernaldez states that the Great Captain, finding his confer- 



[jTirri7TmflTfr ii ii i .idM 



KFsor.urtoN of the Spaniards. 



39 



In the mean while, the Spanish court fruitlessly en- 
deavored to interest the other powers of Eurojje in its 
cause. The emperor Maximilian, although dissatisfied 
with the occupation of Milan by the French, appeared 
wholly engrossed with the frivolous ambition of a 
Roman coronation. The pontiff and his son, Caisar 
Borgia, were closely bound to King Louis by the assist- 
ance which he had rendered them in their marauding 
enterprises against the neighboring chiefs of Romagna. 
The other Italian princes, although deeply incensed 
and disgusted by this infiimous alliance, stood too 
much in awe of the colossal power which had planted 
its foot so firmly on their territory to offer any resist- 
ance. Venice alone, surveying from her distant watch- 
tower, to borrow the words of Peter Martyr, the whole 
extent of the political horizon, appeared to hesitate. 
The French ambassadors loudly called on her to fulfil 
the terms of her late treaty with their master, and 
support him in his approaching quarrel ; but the wily 
republic saw with distrust the encroaching ambition 
of her powerful neighbor, and secretly wished that a 
counterpoise might be found in the success of Aragon. 
Martyr, who stopped at Venice on his return from 
Egypt, appeared before the senate (October, 1501) and 
employed all his eloquence in supporting his master's 
cause in opposition to the French envoys; but his 

ence with the French general ineffectual, proposed to the latter to 
decide the quarrel between their respective nations by single combat. 
(Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 167.) We should require some other 
authority, however, than that of the good Curate to vouch for this 
romantic flight, so entirely out of keeping with the Spanish general's 
character, in which prudence was probably the most conspicuous 
attribute. 



40 



ITALIAN WARS, 



i * 1 

■ t • 



I! ' I 



pressing entreaties to the Spanish sovereigns to send 
thither some competent person, as a resident minister, 
show his own conviction of the critical position in 
which their affairs stood. ^ 

The letters of the same intelligent individual during 
his journey through the Milanese^ are filled with the 
most gloomy forebodings of the termination of a con- 
test for which the Spaniards were so indifferently pro- 
vided; while the whole north of Italy was alive with 
the bustling preparations of the French, who loudly 
vaunted their intention of driving their enemy not 
merely out of Naples, but Sicily itself.' 



t .■■ I ■ • I ■ 



i| V\ 



7 Dam, Hist, de Venise, torn. iii. p. 345. — Bembo, Istoria Vini/iana, 
torn. i. lib. 6. — Peter Martyr, Opus EpiSt,, epist. 238, 240, 252. — This 
may appear strange, considering that Lorenzo Suarez de la Vega was 
there, a person of whom Gonzalo de Oviedo writes, " Fu^ gentil «,aba- 
llcro, (t sabio, d de gran prudencia ;««»»» muy entendido 6 de 
mucho repose 6 honesto e afable e de linda conversacion ;" and ..gain, 
more explicitly, " Embaxador d Venecia, en el qual oiicio sirvio muy 
bien, i como prudente varon." (Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, qiunc. 3, 
dial. 44.) Martyr admits his prudence, but objects his ignoraiice of 
Latin, a deficiency, however heinous in the worthy tutor's eyes, 
probably of no rare occurrence among the elder Castilian nobles. 

8 Many of Martyr's letters were addressed to both Ferdinand and 
Isabella. The former, however, was ignorant of the Latin language, 
in which they were written. Martyr playfully alludes to this in one 
of his epistles, reminding the queen of her promise to interpret them 
faithfully to her husband. The unconstrained and familiar tone oj his 
correspondence affords a pleasing example of the personal intiniacy 
to which the sovereigns, in defiance of the usual stiffness of .Spa4iish 
etiquette, admitted men of learning and probity at their court, without 
distinction of rank. Opus Epist., epist. 230. 

9 " Galli," says Martyr, in a letter more remarkable for strength of 
expression than elegance of Latinity, " furunt, soeviunt, internecionem 
nostris minantur, putantque id sibi fore facillimum. Regem eorum 
esse in itincre, inquiunt, ut ipse cum duplicate exercitu Alpes Uctjiciat 









RFSOLUTION OF TIIR SPANTARDS. 41 



Louis the Twelfth superintended these preparations 
in person, and, to be near the theatre of operations, 
crossed the Alps, and took up his quarters at Asti. 
(July, 1502.) At length, all being in readiness, he 
brought things to an immediate issue, by command- 
ing his general to proclaim war at once against the 
Spaniards, unless they abandoned the Capitanate in 
four-and-twenty hours." 

The French force in Naples amounted, according to 
their own statements, to one thousand men-at-arms, 
three thousand five hundred French and Lombard 
and three thousand Swiss infantry, in addition to the 
Neapolitan levies raised by the Angevin lords through- 
out the kingdom. The command was intrusted to the 
duke of Nemours, a brave and chivalrous young noble- 
man, of the ancient house of Armagnac, whom family 
connections, more than talents, had raised to the 
perilous post of viceroy over the head of the veteran 
D'Aubigny. The latter would have thrown up his 
commission in disgust, but for the remonstrances of 
his sovereign, who prevailed on him to remain where 
his counsels were more than ever necessary to supply 
the inexperience of the young commander. The jeal- 
ousy and wilfulness of the latter, however, defeater" 
these intentions; and the misunderstanding of the 

in Italiam. Vestro nomini insurgunt. Cristas crigunt in vos super- 
bissimfe. Provinciam banc, veluti rem humilem, parvique mo ;.;nti, 
se aggrcssuros praeconantur. Nihil esse negotii eradicarp e- ttrmina- 
reque vestra prcesidia ex utraque Sicilia blacterant. Insolenter nimis 
exspuendo insultant." Opus Epist., epist. 241. 

'o D'Auton, Hist, de Louys XII.. part. 2, chajv 8.— Giannone, Isto- 
ria di Napoli, lib. 29, cap. 4.— Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 5, pp. 274, 275. 
— Buonaccorsi, Diario, p, 61. 



42 



ITALIAN WARS. 



chiefs, extending to their followers, led to a fatal want 
of concert in their movements. 

With these officers were united some of the best and 
bravest of the French chivalry ; among whom may be 
noticed Jacques de Chabannes, more commonly known 
as the Sire de la Palice, a favorite of Louis the Twelfth, 
and well entitled to be so by his deserts; Louis d'Ars; 
Ives d'Aldgre, brother of the Pr6cy who gained so 
much renown in the wars of Charles the EightJi ; and 
Pierre de Bayard, the knight ** sans peur et sans re- 
proche," who was then entering on the honorable 
career in which he seemed to realize all the imaginary 
perfections of chivalry." 

Notwithstanding the small numbers of the French 
force, the Great Captain was in no condition to cope 
with them. He had received no reinforcements from 
home since he first landed in Calabria. His little 
corps of veterans was destitute of proper clothing 
and equipments, and the large arrears due them made 
the tenure of their obedience extremely precarious." 
Since affairs began to assume their present menacing 
aspect, he had been busily occupied with drawing 

»' Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 5, p. 265. — D'Auton, Hist, de Louys 
XII., part. I, chap. 57. — Gaillard, Rivalite, torn. iv. pp. 221-233. — 
St. Gelais, Hist, de Louys XII., p. 169. — Brant6tne has introduced 
sketches of most of the French captains mentioned in the text into his 
admirable gallery of national portraits. See Vies des Hommes illustres, 
CEuvres, torn. ii. and iii. 

'2 Martyr's epistles at this crisis are filled with expostulation, argu- 
ment, and entreaties to the sovereigns, begging them to rouse from 
their apathy and take measures to secure the wavering affections of 
Venice, as well as to send more effectual aid to their Italian troops. 
Ferdinand listened to the first of these suggestions, but showed a 
strange insensibility to the last. 



RESOLUTION OF THE SPANIARDS. 



43 



together the detachments posted in various parts of 
Calabria, and concentrating them on the town of 
Atella in the Basilicate, where he had established his 
own quarters. He had also opened a correspondence 
with the barons of the Aragonese faction, who were 
most numerous as well as most powerful in the northern 
section of the kingdom, which had been assigned to 
the French. He was particularly fortunate in gaining 
over the two Colonnas, whose authority, powerful 
connections, and large military experience proved of 
inestimable value to him.'^ 

With all the resources he could command, however, 
Gonsalvo found himself, as before noticed, unequal to 
the contest, though it was impossible to defer it, after 
the peremptory summons of the French viceroy to 
surrender the Capitanate. To this he unhesitatingly 
answered that * * the Capitanate belonged of right to 
his own master; and that, with the blessing of God, 
he would make good its defence against the French 
king, or any other Wi.o should invade it." 

Notwithstanding the bold front put on his affairs, 
however, he did not choose to abide the assault of the 
French in his present position. He instantly drew off 



'3 Carta de Gonzalo d los Reyes, Tarento, lo de Marzo, 1502, MS. 
— Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, lib. 4, cap. 62, 65. — Giovio, Vitae 
Illust. Virorum, ]i. 230. — Prospero Colonna, in particular, was distin- 
guished not only for his military science, but his fondness for letters 
and the arts, of which he is commemorated by Tiraboschi as a munifi- 
cent patron. (Letteratura Italiana, tom. viii. p. 77.) Paolo Giovio 
has introduced his portrait among the effigies of illustrious men, who, 
it must be confessed, are more indebted in his work to the hand of the 
historian than of the artist. Elogia Virorum Bellica Virtute lUustriura 
(Basiliae, 1578), lib. 5. 



m 
■m 



ill 

Ill 

w 
m 



mu 



44 



ITALIAN WARS. 



with the greater part of his force to Barleta, a fortified 
seaport on the confines of Apulia, on tlie Adriatic, the 
situation of which would enable him either to receive 
supplies from abroad, or to effect a retreat, if neces- 
sary, on board the Spanish fleet, which still kept the 
coast of Calabria. The remainder of his army he 
distributed in Bari, Andria, Canosa, and other adja- 
cent towns ; where he confidently hoped to maintain 
himself till the arrival of reinforcements, which he 
solicited in the most pressing manner from Spain and 
Sicily, should enable him to take the field on more 
equal terms against his adversary.'* 

The French officers, in the mean time, were divided 
in opinion as to the best mode of conducting the war. 
Some were" for besieging Bari, held by the illustrious 
and unfortunate Isabella of Aragon ; 's others, iii a 
more chivalrous spirit, opposed the attack of a place 
defended by a female, and advised an immediate 
assault on Barleta itself, whose old and dilapidated 
works might easily be forced, if it did not at once sur- 
render. The duke of Nemours, deciding on a middle 
course, determined to invest the last-mentioned town, 
and, cutting off all communication with the surround- 
ing country, to reduce it by regular blockade. This 

'♦ D'Auton, Hist, de Louys Xll., part. 2, chap. 8. — UUoa, Vita di 
Carlo v., fol. 10. — Chr6nica del Gran Capitan, cap. 42. — Summonte, 
Hist, di Napoli, torn. iii. p. 541. 

•s This beautiful and high- pirited lady, whose fate hc>5 led Boccalini, 
in his whimsical satire of the " Ragguagli di Parnasso," to call her the 
most unfortunate female on record, had seen her father, Alfonso H., 
and her husband, Galeazzo Sforza, driven from their thrones by the 
French, while her son still remained in captivity in their hands. No 
wonder they revolted from accumulating new woes on her devoted 
head. 



RESOLUTION OF THE SPANIARDS. 



45 



plan was unquestionably the least eligible of all, as it 
would allow time for the enthusiasm of the French, 
the furia Francese, as it was called in Italy, which 
carried them victorious over so many obstacles, to 
evaporate, while it brought into play the stern resolve, 
the calm, unflinching endurance, which distinguished 
the Spanish soldier.'* 

One of the first operations of the French viceroy- 
was the siege of Canosa (July 2, 1502), a strongly 
fortified place west of Barleta, garrisoned by six hun- 
dred picked men under the engineer Pedro J'avarro. 
The defence of the place justified the reputation of this 
gallant soldier. He beat off two successive assaults 
of the enemy, led on by Bayard, La Palice, and the 
flower of their chivalry. He had prepared to sustain 
a third, resolved to bury himself under the ruins of the 
town rather than surrender. But Gonsalvo, unable to 
relieve it, commanded him to make the best terms he 
could, saying *' the place was of far less value than tiie 
lives of the brave men who defended it." Navarro 
found no difficulty in obtaining an honorable capitula- 
tion; and the little garrison, dwindled to one-third of 
its original number, marched out through the enemy's 
camp, with colors flying and music playing, as if in 
derision of the powerful force it had so nobly kept 
nt bay.'' 

'* Giovio, VitDe Illust. Virorum, p. 237. — Guicciardini, I ria, lib. 
S, pp. 282, 283. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. ii. lib. 19, cap. 14. — 
Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 249. — Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, 
MS., cap. 168. 

'7 Clironica del Gran Capitan, cap. 47. — Zurita, Hist, del Rey Her- 
nando, tom. i. lib. 4, cap. 69. — Giovio, Vitre Illust. Virorum, torn. i. p 
241. — U'Auton, part. 2, chap. 11. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 



46 



ITALIAN WARS. 



After the capture of Canosa, D'Aubigny, whose 
misunderstanding with Nemours still continued, was 
despatched with a small force into the south, to over- 
run the two Calabrias. The viceroy, in the mean 
while, having fruitlessly attempted the reduction of 
several strong places held by the Spaniards in the' 
neighborhood cf Barleta, endeavored to straiten the 
garrison there by desolating the surrounding country 
and sweeping off the flocks and herds which grazed 
in its fertile pastures. The Spaniards, however, did 
not remain idle within their defences, but, sallying out 
in small detachments, occasionally retrieved the spoil 
from the hands of the enemy, or annoyed him with 
desultory attacks, ambuscades, and other irregular 
movements of guerilla warfare, in which the French 
were comparatively unpractised.'* 

The war now began to assume many of the romantic 
features of that of Granada. The knights on both sides, 
not content with the usual military rencontres, defied 
one another to jousts and tourneys, eager to establish 
their prowess in the noble exercises of chivalry. One 
of the most remarkable of these meetings took place 
between eleven Spanish and as many French knights, 
in consequence of some disparaging remarks of the 

247. — Martyr says that the Spaniards marched through the enemy's 
camp, shouting, " Espana, Espaiia, viva Espaiia!" (ubi supra.) Their 
gallantry in the defence of Canosa elicits a hearty eulogium from Jean 
d'Auton, the loyal historiographer of Louis XII. : " Je ne veux done 
par ma Chronique mettre les biensfaicts des Espaignols en oubly, 
mais dire que pour vertueuse defence, doibuent auoir louange honora- 
ble." Hist, de Louys XII., chap. 11. 

'8 Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 169. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo 
v., fol. 10. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, cap. 66. 



!fli 



RESOLUTION OF THE SPANIARDS. 



47 



latter on the cavalry of their enemies, which they 
affirmed inferior to their own. The Venetians gave 
the parties a fair field of combat in the neutral terri- 
■tory under their own walls of Trani. A gallant array 
of well-armed knigh^'' of both nations gvarded the lists 
and maintained the o 'er of the fight. On the ap- 
pointed day (Sept. 20th, £502) the champions appeared 
in the field, armed at all points, with horses richly 
caparisoned, and barbed or covered with steel panoply 
like their masters. The roofs and battlements of Trani 
were covered with spectators, while the lists were 
thronged with the French and Spanish chivalry, each 
staking in some degree the national honor on the issue 
of the contest. Among the Castilians were Diego de 
Paredes and Diego de Vera, while the good knight 
Bayard was most conspicuous on the other side. 

As the trumpets sounded the appointed signal, the 
hostile parties rushed to the encounter. Three Span- 
iards were borne from their saddles by the rudeness of 
the shock, and four of their antagonists' horses slain. 
The fight, which began at ten in the morning, was not 
to be protracted beyond sunset. Long before that 
hour, all the French save two, one of them the cheva- 
lier Bayard, had been dismounted, and their horses, 
at which the S) aniards had aimed more than at the 
riders, disabled or slain. The Spaniards, seven of 
whom were still on horseback, pressed hard on their 
adversaries, leaving little doubt of the fortune of the 
day. The latter, however, intrenching themselves be- 
hind the carcases of their dead horses, made good their 
defence against the Spaniards, who in vain tried to spur 
their terrified steeds over the barrier. In this way the 



:! i 



11 



I fill 



Si .1 



48 



ITALIAN WARS. 



fight was protracted till sunset ; and, as both parties 
continued to keep possession of the field, the palm of 
victory was adjudged to neither, while both were pro- 
nounced to have demeaned themselves like good and 
valiant knights.'' 

The tourney being ended, the combatants met in 
the centre of the lists, and embraced each other in the 
true companionship of chivalry, " making good cheer 
together," says an old chronicler, before they separated. 
The Great Captain was not satisfied with the issue of 
the fight. ** We have, at least," said one of his cham- 
pions, ** disproved the taunt of the Frenchmen, and 
shown ourselves as good horsemen as they." "I sent 
you for better," coldly retorted Gonsalvo.'" 

A more tragic termination befell a combat d Vou- 
trance between the chevalier Bayard and a Spanish 
cavalier, named Alonso de Sotomayor, who had ac- 
cused the former of uncourteous treatment of him while 
his prisoner. Bayard denied the charge, and defied 
the Spaniard to prove it in single fight, on horse or on 
foot, as he best liked. Sotomayor, aware of his antag- 

'9 Chronica del Gran Capitan, cap. 53. — D'Auton, Hist, de Louys 
XII., part. 2, chap. 26. — Giovio, Vitoe Illust. Virorum, pp. 238, 239. — 
Memoires de Bayard par le Loyal Serviteur, chap. 23, apud Petitot, 
Collection des Memoires, torn. xv. — Brantome, CEuvres, torn. iii. disc. 
77. — This celebrated tourney, its causes, and all the details of the 
action, are told in as many different ways as there are narrators ; and 
this, notwithstanding it was fought in the presence of a crowd of 
witnesses, who had nothing to do but look on and note what passed 
before their eyes. The only fiicts in which all agree are, that there 
was such a tournament, and that neither party gained the advantage. 
So much for history ! 

*> D'Auton, Hist, de Louys XII., ubi supra. — Quintana, Espanoles 
c^lebres, torn. ii. p. 263. 



RESOLUTION OF THE SPANIARDS. 



49 



onist's uncommon horsemanship, preferred the latter 
alternative. 

At the day and hour appointed (Feb. 2d, 1503) the 
two knights entered the lists, armed with sword and 
dagger, and sheathed in complete harness; although, 
with a degree of temerity unusual in these combats, 
they wore their visors up. Both combatants knelt 
down in silent prayer for a few moments, and then, 
rising and crossing themselves, advanced straight 
against each other; "the good knight Bayard," says 
Bran tome, ** moving as light of 'step as if he were 
going to lead some fair lady down the dance." 

The Spaniard was of a large and powerful frame, 
and endeavored to crush his enemy by weight of 
blows, or to close with him and bring him to the 
ground. The latter, naturally inferior in strength, 
was rendered still weaker by a fever, from which he 
had not entirely recovered. He was more light and 
agile than his adversary, however, and superior dex- 
terity enabled him not only to parry his enemy's 
strokes, but to deal him occasionally one of his own, 
while he sorely distressed him by the rapidity of his 
movements. At length, as the Spaniard was some- 
what thrown off his balance by an ill-directed blow, 
Bayard struck him so sharply on the gorget that it 
gave way, and the sword entered his throat. Furious 
with the agony of the wound, Sotomayor collected all 
liis strength for a last struggle, and, grasping his antag- 
onist in his arms, they both rolled in the dust together. 
Before either could extricate himself, the quick-eyed 
Bayard, who had retained his poniard in his left hand 
during the whole combat, while the Spaniard's had 
Vol. III.— 4 c 



! i;^ 

■if 
ill 



iiiiii 






ti r! 

m 



hi 




ill t 










1 

- ill 



so 



ITALIAN WARS. 



remained in h»s belt, drove the steel with such con- 
vulsive strength under his enemy's eye that it pierced 
quite through the brain. After the judges had awarded 
the honors of the day to Bayard, the minstrels as usual 
began to pour forth triumphant strains in praise of the 
victor; but the good knight commanded them to de- 
sist, and, having first prostrated himself on his knees in 
gratitude for his victory, walked slowly out of the lists, 
expressing a wish that the combat had had a different 
termination, so th.t his honor had been saved." 

In these jousts and tourneys, described with sufficient 
prolixity, but in a truly heart-stirring tone, by the 
chroniclers of the day, we may discern the last gleams 
of the light of chivalry, which illumined the darkness 
of the Middle Ages; and, although rough in compari- 
son with the pastimes of more polished times, they 
called forth such displays of magnificence, courtesy, 
and knightly honor as throw something like the grace 
of civilization over the ferocious features of the age. 

While the Spaniards, cooped up within the old town 
of Barleta, sought to vary the monotony of their ex- 
istence by these chivalrous exercises or an occasional 
foray into the neighboring country, they suffered greatly 
from the want of military stores, food, clothing, and 
the most common necessaries of life. It seemed as if 
their master had abandoned them to their fate on this 
forlorn outpost, without a struggle in their behalf." 

" Brantfime, CEuvres, torn, vi., Discours sur les Duels. — D'Auton, 
Hist, de Louys XII., part. 2, chap. 27. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 
II. — Memoires de Bayard, chap. 22. apud Petitot, Collection des 
M^moires. — Giovio, Vitaj Illust. Virorum, p. 240. • 

" According to Martyr, the besieged had been .so severely pressed 
by famine for some time before this that Gonsalvo (Mitertained serious 



RESOLUTION OF THE SPANIARDS. 



51 



How different from the parental care with which Isa- 
bella watched over the welfare of her soldiers in the 
long war of Granada 1 The queen appears to have 
taken no part in the management of these wars, which, 
notwithstanding the number of her own immediate 
subjects embarked in them, she probably regarded, 
from the first, as appertaining to Aragon as exclusively 
as the conquests in the New World did to Castile. 
Indeed, whatever degree of interest she may have felt 
in their success, the declining state of her health at 
this period would not have allowed her to take any 
part in the conduct of them. 

Gonsalvo was not wanting to himself in this trying 
emergency, and his noble spirit seemed to rise as all 
outward and visible resources failed. He cheered his 
troops with promises of speedy relief, talking con- 
fidently of the supplies of grain he expected from 
Sicily and the men and money he was to receive from 
Spain and Venice. He contrived, too, says Giovio, 
that a report should get abroad that a ponderous coffer 
lying in his apartment was filled with gold, which he 
could draw upon in the last extremity. The old cam- 
paigners, indeed, according to the same authority, 
shook their heads at these and other agreeable fictions 
of their general, with a very skeptical air. They 
derived some confirmation, however, from the arrival 

thoughts of embarking the whole of his little garrison on board the 
fleet and abandoning the place to the enemy : " Barlettae inclusos fame 
pesteque urgeri graviter aiunt. Vicina ipsorum omnia Galli occupant, 
et nostros quotidle magis ac magis preniunt. Ita obsessi undlque, de 
relinquenda etiam Barletta srepius iniere consilium. Ut mari terga 
denthostibus, ne fixme pesteque poreant, siupe cadit in dfliberafioneni." 
Oi)US Episl., epist. 249. 



*• 



ITALIAN WARS. 



. ! 



I I'M^ 



li \ 



soon after of a Sicilian bark laden with corn, and an- 
other from Venice with various serviceable stores and 
wearing-apparel, which Gonsalvo bought on his own 
credit and that of his principal officers and distributed 
gratuitously among his destitute soldiers."' 

At this time he received the unwelcome tidings that 
a small force which had been sent from Spain to his 
assistance, under Don Manuel de Benavides, and which 
had effected a junction with one much larger from 
Sicily under Hugo de Cardona, had been surprised 
by D'Aubigny near Terranova and totally defeated. 
(Dec. 25th, 1502.) This disaster was followed by the 
reduction of all Calabria, which the latter general, 
at the head of his French and Scottish gendarmerie, 
rode over from one extremity to the other without 
opposition."* 

The prospect now grew darker and darker around 
the little garrison of Barleta. The discomfiture of 
Benavides excluded hopes of relief in that direction. 
The gradual occupation of most of the strong places 
in Apulia by the duke of Nemours cut off all communi- 
cation with the neighboring country; and a French 
fleet cruising in the Adriatic rendered the arrival of 
further stores and reinforcements extremely precarious. 
Gonsalvo, however, maintained the same unruffled 
cheerfulness as before, and endeavored to infuse it 
into the hearts of others. He perfectly understood the 



»3 Giovio, Vitoe Illust. Virorum, p. 242. — Zurita, Hist, del Rey Her- 
nando, torn. i. lib. 5, cap. 4. — Bernaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 
167. — Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 5, p. 283. 

»♦ Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 5, p. 294. — D'Auton, Hist, de Louys XII., 
part. 2, cliap. 22. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, cap. 63. 



RESOLUTION OF THE SPANIARDS. 



53 



character of his countrymen, knew all their resources, 
and tried to rnuse every latent principle of honor, loy- 
alty, pride, and national feeling; and such was the 
authority which he acquired over their minds, and so 
deep the affection which he inspired, by the amenity of 
his manners and the generosity of his disposition, that 
not a murmur or symptom of insubordination escaped 
them during the whole of this long and painful siege. 
But neither the excellence of his troops, nor the re- 
sources of his own genius, would have been sufficient 
to extricate Gonsalvo from the difficulties of his situa- 
tion, without the most flagrant errors on the part of 
his opponent. The Spanish general, who understood 
the character of the French commander perfectly well, 
lay patiently awaiting his o])portunity, like a skilful 
fencer, ready to make a decisive thrust at the first 
vulnerable point that should be presented. Such an 
occasion at length offered itself early in the following 
year."' (January, 1503.) 

The French, no less weary than their adversaries of 
their long inaction, sallied out from Canosa, where the 
viceroy had established his headquarters, and, crossing 
the Ofanto, marched up directly under the walls of 
Barleta, with the intention of drawing out the garrison 
from the "old den," as they called it, and deciding 
the quarrel in a pitched battle. The duke of Nemours, 
according!} , having taken up his position, sent a trum- 
pet into the place to defy the Great Captain to the 
encounter; but the latter returned for answer that "he 
was accustomed to choose his own place and time for 

»s UII0.1, Vita di Carlo V,, fol. ii. — Giovio, Vitce lUust. Viroram, 
torn. i. p, 247. — Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, tonn. i. lib. 5, cxp. 9. 



M 



54 



ITALIAN n'ARS. 



m 






\\ 



II i; 



fiphting, and would thank the French general to wait 
till his men found time to shoe their horses and burnish 
up their arms." At length, Nemours, after remaining 
some days and fmding there was no chance of decoy- 
ing his wily foe from his defences, broke up his camp 
and retired, satisfied with the empty honors of his 
gasconade. 

No sooner had he fairly turned his back than Gon- 
salvo, whose soldiers had been restrained with difficulty 
from sallying out on their insolent foe, ordered the 
whole strength of his cavalry, under the command of 
Diego de Mendoza, flanked by two corps of infantry, 
to issue forth and pursue the French. Mendoza exe- 
cuted these orders so promptly that he brought up his 
horse, which were somewhat in advance of the foot, 
on the rear-guard of the French, before it had got 
many miles from Barleta. The latter instantly halted 
to receive the charge of the Spaniards, and, after a 
lively skirmish of no great duration, Mendoza retreated, 
followed by the incautious enemy, who, in consequence 
of their irregular and straggling march, were detached 
from the main body of their army. In the mean time, 
the advancing columns of the Spanish infantry, which 
had now come up with the retreating horse, unex- 
pectedly closing on the enemy's flanks, threw them 
into some disorder, which became complete when the 
flying cavalry of the Spaniards, suddenly wheeling 
round in the rapid style of the Moorish tactics, 
charged them boldly in front. All was now confu- 
sion. Some made resistance, but most sought only to 
escape ; a few effected it, but the greater part of those 
who did not fall on the field were carried prisoners 



m 



A'/:S0/.f-7/0N OF THE SPANIARDS. 



55 



toBarkta; where Mcndoza found the Great Captain 
with his whole army drawn up under the walls in order 
of battle, ready to support him in person, if neces- 
sary. The whole affair passed so expeditiously that 
the viceroy, who, as has been said, contlucted his 
retreat in a most disorderly manner, and in fact had 
already dispersed several battalions of his infantry to 
the different towns from which he had drawn them, 
knew nothing of the rencontre till his men were 
securely lodged within the walls of Barleta."* 

The arrival of a Venetian trader at this time, with a 
cargo of grain, brought temporary relief to the press- 
ing necessities of the garrison."' This was followed 
by the welcome intelligence of the total discomfiture 
of the French fleet under M. de Prejan by the Spanish 
admiral Lczcano, in an action off Otranto, which 
consequently left the seas open for the supplies daily 

=* Giovio, Vitoe Illust. Virorum, pp. 243, 244. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo 
v., fol. II, 12. — A dispute arose, soon after this afi'air, between a French 
cfTiccr and some Italian gentlemen at Gonsalvo's table, in consequence 
of certain injurious reflections made by the former on the bravery of 
the Italian nation. The quarrel was settled by a combat a I'outrance 
between thirteen knights on each side, fought under the protection of 
the Great Captain, who took a lively interest in the success of his 
allies. It terminated in the discomfiture and capture of all the French. 
The tourney covers more pages in the Italian historians than the longest 
battle, and is told with pride and a swell of exultation which show 
that this insult of the French cut more deeply than all the injuries 
inflicted by them. Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, pp. 244-247. — Guic-. 
ciardini, Istoria, pp. 296-298. — Giannone, Istoria di Nnpoli, lib. 29, 
cap. 4. — Summonte, Hist, di Napoli, torn. iii. pp. 542-552. 

*7 This supply was owing to the avarice of the French general 
Alfegre, who, having got possession of a magazine of corn in Foggia, 
sold it to the Venetian merchant, instead of reserving it, where it was 
most needed, for his own army. 






.'If 
m 

Ikii : 



5fi 



ITALIAN WARS. 






It ". lil 



p 


1 


ii' 


p: 








If* 


, 1 


1 ^ 


"1 


I 


I- 










'■'l' 




[i 







expected from Sicily. Fortune seemed now in the 
giving vein ; for in a few days a convoy of seven 
transports from that ishin(i, laden with grain, meat, 
and other stores, came safe into Barleta, and supplied 
abundant means for recruiting the health and spirits 
of its famished inmates.** 

Thus restored, the Spaniards began to look forward 
with eager confidence to the achievement of son.e new 
enterprise. The temerity of the viceroy soon afforded 
an opportunity. The people of Castellaneta, a town 
near Tarento, were driven by the insolent and licen- 
tious behavior of the French garrison to betray the 
place into the hands of the Spaniards. The duke of 
Nemours, enraged at this defection, prepared to march 
at once with his whole force and take signal vengeance 
on the devoted little town; and this, notwithstanding 
the remonstrances of his officers against a step which 
must inevitably expose the unprotected garrisons in the 
neighborhood to the assault of their vigilant enemy in 
Barleta. The event justified these apprehensions."' 

No sooner had Gonsalvo learned the departure of 
Nemours on a distant expedition than he resolved at 
once to make an attack on the town of Ruvo, about 
twelve miles distant, and defended by the brave La 
Palice with a corps of three hundred French lances 
and as many foot. With his usual promptness, the 
Spanish general quitted the walls of Barleta the same 
night on which he received the news (Feb. 22d, 1503), 

"8 D'Auton, Hist, de Louys XII., part, i, chap. 72. — Peter Martyr, 
Opus Epist., epist. 254. — Giovio, Vitce Illust. Virorum, p. 242. 

^ Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 5, p. 296. — D'Auton, Hist, de Louys 
XII., part. 2, chap. 31. 



RESOLUTION OF THE SPANIARDS. 



57 



taking with him his whole effective force, amounting to 
about three thousand infantry and one thousand light 
and heavy armed horse. So few, indeed, remained to 
guard the city that he thought it prudent to take some 
of the principal inhabitants as hostages to insure its 
fidelity in his absence. 

At break of day the little army arrived before Ruvo. 
Gonsalvo immediately opened a lively cannonade on 
the old ramparts, which in less than four hours effected 
a considerable breach. He then led his men to the 
assault, taking charge himself of those who were to 
storm the breach, while another division, armed with 
ladders for scaling the walls, was intrusted to the 
adventurous cavalier Diego de Paredes. 

The assailants experienced more resolute resistance 
than they had anticipated from the inconsiderable 
number of the garrison. I.a Palice, throwing himself 
into the breach with his iron band of dismounted 
gendarmes, drove back the Spaniards as often as they 
attempted to set foot on the broken ramparts; while 
the Gascon archery showered down volleys of arrows 
thick as hail, from the battlements, on the exposed 
persons of the assailants. The latter, however, soor 
rallied under the eye of their general, and returned 
with fresh fury to the charge, until the overwhelming 
tide of numbers bore down all opposition, and they 
poured in through the breach and over the walls with 
irresistible fury. The brave little garrison were driven 
before them; still, however, occasionally making fight 
in the streets and houses. Their intrepid young com- 
mander, La Palice, retreated facing the enemy, who 
pressed thick and close upon him, till, his further 

c* 




58 



ITALIAN WARS. 



K' 






\% 



til: 



progress being arrested by a wall, he placed his back 
against it, and kept them at bay, making a wide circle 
around him with the deadly sweep of his battle-axe. 
But the odds were too much for him ; and at length, 
after repeated wounds, having been brought to the 
ground by a deep cut in the head, he was made pris- 
oner ; not, however, before he had flung his sword far 
over the heads of the assailants, disdaining, in the 
true spirit of a knight-errant, to yield it to the rabble 
around him. 3° 

All resistance was now at an end. The women of 
the place had fled, like so many frighted deer, to one 
of the principal churches; and Gonsalvo, with more 
humanity than was usual in these barbarous wars, 
placed a guard over their persons, which eff"ectually 
secured them from the insults of the soldiery. After 
a short time spent in gathering up the booty and 
securing his prisoners, the Spanish general, having 
achieved the object of his expedition, set out on his 
homeward march, and arrived without interruption at 
Barleta. 

The duke of Nemours had scarcely appeared before 
Castellaneta before he received tidings of the attack 

30 Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, pp. 248, 249. — Guicciardini, Istoria, 
p. 296. — Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 1/5. — D'Auton, Hist, 
de Louys XII., part. 2, chap. 31. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, cap. 
72. — The gallant behavior of La Palice, and indeed the whole siege 
of Ruvo, is told by Jean d'Auton in a truly hoart-stirring tone, quite 
worthy of tlie chivalrous pen of old Froissart. There is an inexpress- 
ible charm imparted to the French memoirs and chronicles of this 
ancient date, not only from the picturesque character of the details, 
but from a gentle tinge of romance shed over them, which calls tc 

mind the doughty feats of 

" prowest 1< nights, 

Ejth Paynini and the peers of Chiirleningne," 



RESOLUTION OF THE SPANIARDS. 



59 



on Ruvo. He put himself, without losing a moment, 
at the head of his gendarmes, supported by the Swiss 
pikemen, hoping to reach the bele.iguered town in 
time to raise the siege. Great was his astonishment, 
therefore, on arriving before it, to find no trace of an 
enemy, except the ensigns of Spain unfurled from the 
deserted battlements. Mortified and dejected, he 
made no further attempt to recover Castellaneta, but 
silently drew otT to hide his chagrin within the walls 
of Canosa.3' 

Among the prisoners were several persons of distin- 
guished rank. Gonsalvo treated them witli his usual 
courtesy, and especially La Pal ice, whom he provided 
with his own surgeon and all the appliances for render- 
ing his situation as comfortable as possible. For the 
common file, however, he showed no such sympathy, 
but condemned them all to serve in the Spanish admi- 
ral's galleys, where they continued to the close of the 
campaign. An unfortunate misunderstanding had long 
subsisted between the French and Spanish commanders 
respecting the ransom and exchange of prisoners ; and 
Gonsalvo was probably led to this severe measure, ,; / 
different from his usual clemency, by an unwillingneis 
to encumber himself with a superfluous population in 
the oesieged city.'' But, in truth, such a proceeding, 
however offensive to humanity, was not ar all repug- 
nant to the haughty spirit of chivalry, which, reserv- 
ing its courtesies exclusively for those of gentle blood 

3' Bernaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., ubi supra. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo 
v., fol. i6. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, cap. 72. 

~' D'Auton, Hist, de Louys XII., ubi supra. — Giovio. Vit.-e Ulust. 
Virorum, p. 249. — Quintana, Espaiioles cclebres, toni. ii. p. 270. — 
Ziirita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, toin. i. lib. 5, cap. 14. 






51.. 



(' 



r 



11 



60 



ITALIAN WARS. 



(;. fvl I !M 



I 



11 



m 
pi I 



Ifi 



1 1-^' 



11: 

W' 111 

1: ^' 



ami l^igh degree, cared little for the inferior orders, 
whether soldier or peasant, whom it abandoned without 
remorse to all the caprices and cruelties of military 
license. 

The capture of Ruvo was attended with important 
consequences to the Spaniards. Besides a valuable 
booty of clothes, jewels, and money, they brought 
back with them nearly a thousand horses, which fur- 
nished Gonsalvo with the means of augmenting his 
cavalry, the small number of which had hitherto 
materially crippled his operationo. He accordingly 
selected seven hundred of his best troops and mounted 
them on the French horses; thus providing himself 
with a corps burning with zeal to approve itself worthy 
of the distinguished honor conferred on it.^ 

A few weeks after, the general received an important 
accession of strength by the arrival of two thousand 
German mercenaries, which Don Juan Manuel, the 
Spanish minister at the Austrian court, had been per- 
mitted to raise in the emperor's dominions. This 
event determined the Great Captain on a step which 
he had been seme time meditating. The new levies 
placed him in a condition for assuming the offensive. 
His stock of provisions, moreover, already much re- 
duced, would be obviously insufficient long to main- 
tain his increased numbers. He resolved, therefore, 
to sally out of the old walls of Barleta, and, availing 
himself of the high spirits in which the late successes had 
put his troops, to bring the enemy at once to battle. 3* 

33 Giovio, Vitoe Illiist. Virorum, p. 249. 

34 Giuibay, Coinpendio, torn. ii. lib. 19, cap. 15.— Zurita, Hist, del 
Key Hernando, torn. i. lib. 5, cap. i6. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 17. 



CHAPTER XII. 

ITALIAN WARS. — NEGOTIATIONS WITH FRANCE. — ^VICTORY 
OF CERIGNOLA. — SURRENDER OF NAPLES. 

1503. 



Birth of Charles V. — Philip and Joanna visit Spain. — Treaty of Lyons. 
— The Great Captain refuses to comply with it. — Encamps before 
Cerignola. — Battle, and Rout of the French. — Triumphant Entry 
of Gonsalvo into N-ples. 

Before accompanying the Great Captain further in 
his warlike operations, it will be necessary to take a 
rapid glance at what was passing in the French and 
Spanish courts, where negotiations were in train for 
putting a stop to them altogether. 

The reader has been made acquainted in a pre- 
ceding chapter with the marriage of the infanta Joanna, 
second daughter of the Catholic sovereigns, witli the 
archduke Philip, son Oi the emperor Maximilian, and 
sovereign, in right of his mother, of the Low Coim- 
tries. The first fruit of this marriage was the celebrated 
Charles the Fifth, born at Ghent, February 24th, 1500, 
whose birth was no sooner announced to Queen Isa- 
bella th?n she predicted that to this infant would one 
day descend the rich inheritance of the S]janish mon- 
archy.' The premature death of the heir apparent, 

' Carbajal, Anales, MS., afio 1500. — .Sandoval, Hist, del l"mp. Car- 
los v., torn. i. p. 2. — The queen expressed herself in the language of 
Scripture, " Sors cecidit super Mathiam," in allusion to the circum- 

(61) 



I ! I 



ll' i !^ 



63 



ITALIAN WARS. 



".< 



Prince Miguel, not long after, prepared the way for 
this event by devolving the succession on Joanna, 
Charles's mother. From that moment the sovereigns 
were pressing in their entreaties that the archduke 
and his wife would visit Spain, that they might receive 
the customary oaths of allegiance, and that the former 
mighi become acquainted with the character and insti- 
tuti jne. of his future subjects. The giddy young prince, 
howev(;r, thought too much of present pleasure to hee^i 
the f:ai' of ambition or duty, and suffered more than 
a year to glide away before he complied with the 
suMmohs of his royal parents.'' 

Li the latter part of 1501, Philip and Joanna, at- 
tend t>. by a numerous suite of Flemish courtiers, set 
out on their journey, proposing to take their way 

stance of Charles being born on that saint's day ;* a day which, if we 
are to believe Garibay, was fortunate to him through the whole course 
of his Ufe. Compendio, torn. ii. lib. 19, cap. 9. 

2 A letter from Joanna, in the collection of Senor de Gayangos, 
shows much eagerness to vindicate herself and her husband, as far as 
may be, from any suspicions of unwillingness to visit Spain, caused by 
their delay : " lo no se que ninguno de mi casa diga que pueden re- 
tardar nucstra yda alia, y si !o dixese seria tambicn castigado quanto 
nunca fue persona, y derc(^ tanto la yda alia que todos los impydimi- 
entos que se ysieren trabajare que quitarlos con todas mis fuer9as." 
Carta al Secretario Ahaaxan, Bruselas, Noviembre 4, 1500, MS. 



i 



* [The day of Saint Matthias fell, n t i)n th.» r^th, but on Tuesday 
the 25th of February, in the year 1500; and it is poss-hle that the 
latter date was really that of Charles's ' ir;h, the error, if thtri be one, 
having arisen from the fact that the evcnt took place within an hour 
after midnight. Sec Coronica de Felipe 1'' Ilamado el Ilermoso, es- 
crita por Don Lorenzo de Padilla y dirigid.x al Emperador Carlos V., 
ptiiilislied in the 8th volume of the Col. de Doc. iiiod. \t\\-\ l;i Hist. 
de Espaiia. — El), J 



VICTORY OF CERIGNOLA. 



63 



through France. They were entertained with profuse 
magnifKence and hospitality at tiie French court, where 
the politic attentions of Louis the Twelfth not only 
effaced the recollection of ancient injuries to the house 
of Burgundy,^ but left impressions of the most agree- 
able character on the mind of the young prince.* After 
some weeks passed in a succession of splendid fetes 
and amusements at Blois, where the archduke con- 
firmed the treaty of Trent recently made between 
his father, the emperor, and the French king, stipu- 
lating the marriage of Louis's eldest daughter, the 
princess Claude, with Philip's son Charles, the royal 
pair resumed their journey towards Spain, which they 

3 Charles VIII., Louis's predecessor, had contrived to secure the 
hand of Anne of Bretagne, notwithstandnig she was already married 
by proxy to Philip's father, the emperor Maximilian ; and this, too, in 
contempt of his own engagements to Margaret, the emperor's daughter, 
to whom he had been affianced from her infancy. This twofold insult, 
which sank deep into the heart of Maximilian, seems to have made no 
impression on the volatile spirits of his son. 

4 Mariana, Hist, de Espana, lib. 27, cajv, 11. — St. Gelais describes 
the cordial reception of Philip and Joanixa by the court at Blois, wliire 
he was probably present himself. The historian shows his own opinion 
of the effect produced on their young minds by these fl.ittering atten- 
tions, by remarking, " Le roy leur monstra si tres gr^jid semblant 
d'amour, que par nublesse et honestete de coeur il Ics obU^eoit envers 
liiy de leur en souvenir toute leur vie." (Hist, de Louys XII., pp. 164, 
165.) In passing through Paris, Philip took his seat in the parliament 
as peer of France, and subsequently did homage to Louis XII., as his 
suzerain for his estates in Flanders ; an acknowledgment of inferiority 
not at all palatable to the Spanish historians, who insist with much 
satisfaction on the hauglity refus.il of his wife, the archduchess, to take 
part in the ceremony, Zurita, Anales, torn. v. lib. 4, cap. 55. — Car- 
bajal, .■\nales, M.S., ano 1302. — .\barc\, Reyes de .Aragon, torn. ii. 
rey 30, cap. 13, sec. i. — Dumont, Corps diplomatique, torn. iv. part. 
I, p. 17- 



\l \>> 



«4 



ITALIAN WARS. 



m 



J! 



entered by the way of Fontarabia, January agth, 
1502.5 

Magnificent preparations had been made for their 
reception. The grand constable of Castile, the duke 
of Najata, and many other of the principal grandees 
waited on the borders to receive them. Brilliant fetes 
and illuminations, and all the usual marks of public 
rejoicing, greeted their progress through the principal 
cities of the north; and z. pragmdtica relaxing the sim- 
plicity, or rather severity, of the sumptuary laws of the 
period, so far as to allow the use of silks and various- 
colored apparel, shows the attention of the sovereigns 
to every circumstance, however trifling, which could 
affect the minds of the young princes agreeably and 
diffuse an air of cheerfulness over the scene.* 

Ferdinand and Isabella, who were occupied with the 
affairs of Andalusia at this period, no sooner heard of 
the arrival of Philip and Joanna than they hastened to 
the north. They reached Toledo towards the end of 
April, and in a few days the queen, who paid the usual 
penalties of royalty, in seeing her children, one after 
another, removed far from her into distant lands, had 
the satisfaction of again folding her beloved daughter 
in her arms. 

On the 2 2d of the ensuing month the archduke and 



m 



s Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1502. — Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos 
v., torn. i. p. 5. 

6 Zurita, Anales, torn. v. lib. 4, cap. 55. — Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, 
torn. viii. p. 220. — This extreme simplicity of attire, in which Zurita 
discerns " the modesty of the times," was enforced by laws the policy 
of which, whatever be thought of their moral import, may well be 
doubted in an economical view. I shall have occasion to draw the 
reader's attention to them hereafter. 



VICTORY OF CE RIG NO LA. 



65 



his wife received the usual oaths of fealty from the 
cortes, duly convoked for the purpose at Toledo.' 
King Ferdinand, not long after, made a journey into 
Aragon, in which the queen's feeble health would not 
permit her to accompany him, in order to prepare 
the way for a similar recognition by the estates of 
that realm. We are not informed what arguments the 
sagacious monarch made use of to dispel the scruples 
formerly entertained by that independent body, on a 
similar application in behalf of his daughter, the late 
queen of Portugal.* They were completely successful, 
however; and Philip and Joanna, having ascertained 
the favorable disposition of cortes, made their entrance 
in great state into the ancient city of Saragossa, in the 

7 Tlie writ is dated at Llercna, March 8. It was extracted by Ma- 
rina from the archives of Toledo, Teoria, toin. ii. p. i8. 

8 It is remarkable that the Arugonese writers, generally so inquisi- 
tive on all points touching the constitutional history of their country, 
should have omitted to notice the grounds on which the cortes thought 
proper to reverse its former decision in the analogous case of the in- 
fanta Isabella. There seems to have been even less reason for depart- 
ing from ancient usage in the present instance, since Joanna had a son, 
to whom the cortes might lawfully have tendered its oath of recog- 
nition ; for a femal'*, although excluded from the throne in her own 
person, was regarded as competent to transmit the title unimpaired to 
her male heirs. Blancas suggests no explanati^jn of the affair (Corona- 
ciones, lib. 3, cap. 20, and Commcntarii, pp. 274, 511), and Zurita 
quietly dismisses it with the remark that " there was some opposition 
raised, but the king had managed it so discreetly beforehand that there 
was not the same difficulty as formerly." (Hist, del Rey Hernando, 
torn. i. lib. 5, cap. 5.) It is curious to see with what effrontery the 
prothonotary of the cortes, in the desire to varnish over the departure 
from constitutional precedent, declares, in the opening address, " the 
princess Joanna, true and lawful heir to the crown, to whom, in 
default of male heirs, the usage and law of the land require the oath 
of allegiance." Coronaciones, ubi supra. 

Vol. III.— 5 



66 



ITALIAN WAKS. 





month of October. On the 27tli, liaving first made 
oath before the Justice, to observe the laws and liber- 
ties of the realm, Joanna as future queen proprietor, 
and Philip as her husband, were solemnly recognized 
by ihc four arms of Aragon as successors to the crown, 
in default of male issue of King Ferdinand. The cir- 
cumstance is memorable, as affording the first example 
of the parliamentary recognition of a female heir 
apparent in Aragonese history.' 

Amidst all the honors so liberally 1 ivished on Philip, 
his bosom secretly swelled with discontent, fomented 
still further by his followers, who pressed him to hasten 
his return to Flanders, where the free and social man- 
ners of the people were much more congenial to their 
tastes than the reserve and stately ceremonial of the 
Spanish court. The young prince shared in these 
feelings, to which, indeed, the love of pleasure, and 
an instinctive aversion to any thing like serious occupa- 
tion, naturally disposed him. Ferdinand and Isabella 
saw with regret the frivolous disposition of their son- 
in-law, who, in the indulgence of selfish and effeminate 
ease, was willing to repose on others all the important 
duties of government. They beheld with mortifica- 
tion his indifference to Joanna, who could boast few 

9 Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1500. — Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn, 
ii. rey 30, cap. 12, sec. 6. — Robles, Vida de Xinurae;'., p. 126. — Guri- 
bay, Compendio, torn. ii. lib. 19, cap. 14. — Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. 
Carlos v., torn. i. p. 5. — Petronilla, the only female who ever sat, in 
her own right, on the throne of Aragon, never received the homage 
of cortes as heir apparent ; the custom not having been established at 
that time, the middle of the twelfth century. ( Zurita, Anales, torn. v. 
lib. 5, cap. 5.) BUiUcas has described the ceremony of Joanna's 
recognition with quite as much circumstantiality as the novelty of 
tlie case could warrant, Coronaciones, lib. 3, cap. 20. 



VICTORY OF CERIGNOrA. 



67 



personal attrnrtions,'" and wlio cooled the aflections 
of her husband by alternations of excessive fondness 
and irritable jealousy, for which lust the levity of his 
conduct gave her too much occasion. 

Shortly after the ceremony at Saragossa, the arch- 
duke announced his intention of an immediate return 
to the Netherlands, by the way of France. The sov- 
ereigns, astonished at this abrupt determination, usei 
every argument to dissuade him from it. They repre- 
sented the ill effects it might occasion the princess 
Joanna, then too far advanced in a state of pregnancy 
to accompany him. They pointed out the impropriety, 
as well as danger, of committing himself to the hands 
of the French king, with whom they were now at open 
war; and they finally insisted on the importance of 
Philip's remaining long enough in the kingdom to 
become familiar with the usages and establish himself 
in the affections of the people over whom he would 
one day be called to reign. 

All these arguments were ineffectual ; the inflexible 
prince, turning a deaf ear alike to the entreaties of his 
unhappy wife and the remonstrances of the Aragonese 
cortes still in session, set out from Madrid, with the 
whole of his Flemish suite, in the month of December. 
He left Ferdinand and Isabella disgusted with the 
levity of his conduct, and the queen, in particular, 
filled with mournful solicitude for the welfare of the 
daughter with whom his destinies were united." 

10 "Simplex est focmina," says Martyr, speaking of Joanna, "licet 
a tanta muliere progenita." Opus Eplst., epist. 250. 

»» I'cter Martyr, Opus Epist., ubi Mipra. — Zurita, Anales, torn. v. 
lib. s, cap. 10. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol, 44. — Carbajal, Anales, 
MS., ano 1502. 







IMAGE EVALUATION 
TEST TARGET (MT-3) 







^ ^ 



^ 



1.0 



I.I 



2.5 



US "^ ^" 

£f l£o K2.0 

u 



IU& 





11111 IILJ^ U4 




< 


6" 


> 




Photograiinc 

Sciences 

Corporation 







23 WBT MAIN STMIT 

WIUTU.N.Y. 14SM 

(716)172-4503 



'^ 



68 



ITALIAN WARS. 



Ill I 

'J 



% 



I 



Before his departure for France, Philip, anxious to 
re-establish harmony between that country and Spain, 
offered his services to his father-in-law in negotiating 
with Louis the Twelfth, if possible, a settlement of the 
differences respecting Naples. Ferdinand showed some 
reluctance at intrusting so delicate a commission to an 
envoy in whose discretion he placed small reliance, 
which was not augmented by the known partiality 
which Philip entertained for the French monarch.** 
Before the archduke had crossed the frontier, how- 
ever, he was overtaken by a Spanish ecclesiastic named 
Bernaldo Boyl, abbot of St. Miguel de Cuxa, who 
brought full powers to Philip from the king for con- 
cluding a treaty with France, accompanied at the same 
time with private instructions of the most strict and 
limited nature. He was enjoined, moreover, to take 
no step without the advice of his reverend coadjutor, 
and to inform the Spanish court at once if different 
propositions were submitted from those contemplated 
by his instructions.*' 

Thus fortified, the archduke Philip made his appear- 
ance at the French court in Lyons, where he was 
received by Louis with the same lively expressions 
of regard as before. With these amiable dispositions, 
the negotiations were not long in resulting in a defini- 

«» Such manifest partiality for the French court and manners was 
shown by Philip and his Flemish followers, that the Spaniards very 
generally believed the latter were in the pay of Louis XII. See Go- 
mez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 44. — Zurita, Anales, tom. v. lib. 5, cap. 23. 
— Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 253. — Lanuza, Historias, cap. 16. 

'3 Zurita, Anales, tom. v. lib. 5, cap. 10. — Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, 
tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 13, sec. 2. — Garibay, Compendio, tom. ii. lib. 19, 
cap. 15. — D'Auton, Hist, de Louys XII., part, x, chap. 32. 



VICTORY OF CERIGNOLA. 



6s> 



tive treaty, arranged to the mutual satisfaction of the 
parties, though in violation of the private instructions 
of the archduke. In the progress of the discussions, 
Ferdinand, according to the Spanish historians, re- 
ceived advices from his envoy, the abate Boyl, that 
Philip was transcending his commission ; in conse- 
quence of which the king sent an express to France, 
urging his son-in-law to adhere to the strict letter of 
his instructions. Before the messenger reached Lyons, 
however, the treaty was executed. Such is the Spanish 
account of this blind transaction.'* 

The treaty, which was signed at Lyons, April 5th, 
1503* was arranged on the basis of the marriage of 
Charles, the infant son of Philip, and Claude, princess 
of France ; a marriage which, settled by three several 
treaties, was destined never to take place. The royal 
infants were immediately to assume the titles of King 
and Queen of Naples, and Duke and Duchess of Ca- 
labria. Until the consummation of the marriage, the 
French division of the kingdom was to be placed under 
the administration of some suitable person named by 
Louis the Twelfth, and the Spanish under that of the 
archduke Philip, or some other deputy appointed by 
Ferdinand. All places unlawfully seized by either 

M Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 5, cap. 23. — St. Gelais, 
Hist, de Louys XII., pp. 170, 171. — Claude de Seyssel, Histoire de 
Louys XII, (Pans, 1615), p. 108. — Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. 
rey 30, cap. 13, sec. 3. — Mariana, Hist, de Espana, torn. ii. pp. 690, 
691. — Lanuza, Historias, torn. i. cap. 16. — Some of the French histo- 
rians speak of two agents besides Philip employed in the negotiations. 
Father Boyl is the only one named by the Spanish writers as regularly 
commissioned for the purpose, although it is not improbable that 
Gralin the resident minister at Louis's court, took part in the discus- 
sions. 



70 



ITALIAN WARS. 



party were to be restored ; and, lastly, it was settled, 
with regard to the disputed province of the Capitanate, 
that the portion held by the French should be governed 
by an agent of King Louis, and the Spanish by the 
archduke Philip on behalf of Ferdinand.'* 

Such in substance was the treaty of Lyons ; a treaty 
which, while it seemed to consult the interests of Fer- 
dinand, by securing the throne of Naples eventually to 
his posterity, was in fact far more accommodated to 
those of Louis, by placing the immediate control of 
the Spanish moiety under a prince over whom that 
monarch held entire influence. It is impossible that 
so shrewd a statesman as Ferdinand could, from the 
mere consideration of advantages so remote and de- 
pendent on so precarious a contingency as the mar- 
riage of two infants then in their cradles, have seriously 
contemplated an arrangement which surrendered all 
the actual power into the hands of his rival ; and that, 
too, at the moment when his large armament, so long 
preparing for Calabria, had reached that country, and 
when the Great Captain, on the other quarter, had 
received such accessions of strength as enabled him to 
assume the offensive, on at least equal terms with the 
enemy. 

No misgivings on this head, however, appear to 
have entered the minds of the signers of the treaty, 
which was celebrated by the court at Lyons with every 
show of public rejoicing, and particularly with tourneys 
and tilts of reeds, in imitation of the Span ich chivalry. 
At the same time, the French king countermanded the 

'5 See the treaty, apud Dumont, Corps diplomatique, torn. iv. pp. 
27-29. 



I ■ 






VICTORY OF CERIGNOLA. 



V 



embarkation of fresh troops on board a fleet equipping 
at the port of Genoa for Naples, and sent orders to his 
generals in Italy to desist from further operations. The 
archduke forwarded similar instructions to Gonsalvo, 
accompanied with a copy of the powers intrusted to 
him by Ferdinand. That prudent officer, however, 
whether in obedience to previous directions from the 
king, as Spanish writers affirm, or on his own respon- 
sibility, from a very natural sense of duty, refused to 
comply with the ambassador's orders; declaring "he 
knew no authority but that of his own sovereigns, 
and that he felt bound to prosecute the war with all 
his ability, till he received their commands to the 
contrary. ' ' '* 

'* Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 13, sec. 3. — Giaii- 
none, Istoria di Napoli, lib. 29, cap. 4. — St. Calais, Hist, de Louys 
XII., p. 171. — Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 75. — D'Auton, Hist, de Louys 
XII., part. 2, chap. 32. — According to the Aragmese historians. 
Ferdinand, on the archduke's departure, informed Gonsalvo of the 
intended negotiations with France, cautioning the general at the same 
time not to heed any instructions of the archduive till confirmed by 
him. This circumstance the French writers regard as unequivocal 
proof of the king's insincerity in entering into the negotiation. It 
wears this aspect at first, certainly, but, on a nearer view, admits of a 
very different construction. Ferdinand had no confidence in the dis- 
cretion of his envoy, whom, if we are to believe the Spanish writers, 
he employed in the affair more from accident than choice ; and, 
notwithstanding the full powers intrusted to him, he did not consider 
himself bound to recognize the validity of any treaty which the other 
should sign, until first ratified by himself. With these views, founded 
on principles now universally recognized in European diplomacy, it 
was natural to caution his general against any unauthorized inter- 
ference on the part of his envoy, which the rash and presumptuous 
character of the latter, acting, moreover, under an undue influence of 
the French monarch, gave him good reason to fear. — As to the Great 
Captain, who has borne a liberal share of censure on this occasion, it 



\ 



72 



ITALIAN WARS. 



Indeed, the archduke's despatches arrived at the very 
time when the Spanish general, having strengthened 
himself by a reinforcement from the neighboring gar- 
rison of Tarento under Pedro Navarro, was prepared 
to sally forth and try his fortune in battle with the 
enemy. Without further delay, he put his purpose into 
execution, and on Friday the 28th of April, 1503, 
marched out with his whole army from the ancient 
walls of Barleta ] a spot ever memorable in history as 
the scene of the extraordinary sufferings and indom- 
itable constancy of the Spanish soldier. 

The road lay across the field of Cannae, where, sev- 
enteen centuries before, the pride of Rome had been 
humbled by the victorious arms of Hannibal,'' in a 

is not easy to see how he could have acted otherwise than he did, even 
in the event of no special instructions from Ferdinand. For he would 
scarcely have been justified in abandoning a sure prospect of advan- 
tage on the authority of one, the validity of whose powers he could 
not determine, and which, in fact, do not appear to have warranted 
such interference. The only authority he knew was that from which 
he lield his commission, and to which he was responsible for the faith- 
ful discharge of it. 

'7 Neither Polybius (lib. 3, sec. 24, et seq.) nor Livy (Hist., lib. 22, 
cap. 43-50), who give the most circumstantial narratives of the battle, 
is precise enough to enable us to ascertain the exact spot in which it 
was fought. Strabo, in his topographical notices of this part of Italy, 
briefly alludes to " the affair of Cannae" (tu Trept Kavva^'), without any 
description of the scene of action. (Geog., lib. 6, p. 285.) Cluverius 
fixes the site of the ancient Cannae on the right bank of the Aufidus, 
the modem Ofanto, between three and four miles below Canusium, 
and notices the modern hamlet of nearly the same name. Canne, 
where common tradition recognizes the ruins of the ancient iown. 
(Italia Antiqua, lib. 4, cap. 12, sec. 8.) D'Anville makes no difficulty 
in identifying these two (Geographic ancienne, abr^g^e, tom. i. p. 208), 
having laid down the ancient town in his maps in the direct line, and 
about midway, between Barleta and Cerignola. 



VICTORY OF CERIGNOLA. 



73 



battle which, though fought with far greater numbers, 
was not so decisive in its consequences as that which 
the same scenes were to witness in a few hours. The 
coincidence is certainly singular ; and one might al- 
most fancy that the actors in these fearful tragedies, 
unwilling to deface the fair haunts of civilization, had 
purposely sought a more fitting theatre in this obscure 
and sequestered region . 

The weather, although only at the latter end of 
April, was extremely sultry ; the troops, notwithstand- 
ing Gonsalvo's orders on crossing the river Ofanto, the 
ancient Aufidus, had failed to supply themselves with 
sufficient water for the march ; parched with heat and 
dust, they were soon distressed by excessive thirst; 
and, as the burning rays of the noontide sun beat 
fiercely on their heads, many of them, especially those 
cased in heavy armor, sank down on the road, faint- 
ing with exhaustion and fatigue. Gonsalvo was seen 
in every quarter, administering to the necessities of 
his men, and striving to reanimate their drooping 
spirits. At length, to relieve them, he commanded 
that each trooper should take one of the infantry on 
his crupper, setting the example himself by mounting 
a German ensign behind him on his own horse. 

In this way, the whole army arrived early in the 
afternoon before Cerignola, a small town on an emi- 
nence about sixteen miles from Barleta, where the 
nature of the ground afforded the Spanish general a 
favorable position. for his camp. The sloping sides of 
the hill were covered wich vineyards, and its base was 
protected by a ditch of considerable depth. Gonsalvo 
saw at once the advantages of the ground. His men 



74 



ITALIAN WARS, 



were jaded by the march ; but there was no time to 
lose, as the French, who, on his departure from Bar- 
leta, had been drawn up under the walls of Cunosa, 
were now rapidly advancing. All hands were put in 
requisition, therefore, for widening the trench, in 
which they planted sharp-pointed stakes ; while the 
earth which they excavated enabled them to throw up 
a parapet of considerable height on the side next the 
town. On this rampart he mounted his little train of 
artillery, consisting of thirteen guns, and behind it 
drew up his forces in order of battle.'" 

Before these movements were completed in the Span- 
ish camp, the bright arms and banners of the French 
were seen glistening in the distance amid the tall fennel 
and cane-brakes with which the country was thickly 
covered. As soon as thi y had come in view of the 
Spanish encampment, they were brought to a halt, 
while a council of war was called, to determine the 
expediency of giving battle that evening. The duke 
of Nemours would have deferred it till the following 
morning, as the day was already far spent and allowed 
no time for reconnoitring the position of his enemy. 
But Ives d'Al^gre, Chandieu, the commander of the 

«8 Giovio, Vitje Illust. Virorum, fol. 253-255. — Guicciardini, Tstoria, 
lib. 5, p. 303. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, cap. 75, 76. — Zurita, 
Anales, torn. v. lib. 5, cap. 27. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 256. 
— Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 16, 17. — Giovio says that he had Jieard 
Fabrizio Colonna remark more than once, in allusion to the intrench- 
ments at the base of the hill, " that the victory was owing, not to the 
skill of the commander nor the valor of the troops, but to a mound 
and a ditch." This ancient mode of securing a position, which had 
fallen into disuse, was revived after this, according to the same author, 
and came into general practice among the best captains of the age. 
Ubi supra. 



VICTORY OF CERIGNOLA. 



75 



Swiss^ and some other officers, were for immediate 
action, representing the importance of not balking the 
impatience of the soldiers, who were all hot for the 
assault. In the course of the debate, Al^gre was so 
much heated as to throw out some rash taunts on the 
courage of the viceroy, which the latter would have 
avenged on the spot, had not his arm been arrested 
by Louis d'Ars. He had the weakness, however, to 
suffer them to change his cooler purpose, exclaiming, 
" We will fight to-night, then ; and perhaps those 
who vaunt the loudest will be found to trust more to 
their spurs than their swords;" a prediction bitterly 
justified by the event.'' 

While this dispute was going on, Gonsalvo gained 
time for making the necessary disposition of his troops. 
In the centre he placed his German auxiliaries, armed 
with their long pikes, and on each wing the Spanish 
infantry under the command of Pedro Navarro, Diego 
de Paredes, Pizarro, and other illustrious captains. 
The defence of the artillery was committed to the left 
wing. A considerable body of men-at-arms, including 
those recently equipped from the spoils of Ruvo, was 
drawn up within the intrenchments, in a quarter afford- 
ing a convenient opening for a sally, and placed under 
the orders of Mendoza and Fabrizio Colonna, whose 
brother Prospero and Pedro de la Paz took charge of 
the light cavalry, which was posted without the lines 
to annoy the advance of the enemy, and act on any 
point, as occasion might require. Having completed 



'9 Brant&me, CEuvres, torn. ii. disc. 8. — Gamier, Histoire de France 
(Paris, 1783-8), torn. v. pp. 395, 396. — Gaillard, Rlvalite, torn. iv. p. 
244. — St. Gelais, Hist, de Louys XII., p. 171. 






76 



ITALIAN WARS. 



his preparations, the Spanish general coolly waited the 
assault of the French. 

The duke of Nemours had marshalled his forces in a 
very different order. He distributed them into three 
battles or divisions, stationing his heavy horse, com- 
posing altogether, as Gonsalvo declared, '* the finest 
body of cavalry seen for many years in Italy," under 
the command of Louis d'Ars, on the right. The 
second and centre division, formed somewhat in .the 
rear of the right, was made up of the Swiss and Gas- 
con infantry, headed by the brave Chandieu ; and his 
left, consisting chiefly of his light cavalry, and drawn 
tip, like the last, somewhat in the rear of the preceding, 
was intrusted to Al^gre.** 

It was within half an hour of sunset when the duke 
de Nemours gave orders for the attack, and, putting 
himself at the head of the gendarmerie on the right, 
spurred at full gallop against the Spanish left. The 
hostile armies were nearly equal, amounting to between 
six and seven thousand men each. The French were 
superior in the number and condition of their cavalry, 
rising to a third of their whole force; while Gonsalvo's 
strength lay chiefly in his infantry, which had acquired 
a lesson of tactics under him that raised it to a level 
with the best in Europe. 

As the French advanced, the guns on the Spanish 
left poured a lively fire into their ranks, when, a spark 
accidentally communicating with the magazine of pow- 
der, the whole blew up with a tremendous explosion. 
The Spaniards were filled with consternation ; but 

» Chronica del Gran Capitan, cap. 76. — Giovio, Vitas Illust. Viro- 
runi, fol. 253-255. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 17. 



w 



SISWS!"*??***^ 



VICTORY OF CERIGNOI.A. 



77 



Gonsalvo, converting the misfortune into a lucky 
omen, called out, "Courage, soldiers 1 these are the 
beacon-lights of victory I We have no need of our 
guns at close quarters." 

In the mean time, the French van under Nemours, 
advancing rapidly under the dark clouds of smoke 
which rolled heavily over the field, were unexpectedly 
brought up by the deep trench, of whose existence 
they were unapprised. Some of the horse were pre- 
cipitated into it, and all received a sudden check, until 
Nemours, finding it impossible to force the works in 
this quarter, rode along their front in search of some 
practicable passage. In doing this, he necessarily ex- 
posed his flank to the fatal aim of the Spanish arque- 
busiers. A shot from one of them took effect on the 
unfortunate young nobleman, and he fell, mortally 
wounded, from his saddle. 

At this juncture, the Swiss and Gascon infantry, 
briskly moving up to second the attack of the now 
disordered horse, arrived before the intrenchments. 
Undismayed by this formidable barrier, their com- 
mander, Chandieu, made the most desperate attempts 
to force a passage ; but the loose earth freshly turned 
up afforded no hold to the feet, and his men were 
compelled to recoil from the dense array of German 
pikes which bristled over the summit of the breast- 
work. Chandieu, their leader, made every effort to 
rally and bring them back to the charge, but, in the 
act of doing this, was hit by a ball, which stretched 
him lifeless in the ditch : his burnished arms, and the 
snow-white plumes above his helmet, making him a 
conspicuous mark for the enemy. 



78 



ITALIAN WARS. 



m 



hi-'u 



All was now confusion. The Spanish arquebusiers, 
screened by their (lefen<es, poured a galling fire into 
the dense masses of the enemy, who were mingled 
together indiscriminately, horse and foot, while, the 
leaders being down, no one seemed capable of bring- 
ing them to order. At this critical moment, Gonsalvo, 
whose eagle eye took in the operations of the whole 
field, ordered a general charge along the line; and 
the Spaniards, leaping their intrenchments, descended 
with the fury of an avalanche on their foes, whose 
wavering columns, completely broken by the violence 
of the shock, were seized with a panic, and fled, 
scarcely offering any resistance. Louis d'Ars, at the 
head of such of the men-at-arms as could follow him, 
went off in one direction, and Ives d'A16gre, with his 
light cavalry, which had hardly come into action, in 
another; thus fully verifying the ominous prediction 
of his commander. The slaughter fell most heavily on 
the Swiss and Gascon foot, whom the cavalry under 
Mendoza and Pedro de la Paz rode down and cut 
to pieces without sparing, till the shades of evening 
shielded them at length from their pitiless pursuers." 

Prospero Colonna pushed on to the P'rench encamp- 
ment, where he found the tables in the duke's tent 
spread for his evening repast, of which the Italian 
general and his followers did not fail to make good 
account, — a trifling incident, that well illustrates the 
sudden reverses of war. 

" Chr6nica del Gran Capitan, cap. 75.— Gamier, Hist, de France, 
torn. V. pp. 396, 397. — B'leurange, Memoires, chap. 5, apud Petitot. 
Collection des Memoires, torn, xvi, — Giovio, Vitje Illust. Virorum, ubi 
sup.— Guicciardini. Istoria, torn. i. pp. 303, 304. — St. Gelais, Hist, de 
Louys XH., pp. 171, 172. — Brant6me, CEuvres, torn. ii. disc. 8. 



VICTORY OF CERIGNOLA. 



79 



The Great Captain passed the night on the field of 
battle, which on the following morning presented a 
ghastly si)ectacle of the dying and the dead. More 
than three thousand French are computed by the best 
accounts to have fallen. The loss of the Spaniards, 
covered as they were by their defences, was incon- 
siderable." All the enemy's artillery, consisting of 
thirteen pieces, his baggage, and most of his colors 
fell into their hands. Never was there a more com- 
plete victory, achieved too within the space of little 
more than an hour. The body of the unfortunate 
Nemours, which was recognized by one of his pages 
from the rings on the fingers, was found under a heap 
of slain, much disfigured. It appeared that he had re- 
ceived three several wounds, disproving, if need were, 
by his honorable death the injurious taunts of Al^gre. 
Gonsalvo was affected even to tears at behoUling the 
mutilated remains of his young and gallant adversary, 
who, whatever judgment might be formed of his capacity 

■» Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 255.— Garibay, Compendio, torn, 
ii. lib. 19, cap. 15. — Bernaldez, Reyes Cat6licos, MS., cap. 180. — I'eter 
Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 256. — l-'leurange, Mimoires, cliap. 5. — 
No account, that I know of, places the French loss so low as 3000 ; 
Garibay raises it to 4500, and the French marechal de Fieurange rates 
that of the Swiss alone at 5000 ; a round exaggeration, not readily 
accounted for, as he had undoubted access to the best means of infor- 
mation. The Spaniards were too well screened to sustain much injury, 
and no estimate makes it more than a hundred killed, and some con-' 
siderably less. The odds are indeed startling, but not impossible ; ais 
the Spaniards were not much exposed by personal collision with the 
enemy, until the latter were thrown into too much disorder to think of 
anything but escape. The more than usu.il confusion and discrepancy 
in the various statements of the p.irticulars of this action may probably 
be attributed to the lateness of the hour, and consequently imperfect 
light, in which it was fought. 



U : 



80 



ITALIAN^ WARS. 



as a leader, was allowed to have all the qualities which 
belong to a true knight. With him perished the last 
scion of the illustrious house of Armagnac. Gonsalvo 
ordered his remains to be conveyed to Barleta, where 
they were laid in the cemetery of the convent oi" St. 
Francis, with all the honors due to his high station."' 

The Spanish commander lost no time in following 
up his blow, well aware that it is quite as difficult to 
improve a victory as to win one. The French had 
rushed into battle with too much precipitation to agree 
on any plan of operations, or any point on which to 
rally in case of defeat. They accordingly scattered 
in different directions, and Pedro de la Paz was 
despatched in pursuit of Louis d'Ars, who threw him- 
self into Venosa,"* where he kept the enemy at bay 
for many months longer. Paredes kept close on the 
scent of Alegre, who, finding the gates shut against 
him wherever he passed, at length took shelter in Gaeta 
on the extreme point of the Neapolitan territory. 
There he endeavored to rally the scattered relics of 
the field of Cerignola, and to establish a strong posi- 
tion, from which the French, when strengthened by 
fresh supplies from home, might recommence opera- 
tions for the recovery of the kingdom. 

The day after the battle of Cerignola the Spaniards 
received tidings of another victory, scarcely less im- 

»3 Quintana, Espanoles celebres, torn. i. p. 277. — Giovio, Vitae Illust. 
Virorum, fol. 255. — Ferreras, Hht. d'Espagne, torn. viii. pp. 248, 249. 
— UUoa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 17. — Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., 
cap. 181. 

=4 1 1 was to this same city of Venusium that the rash and unfortu- 
nate Varro made his retreat, some seventeen centuries before, from 
the bloody field of Cannae. Liv. Hist., lib. 22, cap. 49. 



VICTORY OF CE RIG NO LA. 



8t 



portant, gained over the French in Calabria, the pre- 
ceding week."* The army sent out under Portocarrero 
had reached that coast early in March ; but soon after 
its arrival its gallant commander fell ill and died."* 
The dying general named Don Fernando de Andrada 
as his successor ; and this officer, combining his forces 
with those before in the country under Cardona and 
Benavides, encountered the French commander D'Au- 
bigny in a pitched battle, not far from Seminara, on 
Friday, the 21st of April. It was near the same spot 
on which the latter had twice beaten the Spaniards. 
But the star of France was on the wane ; and the 
gallant old officer had the mortification to see his 
little corps of veterans completely routed after a sharp 
engagement of less than an hour, while he himself 
was retrieved with difficulty from the hands of the 
enemy by the valor of his Scottish guard.'' 

»S Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 255. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., 
epist. 256. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, cap. 80. — Friday, says Guic- 
ciardini, alluding no doubt to Columbus's discoveries, as well as 
these two victories, was observed to be a lucky day to the Spaniards. 
(Istoria, torn. i. p. 304.) According to Gaillard, it was regarded from 
this time by the French with more superstitious dread than ever. — 
Rivaliti, tom. iv. p. 348. 

>* Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, tom. i.lib. 5, cap. 8, 24. — Giovio, 
Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 250. — The reader may perhaps recollect the 
distinguished part played in the Moorish war by Luis Portocarrero, 
lord of Palma. He was of noble Italian origin, being descended from 
the ancient Genoese house of Boccanegra. The Great Captain and lie 
had married sisters; and this connection probably recommended him, 
as much as his military talents, to the Calabrian command, which it 
was highly important should be intrusted to one who would maintain 
a good understanding with the commander-in-chief; a thing not easy 
to secure among the haughty nobility of Castile. 

»7 Giovio, Vitre Illust. Virorum, fol. 255. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., 
Vol. III.— 6 d* 



82 



ITALIAN WARS. 



The Great Captain and his army, highly elated with 
the news of this fortunate event, which annihilated 
the French power in Calabria, began their march on 
Naples; Fabrizio Colonna having been first detached 
into the Abruzzi to receive the submission of the 
people in that quarter. The tidings of the victory had 
spread far and wide ; and, as Gonsalvo's army advanced, 
they beheld the ensigns of Aragon floating from the 
battlements of the towns upon their route, while the 
inhabitants came forth to greet the conqueror, eager 
to testify their devotion to the Spanish cause. The 
army halted at Benevento ; and the general sent his 
summons to the city of Naples, inviting it in the 
most courteous terms to resume its ancient allegiance 
to the legitimate branch of Aragon. It was hardly to 
be expected that the allegiance of a people who had 
so long seen their country set up as a mere stake for 
political gamesters should sit very closely upon them, 
or that they should care to peril their lives on the 
transfer of a crown which had shifted on the heads of 
half a doz. ii proprietors in as many successive years."' 
With the same ductile enthusiasm, therefore, with 

< epist. 256. — Chr6nica del Gran Capitan, cap. 80. — Varillas, Histoire de 
Louis XII. (Paris, 1688), torn. i. pp. 289-293. — See the account of 
D'Aubigny's victories at Seminara, in Part II. chapters 2 and 11, of 
this History. 

* Since 1494 the sceptre of Naples had passed into the hands of 
no less than seven princes, Ferdinand I., Alfonso II., Ferdinand II., 
Charles VIII., Frederick III., Louis XII., Ferdinand the Catholic. No 
private estate in the kingdom in the same time had probably changed 
masters half so often. Gonsalvo notices this revolutionary spirit of 
the Neapolitans in this emphatic language: "Regno tan tremoloso 
que la paz que al mundo sosiega d el lo altera." — Carta al Rey 
Cath61ico de Nslpoles, d 31 de Octubre, 1505, MS. 



VICTORY OF CElilGNOLA. 



83 



which they had greeted the accession of Charles the 
Eighth and of Louis the Twelfth, they now welcomed 
the restoration of the ancient dynasty of Aragon ; and 
deputies from the principal nobility and citizens waited 
on the Great Captain at Acerra, where they tendered 
him the keys of the city and requested the confirmation 
of their rights and privileges. 

Gonsalvo, having promised this in the name of his 
royal master, on the following morning, the 14th of 
May, 1503, made his entrance in great state into the 
capital, leaving his army without the walls. He was 
escorted by the military of the city under a royal 
canopy borne by the deputies. The streets were 
strewed with flowers, the edifices decorated with ap- 
propriate emblems and devices and wreathed with 
banners emblazoned with the united arms of Aragon 
and Naples. As he passed along, the city rang with 
the acclamations of countless multitudes who thronged 
the streets; while every window and housetop was 
filled with spectators, eager to behold the man who, 
with scarcely any other resources than those of his own 
genius, had so long defied, and at length completely 
foiled, the power of France. 

On the following day a deputation of the nobility 
and people waited on the Great Captain at his quar- 
ters, and tendered him the usual oaths of allegiance 
for his master, King Ferdinand, whose accession finally 
closed the series of revolutions which had so long 
agitated this unhappy country.* 

=9 Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. i. p. 304. — Giannone, Istoria di Na- 
poli, lib. 29, cap. 4. — Feneras, Hist. d'Espagne, torn. viii. p, 250. — 
Summonte, Hist, di Napoli, turn. iii. pp. 552, 553. — Muratori, Annali 



84 



ITALIAN WARS. 



The city of Naples was commanded by two strong 
fortresses still held by the French, which, being well 
victualled and supplied with ammunition, showed no 
disposition to surrender. The Great Captain deter- 
mined, therefore, to reserve a small corps for their reduc- 
tion, while he sent forward the main body of his army 
to besiege Gaeta. But the Spanish infantry refused to 
march until the heavy arrears, suffered to accumulate 
through the negligence of the government, were dis- 
charged ; and Gonsalvo, afraid of awakening the mu- 
tinous spirit which he had once found it so difficult to 
quell, was obliged to content himself with sending for- 
ward his cavalry and German levies, and to permit the 
infantry to take up its quarters in the capital, under 
strict orders to respect the persons and property of the 
citizens. 

He now lost no time in pressing the siege of the 
French fortresses, whose impregnable situation might 
have derided the efforts of the most formidable enemy 
in the ancient state of military science. But the re- 
duction of these places was intrusted to Pedro Navarro, 
the celebrated engineer, whose improvements in the 
art of mining have gained him the popular reputation 
of being its inventor, and who displayed such unprece- 
dented skill on this occasion as makes it a memorable 
epoch in the annals of war.*» 



d'ltalia, torn, xiv. p. 40. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, cap. 81. — Ulloa, 
Vita di Carlo V., fol. 18. 

30 The Italians, in their admiration of Pedro Navarro, caused medals 
to be struck on which the invention of mines was ascribed to him. 
(Marini, apud Daru, Hist, de Venise, torn. iii. p. 351.) Although not 
actually the inventor, his glory was scarcely less, since he was the first 



VICTORY OF CERIGNOLA, 



«s 



Under his directions, the small tower of St. Vin- 
cenzo having been first reduced by a furious cannonade, 
a mine was run under the outer defences of the great 
fortress called Castel Nuovo. On the 21st of May, 
the mine was sprung ; a passage was opened over the 
prostrate ramparts, and the assailants, rushing in with 
Gonsalvo and Navarro at their head, before the gari i- 
son had time to secure the drawbridge, applied their 
ladders to the walls of the castle and succeeded in 
carrying the place by escalade, after a desperate 
struggle, in which the greater part of the French were 
slaughtered. An immense booty was found in the 
castle. The Angevin party had made it a place of 
deposit for their most valuable effects, gold, jewels, 
plate, and other treasures, which, together with its 
well-stored magazines of grain and ammunition, be- 
came the indiscriminate spoil of the victors. As some 
of these, however, complained of not getting their 
share of the plunder, Gonsalvo, giving full scope in 
the exultation of the moment to military license, 
called out, gayly, "Make amends for it, then, by what 
you can find in my quarters!" The words were not 
uttered to deaf ears. The mob of soldiery rushed to 
the splendid palace of the Angevin prince of Salerno, 
then occupied by the Great Captain, and in a moment 
its sumptuous furniture, paintings, and other costly 
decorations, together with the contents of its generous 
cellar, were seized and appropriated without ceremony 
by the invaders, who thus indemnified themselves at 

who discovered the extensive and formidable uses to which they might 
be applied in the science of destruction. See Part I. chapter 13, note 
23, of this History. 



86 



ITALIAN WARS. 



their general's expense for the remissness of the gov- 
ernment. 

After some weeks of protracted operations, the re- 
maining fortress, Castel d'Uovo, as it was called, 
opened its gates to Navarro; and a French fleet, 
coming into the harbor, had the mortification to find 
itself fired on from the walls of the place it was 
intended to relieve. Before this event, Gonsalvo, 
having obtained funds from Spain for paying ofif his 
men, quitted the capital and directed his march on 
Gaeta. The important results of his victories were 
now fully disclosed. D'Aubigny, with the wreck of 
the forces escaped from Seminara, had surrendered. 
The two Abruzzi, the Capitanate, all the Basilicate, 
except Venosa, still held by Louis d'Ars, and indeed 
every considerable place in the kingdom, had tendered 
its submission, with the exception of Gaeta. Sum- 
moning, therefore, to his aid Andrada, Navarro, and 
his other officers, the Great Captain resolved to con- 
centrate all his strength on this point, designing to 
press the siege, and thus exterminate at a blow the 
feeble remains of the French power in Italy. The 
enterprise was attended with more difficulty than he 
had anticipated. 3' 

3« Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. S. cap, 30, 31, 34, 35. 
— Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 255-257. — Garibay, Compendio, 
torn. ii. lib. 19, cap. 15. — Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 183. — 
Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 6, pp. 307-309. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 
18, tg. — Ammirato, Istorie Fiorentine, torn. iii. p. 271. — Summonte, 
Hist, di Napoli, torn. iii. p. 554. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, cap. 84, 
86, 87, 93, 95. — Sismondi, Hist, des Fran9ais, torn. xv. pp. 407-409. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

NEGOTIATIONS WITH FRANCE. — UNSUCCESSFUL INVASION 
OF SPAIN. — TRUCE. 



1503- 

Ferdinand's Policy examined. — First Symptoms of Joanna's Insanity. 
— Isabella's Distress and Fortitude. — Efforts of France. — Siege of 
Balsas. — Isabella's Levies. — Ferdinand's Successes. — Reflections on 
the Campaign. 

The events noticed in the preceding chapter glided 
away as rapidly as the flitting phantoms of a dream. 
Scarcely had Louis the Twelfth received the unwel- 
come intelligence of Gonsalvo de Cordova's refusal to 
obey the mandate of the archduke Philip, before he 
was astounded with the tidings of the victory of Ceri- 
gnola, the march on Naples, and the surrender of that 
capital, as well as of the greater part of the kingdom, 
following one another in breathless succession. It 
seemed as if the very means on which the French king 
had so confidently relied for calming the tempest had 
been the signal for awakening all its fury and bringing 
it on his devoted head. Mortified and incensed at 
being made the dupe of what he deemed a perfidious 
policy, he demanded an explanation of the archduke, 
who was still in France. The latter, vehemently pro- 
testing his own innocence, felt, or affected to feel, so 
sensibly the ridiculous and, as it appeared, dishonor- 

(87) 



88 



INSANITY OF JOANNA. 



1 



able part played by him in the transaction, that he was 
thrown into a severe illness, which confined him to his 
bed for several days.* Without delay, he wrote to the 
Spanish court in terms of bitter expostulation, urging 
the immediate ratification of the treaty made pursuant 
to its orders, and an indemnification to France for its 
subsequent violation. Such is the account given by 
the French historians. 

The Spanish writers, on the other hand, say that, 
before the news of Gonsalvo's successes reached Spain, 
King Ferdinand refused to confirm the treaty sent him 
by his son-in-law, until it had undergone certain mate- 
rial modifications. If the Spanish monarch hesitated 
to approve the treaty in the doubtful posture of his 
affairs, he was little likely to do so when he had the 
game entirely in his own hands.' 

He postponed an answer to Philip's application, 
willing probably to gain time for the Great Captain 
to strengthen himself firmly in his recent acquisitions. 
At length, after a considerable interval, he despatched 
an embassy to France, announcing his final determina- 
tion never to ratify a treaty made in contempt of his 
orders and so clearly detrimental to his interests. He 
endeavored, however, to gain further time by spinning 
out the negotiation, holding up for this purpose the 

* St. Gelais seems willing to accept Philip's statement, and to consider 
the whole affair of the negotiation as " one of Ferdinand's old tricks," 
" I'ancienne cautele de celuy qui en s9avoit bien faire d'autres." Hist, 
de Louys XII., p. 172. 

■ Idem, ubi supra. — Gamier, Hist, de France, torn. v. p. 410. — Gail- 
lard, Rivalitd, torn. iv. pp. 238, 239. — Zurita, Anales, tom. v. lib. 5, cap. 
23. — Garibay, Compendio, tom. ii. lib. 19, cap. 15. — Ferreras, Hist. 
d'Espagne, tom. viii. p. 233. 



INVASION OF SPAIN. 



89 



prospect of an ultimate accommodation, and suggesting 
the re-establishment of his kinsman, the unfortunate 
Frederick, on the Neapolitan throne, as the best means 
of effecting it. The artifice, however, was too gross 
even for the credulous Louis, who peremptorily de- 
manded of the ambassadors the instant and absolute 
ratification of the treaty, and, on their declaring it was 
beyond their powers, ordered them at once to leave his 
court. "I had rather," said he, "suffer the loss of a 
kingdom, which may perhaps be retrieved, than the 
loss of honor, which never can." A noble sentiment, 
but falling with no particular grace from the lips of 
Louis the Twelfth.' 

The whole of this blind transaction is stated in so 
irreconcilable a manner by the historians of the dif- 
ferent nations that it is extremely difficult to draw 
anything like a probable narrative out of them. The 
Spanish writers assert that the public commission of the 
archduke was controlled by strict private instructions j* 
while the French, on the other hand, are either silent 
as to the latter, or represent them to have been as 
broad and unlimited as his credentials.^ If this be 

3 Garnier, Hist, de France, torn. v. p. 388. — ^Abarca, Reyes de Ara- 
gon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 13, sec. 3. — Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. i. p. 300, 
ed. 1645. — Zurita, Anales, torn. v. lib. 5, cap. 9. — It is amusing to see 
with what industry certain French writers, as Gaillard and Varillas, are 
perpetually contrasting the bonne foi of Louis XII. with the michanceti 
of Ferdinand, whose secret intentions, even, are quoted in evidence of 
his hypocrisy, while the most objectionable acts of his rival seem to be 
abundantly compensated by some fine sentiment like that in the text. 

4 Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 5, cap. 10. — Abarca, 
Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 13, sec. 2, — Mariana, Hist, de 
EspaiSa, tom. ii. pp. 690, 691. — et al. 

5 Seyssel, Hist, de Lonys XII., p. 61. — St. Gelais, Hist, de Louys 



90 



INSANITY OF JOANNA. 



true, the negotiation mnst be admitted to exhibit, on 
the part of Ferdinand, as gross an example of political 
jugglery and falsehood as ever disgraced the annals of 
diplomacy.* 

But it is altogether improbable, as I have before 
remarked, that a monarch so astute and habitually 
cautious should have intrusted unlimited authority, in 
so delicate a business, to a person whose discretion, 
independently of his known partiality for the French 
monarch, he held so lightly. It is much more likely 
that he limited, as is often done, the full powers com- 
mitted to him in public, by private instructions of the 
most explicit character; and that the archduke was 
betrayed by his own vanity, and perhaps ambition (for 
the treaty threw the immediate power into his own 
hands), into arrangements unwarranted by the tenor 
of these instructions.' 



XII., p. 171. — Gaillard, Rivalit^, torn. iv. p. 239. — Gamier, Hist, 
de France, torn. v. p. 387. — D'Auton, Hist, de Louys XII., part. 2, 
chap. 32. 

• Varillas regards Philip's mission to France as a coup de malitre on 
the part of Ferdinand, who thereby rid himself of a dangerous rival 
at home, likely to contest his succession to Castile on Isabella's death, 
while he employed that rival in outwitting Louis XII. by a treaty which 
he meant to disavow. (Politique de Ferdinand, liv. i, pp. 146-150.) 
The first of these imputations is sufficiently disproved by the fact that 
Philip quitted Spain in opposition to the pressing remonstrances of the 
king, queen, and cortes, and to the general disgust of the whole nation, 
as is repeatedly stated by Gomez, Martyr, and other contemporaries. 
The second will be difficult to refute and still harder to prove, as it 
rests on a man's secret intentions, known only to himself. Such are 
the flimsy cobwebs of which this political dreamer's thebries are made, 
— truly chateaux en Espagne. 

7 Martyr, whose copious correspondence furnishes the most valuable 
commentary, unquestionably, on the proceedings of this reign, is pro- 



INVASION OF SPAIN. 



91 



If this were the case, the propriety of Ferdinand's 
conduct in refusing the ratification depends on the 
question how far a sovereign is bound by the acts of a 
plenipotentiary who departs from his private instruc- 
tions. Formerly, the question would seem to have 
been unsettled. Indeed* some of the most respectable 
writers on public law in the beginning of the seven- 
teenth century maintain that such a departure would 
not justify the prince in withholding his ratification ; 
deciding thus, no doubt, on principles of natural 
equity, which appear to require that a principal should 
be held responsible for the acts of an agent, coming 
within the scope of his powers, though at variance 
with his secret orders, with which the other contracting 
party can have no acquaintance or concern.' 

The inconvenience, however, arising from adopting 
a principle in political negotiations which must neces- 
sarily place the destinies of a whole nation in the 
hands of a single individual, rash or incompetent, it 
may be, without the power of interference or super- 

vokingly reserved in regard to this interesting matter. He contents 
himself with remarking, in one of his letters, that " the Spaniards de 
rided Philip's negotiations as of no consequence, and indeed altogether 
preposterous, considering the attitude assumed by the nation at that 
very time for maintaining its claims by the sword ;" and he dismisses 
the subject with a reflection that seems to rest the merits of the case 
more on might than right : " Exitus, qui judex est rerum asternus, 
loquatur. Nostri regno potiuntur majori ex parte." (Opus Epist., 
epist. 257.) This reserve of Martyr might be construed unfavorably 
for Ferdinand, were it not for the freedom with which he usually criti- 
cises whatever appears really objectionable to him in the measures of 
the government. 

8 Grotius, De Jure Belli et Pacis, lib. a, cap. 11, sec. 12; lib. 3, cap. 
33, sec. 4. — Gentilis, De Jure Belli, lib. 3, cap. 14, apud Bynkershoek, 
Qusest. Juris Publici, lib. a, cap. 7. 



9» 



INSANITY OF JOANNA, 



vision on the part of the government, has led to a dif- 
ferent conclusion in practice; and it is now generally 
admitted, by European writers, not merely that the 
exchange of ratifications is essential to the validity of 
a treaty, but that a government is not bound to ratify 
the doings of a minister who has transcended his 
private instructions.* 

But, whatever be thought of Ferdinand's good faith 
in the early stages of this business, there is no doubt 
that at a later period, when his position was changed 
by the success of his arms in Italy, he sought only to 
amuse the French court with a show of negotiation, in 
order, as we have already intimated, to paralyze its 
operations and gain time for securing his conquests. 
The French writers inveigh loudly against this crafty 
and treacherous policy; and Louis the Twelfth gave 
vent to his own indignation in no very measured terms. 
But, however we may now regard it, it was in perfect 
accordance with the trickish spirit of the age ; and 
the French king resigned all right of rebuking his 
antagonist on this score, when he condescended to 
become a party with him to the infamous partition 
treaty, and still more when he so grossly violated it. 
He had voluntarily engaged with his Spanish rival in 
the game, and it afforded no good ground of com- 
plaint that he was the least adroit of the two. 

While Ferdinand was thus triumphant in his schemes 



9 Bynkershoek, Quaest. Juris Publici, lib. a, cap. 7. — Mably, Droit 
publique, chap, i.— Vattel. Droit des Gens, liv. a, chap. la. — Martens, 
Law of Nations, trans., book a, chap. i. — Bynkershoek, the earliest of 
these writers, has discussed the question with an amplitude, perspicuity, 
and fairness unsurpassed by any who have followed him. 



INVASION OF SPAIN. 



93 



of foreign policy and conquest, his domestic life was 
clouded with the deepest anxiety, in consequence of 
the declining health of the queen, and the eccentric 
conduct of his daughter, the infanta Joanna. We 
have already seen the extravagant fondness with which 
that princess, notwithstanding her occasional sallies of 
jealousy, doted on her young and handsome husband."* 
From the hour of his departure she had been plunged 
in the deepest dejection, sitting day and night with 
her eyes fixed on the ground, in uninterrupted silence, 
or broken only by occasional expressions of petulant 
discontent. She refused all consolations, thinking only 
of rejoining her absent lord, and " equally regardless," 
says Martyr, who was then at the court, "of herself, 
her future subjects, and her afflicted parents." " 

On the loth of March, 1503, she was delivered of 
her second son, who received the baptismal name of 
Ferdinand, in compliment to his grandfather." No 
change, however, took place in the mind of the unfor- 
tunate mother, who from this time was wholly occu- 
pied with the project of returning to Flanders. An 

«o Philip is known in history by the title of " the Handsome," 
implying that he was, at least, quite as remarkable for his personal 
qualities as his mental. 

»• Opus Epist., epist. 253. — Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, torn. vili. pp. 
835, 338. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 44. 

*» Carbajal, Anales, MS., aflo 1503. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 
45, 46. — He was bom at Alcald de Henares. Ximenes availed him- 
self of this circumstance to obtain from Isabella a permanent exemp- 
tion from taxes for his favorite city, which his princely patronage was 
fast raising up to contest the palm of literary precedence with Sala- 
manca, the ancient "Athens of Spain." The citizens of the place long 
preserved, and still preserve, for aught I know, the cradle of the royal 
infant, in token of their gratitude. Robles, Vida de Ximenez, p. 137. 



m 
m 






94 



INSANITY OF JOANNA. 



invitation to that effect, which she received from her 
husband in the month of November, determined her 
to undertake the journey, at all hazards, notwithstand- 
ing the affectionate remonstrances of the queen, who 
represented the impracticability of traversing France, 
agitated as it then was with all the bustle of warlike 
prej^aration, or of venturing by sea at this inclement 
and stormy season. 

One evening, while her mother was absent at Se- 
govia, Joanna, whose residence was at Medina del 
Campo, left her apartment in the castle, and sallied 
out, though in dishabille, without announcing her 
purpose to any of her attendants. They followed, 
however, and used every argument and entreaty to 
prevail on her to return, at least for the night, but 
without effect ; until the bishop of Burgos, who had 
charge of her household, finding every other means 
ineffectual, was compelled to close the castle gates, in 
order to prevent her departure. 

The princess, thus thwarted in her purpose, gave 
way to the most violent indignation. She menaced 
the attendants with her utmost vengeance for their 
disobedience, and, taking her station on the barrier, 
she obstinately refused to re-enter the castle, or even 
to put on any additional clothing, but remained cold 
and shivering on the spot till the following morning. 
The good bishop, sorely embarrassed by the dilemma 
to which he found himself reduced, of offending the 
queen by complying with the mad humor of the prin- 
cess, or the latter still more by resisting it, despatched 
an express in all haste to Isabella, acquainting her with 
the affair, and begging instructions how to proceed. 



INVASION OF SPAIN, 



95 



The queen, who was staying, as has been said, at 
Segovia, about forty miles distant, alarmed at the 
intelligence, sent the king's cousin, the admiral Hen- 
riquez, together with the archbishop of Toledo, at 
once to Medina, and prepared to follow as fast as the 
feeble state of her health would permit. The efforts 
of these eminent persons, however, were not much 
more successful than those of the bishop. All they 
could obtain from Joanna was that she would retire to 
a miserable kitchen in the neighborhood, during the 
night; while she persisted in taking her station on the 
barrier as soon as it was light, and continued there, 
immovable as a statue, the whole day. In this deplor- 
able state she was found by the queen on her arrival ; 
and it was not without great difficulty that the latter, 
with all the deference habitually paid her by her 
daughter, succeeded in persuading her to return to 
her own apartments in the castle. These were the 
first unequivocal symptoms of that hereditary taint of 
insanity which had clouded the latter days of Isabella's 
mother, and which, with a few brief intervals, was to 
shed a deeper gloom over the long-protracted exist- 
ence of her unfortunate daughter. '^ 

The conviction of this sad infirmity of the princess 
gave a shock to the unhappy mother, scarcely less than 
that which she had formerly been called to endure in 
the death of her children. The sorrows, over which 
time had had so little power, were opened afresh by 
a calamity which naturally filled her with the most 
gloomy forebodings for the fate of her people, whose 

'3 Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 268. — Zurita, Hist, del Rey Her- 
nando, toin. i. lib. 5, cap. 56. — Gomez, IJe Rebus geslis, fol. 46. 



96 



INSANITY OF JOANNA. 



welfare was to be committed to such incompetent 
hands. These domestic griefs were still further swelled 
at this time by the death of two of her ancient friends 
and counsellors, Juan Chacon, adelantado of Murcia,'* 
and Gutierre de Cardenas, grand commander of Leon.'» 
They had attached themselves to Isabella in the early 
part of her life, when her fortunes were still under a 
cloud ; and they afterwards reaped the requital of their 
services in such ample honors and emoluments as royal 
gratitude could bestow, and in the full enjoyment of 
her confidence, to which their steady devotion to her 
interests well entitled them.** 

But neither the domestic troubles which pressed so 

M " Espejo de bondad," mirror of virtue, as Oviedo styles this cav- 
alier. He was always much regarded by the sovereigns, and the lucra- 
tive post of contado'r mayor, which he filled for many years, enabled 
him to acquire an immense estate, 50,000 ducats a year, without impu- 
tation on his honesty. Quincuagerias, MS., bat. i, quinc. 2, dial. 2. 

>s The name of this cavalier, as well as that of his cousin, Alonso 
de Cardenas, grand master of St. James, has become familiar to us 
in the Granadine war. If Don Gutierre made a less brilliant figure 
than the latter, he acquired, by means of his intimacy with the sover- 
eigns, and his personal qualities, as great weight in the royal councils 
as any subject in the kingdom. " Nothing of any importance," says 
Oviedo, " was done without his advice." He was raised to the im- 
portant posts of comendador de Leon, and contador mayor, which 
last, in the words of the same author, " made its possessor a second 
king over the public treasury." He left large estates, and more than 
five thousand vassals. His eldest son was created duke of Maqueda. 
Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, quinc. 2, dial. 1. — Col. de C^d., torn, v, 
no. 182. 

>* Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 255. — Gomez. De Rebus gestis, 
fol. 45. — For some further account of these individuals, see Part I., 
chapter 14, note 10. — Martyr thus panegyrizes the queen's fortitude 
under her accumulated sorrows : " Sentit, licet constantissima sit, et 
supra fa?minam prudens, has alapiis fortunas suevientis regina, ita con- 



INVASION OF SPAIN 



97 



heavily on Isabella's heart, nor the rapidly declining 
state ol her own health, had power to blunt the ener- 
gies ol her mind, or lessen the vigilance with which 
she watched over the interests of her people. A re- 
markable proof of this was given in the autumn of the 
present year, 1503, when the country was menaced 
with an invasion from France. 

The whole French nation had shared the indigna- 
tion of Louis the Twelfth at the mortifying result of 
his enterprise against Naples ; and it answered his call 
for supplies so promptly and liberally that in a few 
months after the defeat of Cerignola he was able to 
resume operations on a more formidable scale than 
France had witnessed for centuries. Three large 
armies were raised ; one to retrieve affairs in Italy, n, 
second to penetrate into Spain by the way of Fon- 
tarabia, and a third to cross into Roussillon and get 
l)OSsession of the strong post of Salsas, the key of the 
mountain -passes in that quarter. Two fleets were also 
equipped in the ports of Genoa and Marseilles, the 
latter of which was to support the invasion of Rous- 
sillon by a descent on the coast of Catalonia. These 
various corps were intended to act in concert, and 
thus, by one grand, simultaneous movement, Spain 
was to be assailed on three several points of her 
territory. The results did not correspond with the 
magnificence of the apparatus. '^ 

cussa fluctibus undique, veluti vasta rupes, maris in medio." Opas 
Epist., loc. cit. 

'7 Gamier, Hist, de France, tom. v. pp. 405, 406. — Ferreras, Hist. 
d'Espagne, tom. viii. pp. 235-238. — Guicciardini, Istoria, tom. i. pp. 
300, 301. — Mcmoircs de la Trcmoille, chap. 19, apud Petitot, Collec- 
tion des M6moires, tom. xiv. 

Vol. III.— 7 jt 



98 



INSANITY OF JOANNA. 



i 



The army destined to march on Fontarabia was 
placed under the command of Alan d'Albret, father 
of the king of Navarre, along the frontiers of whose 
dominions its route necessarily lay. Ferdinand had 
assured himself of the favorable dispositions of this 
prince, the situation of whose kingdom, more than its 
strength, made his friendship important ; and the. sire 
d'Albret, whether from a direct understanding with 
the Spanish monarch, or fearful of the consequences 
which might result to his son from the hostility of the 
latter, detained the forces intrusted to him so long 
among the bleak and barren fastnesses of the moun- 
tains that at length, exhausted by fatigue and want of 
food, the army melted away without even reaching the 
enemy's borders.'" 

The force directed against Roussillon was of a more 
formidable character. It was commanded by the 
mar^chal de Rieux, a brave and experienced officer, 
though much broken by age and bodily infirmities. It 
amounted to more than twenty thousand men. Its 
strength, however, lay chiefly in its numbers. It was, 
with the exception of a few thousand lansquenets under 
William de la Marck,'' made up of the arriere-ban of 



»8 Aleson, Annales de Navarra, torn. v. pp. 1 10-112. — The king of 
Navarre promised to oppose the passage of the French, if attempted, 
through his dominions, and, in order to obviate any distrust on the 
part of Ferdinand, sent his daughter Margaret to reside at the court of 
Castile, as a pledge for his fidelity. Ferreras, Hist. d'E^pagne, torn, 
viii. p. 235. 

'9 Younger brother of Robert, third duke of Bouillon. (D'Auton, 
Hist, de Louys XH., part. 2, pp. 103, i86.) The reader will not con- 
found him with his namesake, the famous " boar of Ardennes," — more 
familiar to us now in the pages of romance than of history, — who 



INVASION OF SPAIN. 



99 



the kingdom and the undisciplined militia from the 
great towns of Languedoc. With this numerous array 
the French marshal entered Roussillon without oppo- 
sition, and sat down before Salsas on the i6th of Sep- 
tember, 1503. 

The old castle of Salsas, which had been carried 
without much difficulty by the French in the preced- 
ing war, had been put in a defensible condition at the 
commencement of the present, under the superintend- 
ence of Pedro Navarro, although the repairs were not 
yet wholly completed. Ferdinand, on the approach 
of the enemy, had thrown a thousand picked men into 
the place, which was well victualled and provided for 
a siege; while a corps of six thousand was placed 
under his cousin, Don Frederick de Toledo, duke of 
Alva, with orders to take up a position in the neighbor- 
hood, where he might watch the movements of the 
enemy, and annoy him as far as possible by cutting off 
his supplies.* 

Ferdinand, in the mean while, lost no time in en- 
forcing levies throughout the kingdom, with which he 
might advance to the relief of the beleaguered fortress. 
While thus occupied, he received such accounts of the 
queen's indisposition as induced him to quit Aragon, 
where he then was, and hasten by rapid journeys to 



perished ignominiously some twenty years before this period, in 1484, 
not in fight, but by the hands of the common executioner at Utrecht. 
Duclos, Hist, de Louis XL, torn. ii. p. 379. 

=° Gonzalo Ayora. Capitan de la Guardia Real, Cartas al Rey, Don 
Fernando (Madrid, 1794), carta 9. — Aleson, Annales de Navarra, torn. 
V. pp, 112, 113. — Gamier, Hist, de France, torn. v. p. 407. — Zurita, 
Anales, torn. v. lib. 5, cap. 51. — Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 
30, cap. 13, sec. II. 



100 



INSANITY OF JOANNA. 



Castile. The accounts were probably exaggerated ; 
he found no cause for immediate alarm on his arrival, 
and Isabella, ever ready to sacrifice her own inclina- 
tions to the public weal, persuaded him to return to 
the scene of operations, where his presence at this 
juncture was so important. Forgetting her illness, 
she made the most unwearied efforts for assembling 
troops without delay to support her husband. The 
grand constable of Castile was commissioned to raise 
levies through every part of the kingdom, and the 
principal nobility flocked in with their retainers from 
the. farthest provinces, all eager to obey the call of 
their beloved mistress. Thus strengthened, Ferdi- 
nand, whose headquarters were established at Gerona, 
saw himself in less than a month in possession of a force 
which, including the supplies of Aragon, amounted to 
ten or twelve thousand horse and three or four times 
that number of foot. He no longer delayed his march, 
and about the middle of October put his army in 
motion, proposing to effect a junction with the duke 
of Alva, then lying before Perpignan, at a few leagues' 
distance from Salsas." 

Isabella, who was at Segovia, was made acquainted 
by regular expresses with every movement of the army. 

" Gonzalo Ayora, Cartas, cap. 9. — Zurita, Anales, ubi supra. — Ber- 
naldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 197, 198. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., 
afio 1503. — Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., torn. i. p. 8. — Col. 
de (.!^dulas, torn. i. no. 97. — The most authentic account of the siege 
of balsas is to be found in the correspondence of Gonzalo Ayora, 
datea in the Spanish camp. This individual, equally eminent in letters 
and arms, filled the dissimilar posts of captain of the royal guard and 
historiographer of the crown. He served in the army at this time, 
and was present at all us operations. I'ref. ad Cartas de Ayora; and 
Nic Antonio, Bil)liotheca Nova, torn. ". p. 551. 



INVASION OF SPAIN. 



lOI 



She no sooner learned its departure from Gerona than 
she was filled with disquietude at the prospect of a 
speedy encounter with the enemy, whose defeat, what- 
ever glory it might reflect on her own arms, could be 
purchased only at the expense of Christian blood. She 
wrote in earnest terms to her husband, requesting him 
not to drive his enemies to despair by closing up their 
retreat to their own land, but to leave vengeance to 
Him to whom alone it belonged. She passed her 
days, together with her whole household, in fasting and 
continual prayer, and, in the fervor of her pious zeal, 
personally visited the several religious houses of- the 
city, distributing alms among their holy inmates, and 
imploring them humbly to supplicate the Almighty to 
avert the impending calamity.'" 

The prayers of the devout queen and her court found 
favor with Heaven. '^ King Ferdinand reached Per- 
pignan on the 19th of October; and on that same 
night the French marshal, finding himself unequal to 
the rencontre with the combined forces of Spain, broke 
up his camp, and, setting fire to his tents, began his 

M Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 263, — The loyal captain, Ayora, 
shows little of this Christian vein. He concludes one of his letters 
with praying, no doubt most sincerely, " that the Almighty would be 
pleased to infuse less benevolence into the hearts of the sovereigns, 
and incite them to chastise and humble the proud French, and strip 
them of their ill-gotten possessions, which, however repugnant to their 
own godly inclinations, would tend greatly to replenish their coffers, 
as well as those of their faithful and loving subjects." See this grace- 
less petition in his Cartas, carta 9, p. 66. 

»3 " E.\audivit igitur sanctse reginae religiosorumque ac virginum 
preces summus Altitonans." (Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 263.) 
The learned Theban borrows an epithet more familiar to Greek and 
Roman than to Christian ears. 



103 



mSAAVTV OF yOASNA. 



retreat towards the frontier, having (onsiuned nearly 
six weeks since first opening trenches. Ferdinand 
pressed close on his Hying enemy, whose rear sustained 
some annoyance from the Spanish ^inetcs in its passage 
through the defiles of the sierras. The retreat, how- 
ever, was conducted in too good order to allow any 
material loss to be inflicted on the French, who suc- 
ceeded at length in sheltering themselves under the 
cannon of Narbonne, up to which place they were 
pursued by their victorious foe. Several places on the 
frontier, as Leocate, Palme, Sigean, Roquefort, and 
others, were abandoned to the Spaniards, who pillaged 
them of whatever was worth carrying off; without any 
violence, however, to the persons of the inhabitants, 
whom, as a Christian population, if we are to believe 
Martyr, Ferdinand refused even to make prisoners. "♦ 
The Spanish monarch made no attempt to retain 

•♦ Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. $, cap. 54. — Abarca, 
Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 13, sec. 11. — Peter Martyr, 
Opus Fijist., epist. 264. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., afto 1503. — Bernaldez 
Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 198. — Gamier, Hist, de France, torn. v. pp. 
408, 409. — Gonziilo Ayora, Cartas, carta 11. — Oviedo, Qumcuagenas, 
MS., dial.de Dcza. — Peter Martyr seems to have shared none of Isa- 
bella's scrupios in regard to bringing the enemy to battle. On the 
contrary, he indulges in a most querulous strain of sarcasm against the 
Catholic king for his remissness in this particular: " Quare elucescente 
die moniti nostri de Gallorum discessu ad eos, at sero, concurrerunt. 
Rex Perpiniani agebat, ad millia passuum sex non brevia, uti nosti. 
Propterea sero id actum, venit concitato oursu, at sero. Ad hostes itur, 
at sero. Cernunt hostium acies, at sero, at a longe. Distabant jam 
milliaria circiter duo. Ergo sero Phryges sapuerunt. Cujus haec culpa, 
tu scrutator .aliunde ; mea est, si nescis. Maximam dejit ea dies, quae 
est, si nescis, calendarum Novembrium sexia, Hispanis ignominiam, 
at aliquando jacturam illis pariet collachrymandam." Letter to tlie 
cardinal of Santa Cruz, epist. 262. 



INVASION OF SPAIN. 



105 



these acquisitions, but, having dismantled some of the 
towns which offered most resistance, returned loaded 
with the spoils of victory to his own dominions. " iJad 
he been as good a general as he was a statesman," says 
a Spanish historian, "he might have penetrated to the 
centre of France.""' Ferdinand, however, was too 
prudent to attempt conquests which could only be 
maintained, if maintained at all, at an infinite expense 
of blood and treasure. He had sufficiently vindicated 
his honor by meeting his foe so promptly and driving 
him triumphantly over the border; and he preferred, 
like a cautious prince, not to risk all he had gained by 
attempting more, but to employ his present successes 
as a vantage-ground for entering on negotiation, in 
which at all times he placed more reliance than on 
the sword. 

In this, his good star still further favored him. The 
armada equipped at so much cost by the French king 
at Marseilles had no sooner put to sea than it was 
assailed by furious tempests, and so far crippled liiat it 
was obliged to return to port without even effecting a 
descent on the Spanish coast. 

These accumulated disasters so disheartened Louis 

he Twelfth that he consented to enter into negotia- 

• .ions for a suspension of hostilities; and an armistice 

was finally arranged, through the mediation of his 

pensioner Frederick, ex-king of Naples, between the 

"S Aleson, Annales de Navarra, torn. v. p, 113. — Oviedo, who was 
present in this campaign, seems to have been of the same opinion. At 
least he says, " If the king liad pursued vigorously, not a Frenchman 
would have lived to carry back the tidings of defeat to his own land." 
If we are to believe him, Ferdinand desisted from the pursuit at the 
earnest entreaty of Bishop Deza, his confessor. Quincuagenas, MS. 



Ill "I 



104 



INSANITY OF JOANNA. 



hostile monarchs. It extended only to their hereditary 
dominions ; Italy and the circumjacent seas being still 
left open as a common arena, on which the rival par- 
ties might meet and settle their respective titles by the 
sword. This truce, first concluded for five months, 
was subsequently prolonged to three years. It gave 
Ferdinand, what he most needed, leisure, and means 
to provide for the security of his Italian possessions, 
on which the dark storm of war was soon to burst with 
tenfold fury."* 

The unfortunate Frederick, who had been drawn 
from his obscurity to take part in these negotiations, 
died in the following year. It is singular that the last 
act of his political life should have been to mediate a 
peace between the dominions of two monarchs who 
had united to strip him of his own. 

The results of this campaign were as honorable to 
Spain as they were disastrous and humiliating to Louis 
the Twelfth, who had seen his arms baffled at every 
point, and all his mighty apparatus of fleets and armies 
dissolve, as if by enchantment, in less time than had 
been occupied in preparing it. The immediate success 
of Spain may no doubt be ascribed, in a considerable 
degree, to the improved organization and thorough 

a* Zurita, Anales, torn. v. lib. 5, cap. 55.— Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, 
torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 13, sec. 11. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist, epist. 264. 
— Lanuza, Historias, torn. i. cap. 17. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. ii. 
lib. 19, cap. 16. — Machiavelli, Legazione prima a Roma, let. 27.— 
Mons. Varillas notices as the weak side of Louis XII. "une deman- 
geaison de faire la paix 'k contre-temps, dont il fut travailld durant toute 
sa vie." ( Politique de Ferdinand, liv. i, p. 148.) A statesman shrewder 
than Varillas, De Retz, furnishes, perhaps, the best key to this policy, 
in the remark, " Les gens foibles ne plient jamais quand ils le 
doivent." 



INVASION OF SPAIN. 



los 



discipline introduced by the sovereigns into the na- 
tional militia at the close of the Moorish war, without 
which it would have been scarcely possible to concen- 
trate so promptly on a distant point such large masses 
of men, all well equipped and trained for active service. 
So soon was the nation called to feel the effect of these 
wise provisions. 

But the results of the campaign are, after all, less 
worthy of notice as indicating the resources of the 
country than as evidence of a pervading patriotic feel- 
ing, which could alone make these resources available. 
Instead of the narrow local jealousies which had so 
long estranged the people of the separate provinces, 
and more especially those of the rival states of Aragon 
and Castile, from one another, there had been grad- 
ually raised up a common national sentiment, like that 
knitting together the constituent parts of one great 
commonwealth. At the first alarm of invasion on the 
frontier of Aragon, the whole extent of the sister king- 
dom, from the green valleys of the Guadalquivir up to 
the rocky fastnesses of the Asturias, responded to the 
call, as to that of a common country, sending forth, as 
we have seen, its swarms of warriors, to repel the foe 
and roll back the tide of war upon his own land. 
What a contrast did all this present to the cold and 
parsimonious hand with which the nation, thirty years 
before, dealt out its supplies to King John the Second, 
Ferdinand's father, when he was left to cope single- 
handed with the whole power of France, in this very 
quarter of Roussillon ! Such was the consequence of 
the glorious union, which brought together the petty 
and hitherto discordant tribes of the Peninsula under 

E* 



io6 



INSANITY OF JOANNA, 



the same rule, and, by creating common interests and 
an harmonious principle of action, was silently pre- 
paring them for constituting one great nation, — one 
and indivisible, as intended by nature. 



Those who have not themselves had occasion to pursue historical 
inquiries will scarcely imagine on what loose grounds the greater part 
of the narrative is to be built. With the exception of a few leading 
outlines, there is such a mass of inconsistency and contradiction in the 
details, even of contemporaries, that it seems almost as hopeless to 
seize the true aspect of any particular age as it would be to transfer to 
the canvas a faithful lilceness of an individual from a description simply 
of his prominent features. 

Much of the difficulty might seem to be removed, now that we are 
on the luminous and beaten track of Italian history ; but, in fact, the 
vision is rather dazzled than assisted by the numerous cross-lights 
thrown over the path, and the infinitely various points of view from 
which every object is contemplated. Besides the local and party 
prejudices which we had to encounter in the contemporary Spanish 
historians, we have now a host of national prejudices, not less un- 
favorable to truth ; while the remoteness of the scene of action 
necessarily begets a thousand additional inaccuracies in the gossiping 
and credulous chroniclers of France and Spain. 

The mode in which public negotiations were conducted at this period 
interposes still further embarrassments in our search after truth. I'hey 
were regarded as the personal concerns of the sovereign, in which the 
nation at large had no right to interfere. They were settled, like the 
rest of his private affairs, under his own eye, without the participation 
of any other branch of the government. They were shrouded, there- 
fore, in an impenetrable secrecy, which permitted such results only 
to emerge into light as suited the monarch. Even these results cannot 
be relied on as furnishing the true key to the intentions of the parties. 
The science of the cabinet, as then practised, authorized such a system 
of artifice and shameless duplicity as greatly impairs the credit of 
those >f!icial documents which we are accustomed to regard as the 
surest foundations of history. 

The only records which we can receive with full confidence are the 
private correspondence of contemporaries, which, from its very nature. 



/Xl'AS/OJV OF SPA/y. 



107 



is exempt from most of the restraints and aH< ctations incident more or 
less to every work destined for the public eye. Such communications, 
indeed, come like the voice of departed years ; and when, as in Martyr's 
case, tiiey proceed from one whose ncuteness is combined with singular 
opportunities for observation, they nre of inestimable value. Instead 
of exposing to us only the results, they lay o|)en the interior workings 
of the machinery, and we enter into all the shifting doubts, passions, 
and purposes which agitate the minds of the acton. Unfortunately, the 
chain of correspondence here, as in similar cases, when not originally 
designed for historical uses, necessarily suffers from occasional breaks 
and interruptions. The scattered gleams which are thrown over the 
most prominent points, however, shed so strong a light as materially to 
aid us in groping our way through the darker and more perplexed 
passages of the story. 

The obscurity which hangs over the period has not been dispelled 
by those modern writers who, like Varillas, in his well-known work. 
Politique de Ferdinand te CathoUque, affect to treat the subject philo- 
sophically, paying less attention to facts than to their causes and con- 
sequences. These ingenious persons, seldom willing to take things as 
they find them, seem to think that truth is only to be reached by delving 
deep below the surface. In this search after more profound causes of 
action, they reject whatever is natural and obvious. They arc inexhaust- 
ible in conjectures and fine-spun conclusions, inferring quite as much 
from what is not said or done as from what is. In short, they put the 
reader as completely in possession of their hero's thoughts on all occa- 
sions as any professed romance-writer would venture to do. All this 
may be very agreeable, and to persons of easy faith very satisfiictory ; 
but it is not history, and may well remind us of the astonishment 
somewhere expressed by Cardinal de Retz at the assurance of those 
who, at a distance from the scene of action, pretended to lay open all 
the secret springs of policy, of which he himself, though a principal 
party, was ignorant. 

No prince, on the whole, has suffered more from these unwarrant- 
able liberties than Ferdinand the Catholic. His reputation for shrewd 
policy suggests a ready key to whatever is mysterious and otherwise 
inexplicable in his government ; while it puts writers like Gaillard and 
Varillas constantly on the scent after the most secret and subtile soun 0* 
of action, as if there were always something more to be detected than 
readily meets the eye. Instead of judging him by the general rules of 
human conduct, every thing is referred to deep-laid stratagem ; no 



io8 



INSANITY OF JOANNA. 



allowance is made for the ordinary disturbing forces, the passions and 
casualties of life ; every action proceeds with the same wary calcula- 
tion that regulates the moves upon a chessboard ; and thus a character 
of consummate artifice is built up, not only unsupported by historical 
evidence, but in manifest contradiction to the principles of our nature. 
The part of our subject embraced in the present chapter has long 
been debatable ground between the French and Spanish historians ; 
and the obscurity which hangs over it has furnished an ample range 
for speculation to the class of writers above alluded to, which they 
have not failed to improve. 



III! 



CHAPTER XIV. 

ITALIAN WARS. — CONDITION OF ITALY. — FRENCH AND 
SPANISH ARMIES ON THE GARIGLIANO. 

X503. 

Melancholy State of Italy. — Great Preparations of Louis. — Gonsalvo 
repulsed before Gaeta.— ^Armies on the Garigliano. — Bloody Pass- 
age of the Bridge. — Anxious Expectation of Italy. — Critical Situa- 
tion of the Spaniards. — Gonsalvo's Resolution. — Heroism of Paredes 
and Bayard. 



We must now turn our eyes towards Italy, where the 
sounds of war, which had lately died away, were again 
heard in wilder dissonance than ever. Our attention, 
hitherto, has been too exclusively directed to mere 
military manoeuvres to allow us to dwell much on the 
condition of this unhappy land. The dreary progress 
of our story, over fields of blood and battle, might 
naturally dispose the imagination to lay the scene of 
action in some rude and savage age ; an age, at best, 
of feudal heroism, when the energies of the soul could 
be roused only by the fierce din of war. 

Far otherwise, however: the tents of the hostile 
armies were now pitched in the bosom of the most 
lovely and cultivated regions of the globe ; inhabited 
by a people who had carried the various arts of policy 
and social life to a degree of excellence elsewhere un- 
known ; whose natural resources had been augmented 

(109) 



no 



ITALIAN WARS. 



by all the appliances of ingenuity and industry; whose 
cities were crowded with magnificent and costly works 
of public utility; into whose ports every wind that 
blew wafted the rich freights of distant climes; whose 
thousand hills were covered to their very tops with the 
golden labors of the husbandman; and whose intel- 
lectual development showed itself not only in a liberal 
scholarship far outstripping that of their contempora- 
ries, but in works of imagination, and of elegant art 
more particularly, which rivalled the best days of an- 
tiquity. The period before us, indeed, the commence- 
ment of the sixteenth century, was that of their meridian 
splendor, when Italian genius, breaking through the 
cloud which had temporarily obscured its early dawn, 
shone out in full effulgence ; for we are now touching 
on the age of Machiavelli, Ariosto, and Michael Angelo, 
— the golden age of Leo the Tenth. 

It is impossible, even at this distance of time, to 
contemplate without feelings of sadness the fate of 
such a country, thus suddenly converted into an arena 
for the bloody exhibitions of the gladiators of Europe; 
to behold her trodden under foot by the very nations 
on whom she had freely poured the light of civiliza- 
tion; to see the fierce soldiery of Europe, from the 
Danube to the Tagus, sweeping like an army of locusts 
over her fields, defiling her pleasant places, and raising 
the shout of battle or of brutal triumph under the shadow 
of those monuments of genius which have been the 
delight and despair of succeeding ages. It was the 
old story of the Goths and Vandals acted over again. 
Those more refined arts of the cabinet on which the 
Italians were accustomed to rely, much more than on 



ARMIES ON THE GARIGLIANO. m 

the sword, in their disputes with one another, were of 
no avail against these rude invaders, whose strong arm 
easily broke through the subtile webs of policy which 
entangled the movements of less formidable adversa- 
ries. It was the triumph of brute force over civiiiza- 
tion, — one of the most humiliating lessons by which 
Providence has seen fit to rebuke the pride of human 
intellect.' 

The fate of Italy inculcates a most important lesson. 
With all this outward show of prosperity, her political 
institutions had gradually lost the vital principle which 
could alone give them stability or real value. The 
forms of freedom, indeed, in most instances, had sunk 
under the usurpation of some aspiring chief. Every- 
where patriotism was lost in the most intense selfish- 
ness. Moral principle was at as low an ebb in private 
as in public life. The hands which shed their liberal 
patronage over genius and learning were too often red 

* " O pria si cara al ciel del mondo parte, 

Che I'acqua eigne, e '1 sasso orridu serra ; 

O lieta sopra ogii' altra e dolce terra, 

Che '1 superbo Appenniii segna e diparte ; 
Che val omai, se '1 buon popol di Marte 

Ti Iasci6 del mar donna e de la terra ? 

Le genti a te gii serve, or ti fan giierra, 

E pongon man ne le tiie treccie sf ;.rte. 
Lasso I \\k manca de' tuoi figli ancora, 

Chi le pi& strane a te chiamando iiisieme 

La spada sua nel tiio del corpo adopre. 
Or son qiieste simili a 1' antich' opre ? 

O pur cos) pietate e Dio s' onora ? 

Ahi secol duro, ahi tralignato seme." 

Benibo, Rime, Son. io8. 

Tliis exquisite little lyric, inferior to no other which had appeared 
on the same subject since the " Italia mia" of Petrarch, was composed 
by Bembo at the period of which we are treating. 



112 



ITALIAN WARS. 



with blood J the courtly precincts which seemed the 
favorite haunt of the Muses were too often the Epicu- 
rean sty of brutish sensuality ; while the head of the 
church itself, whose station, exalted over that of every 
worldly potentate, should have raised him at least 
above their grosser vices, was sunk in the foulest 
corruptions that debase poor human nature. Was it 
surprising, then, that the tree, thus cankered at heart, 
with all the goodly show of blossoms on its branches, 
should have fallen before the blast which now descended 
in such pitiless fury from the mountains ? 

Had there been an invigorating national feeling, 
any common principle of coalition, among the Italian 
states, — had they, in short, been true to themselves, 
— they possessed abundant resources in their wealth, 
talent, and superior science, to have shielded their soil 
from violation. Unfortunately, while the other Euro- 
pean states had been augmenting their strength incal- 
culably by the consolidation of their scattered fragments 
into one whole., those of Italy, in the absence of some 
great central point round which to rally, had grown 
more and more confirmed in their original disunion. 
Thus, without concert in action, and destitute of the 
vivifying impulse of patriotic sentiment, they were 
delivered up to be the spoil and mockery of nations 
whom in their proud language they still despised as 
barbarians ; an impressive example of the impotence of 
human genius, and of the instability of human institu- 
tions, however excellent in themselves, when unsustained 
by public and private virtue.' 

" The philosophic Machiavelli discerned the true causes of the 
calamities, in the corruptions of his country ; which he has exposed, 



ARMIES ON THE GARIGLIANO. 



"3 



The great powers who had now entered the lists 
created entirely new interests in Italy, which broke up 
the old political combinations. The conquest of Milan 
enabled France to assume a decided control over the 
affairs of the country. Her recent reverses in Naples, 
however, had greatly loosened this authority; although 
Florence and other neighboring states, which lay under 
her colossal shadow, still remained true to her. Venice, 
with her usual crafty policy, kept aloof, maintaining a 
position of neutrality between the belligerents, each 
of whom made the most pressing efforts to secure so 
powerful an ally. She had, however, long since enter- 
tained a deep distrust of her French neighbor ; and, 
although she would enter into no public engagements, 
she gave the Spanish minister every assurance of her 
friendly disposition towards his government. ^ She 



with more than his usual boldness and bitterness of sarcasm, in the 
seventh book of his "Arte della Guerra." 

3 Lorenzo Suarez do la Vega filled the post of minister to the re- 
public during the whole of the war. His long continuance in the 
office at so critical a period, under so vigilant a sovereign as Fer- 
dinand, is sufficient warrant for his ability. Peter Martyr, while he 
admits his talents, makes some objections to his appointment, on the 
ground of his want of scholarship : " Nee placet quod hunc elegeritis 
hac tempei-tate. Maluissem namque virum, qui Latinam calleret, vel 
saltem intelligeret, linguam; hie tantum suam patriam vemaculam 
novit ; prudentem esse alias, atque inter ignaros literarum satis esse 
gnarum, Rex ipse mihi testatus est. Cupissem tamen ego, quae 
dixi." (See the letter to the Catholic queen, Opus Epist., epist. 246.) 
The objections have weight, undoubtedly, Latin being the common 
medium of diplomatic intercourse at that time. Martyr, who on his 
return through Venice from his Egyptian mission took charge for the 
time of the interests of Spain, might probably have been prevailed on 
to assume the difficulties of a diplomatic station there himself. See 
also Part IL, chapter n, note 7, of this History. 
Vol. in.— 8 



ll ' 

1 



"4 



ITALIAN WARS. 



I 



intimated this still more unequivocally, by the supplies 
she had allowed her citizens to carry into Barleta 
during the late campaign, and by other indirect aid of 
a similar nature during the present j for all which she 
was one day to be called to a heavy reckoning by her 
enemies. 

The disposition of the papal court towards the 
French monarch was still less favorable; and it took 
no pains to conceal this after his reverses in Naples. 
Soon after the defeat of Cerignola, it entered into cor- 
respondence with Gonsalvo de Cordova; and, although 
Alexander the Sixth refused to break openly with 
France and sign a treaty with the Spanish sovereigns, 
he pledged himself to do so on the reduction of Gaeta. 
In the mean time, he freely allowed the Great Captain 
to raise such levies as he could in Rome, before the 
very eyes of the French ambassador. So little had 
the immense concessions of Louis, including those of 
principle and honor, availed to secure the fidelity of 
this treacherous ally.* 

With the emperor Maximilian, notwithstanding re- 
peated treaties, he was on scarcely better terms. That 
prince was connected with Spain by the matrimonial 
alliances of his family, and no less averse to France 
from personal feeling, which, with the majority of 
minds, operates more powerfully than motives of state 
policy. He had, moreover, always regarded the occu- 
pation of Milan by the latter as an infringement, in 

4 Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 5, cap. 38, 48. — Bembo, 
Istoria Viniziana, torn, iii, lib. 6. — Dam, Hist, de Venise, torn. iii. p. 
347. — Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. i. lib. 6, p. 311, ed. 1645. — Biionac- 
corsi, Diario, pp. 77, 81. 



ARMIES ON THE GARIGLIANO. 



"5 



some measure, of his imperial rights. The Spanish 
government, availing itself of these ^»elings, endeav- 
ored through its minister, Don Juan Manuel, to stimu- 
late Maximilian to the invasion of Lombardy. As the 
emperor, however, demanded, as usual, a liberal sub- 
sidy for carrying on the war. King Ferdinand, who 
was seldom incommoded by a superfluity of funds, 
preferred reserving them for his own enterprises, to 
hazarding them on the Quixotic schemes of his ally. 
But, although the negotiations were attended with no 
result, the amicable dispositions of the Austrian gov- 
ernment were evinced by the permission given to its 
subjects to serve under the banners of Gonsalvo, where 
indeed, as we .have already seen, they formed some of 
the best troops.' 

But, while Louis the Twelfth drew so little assistance 
from abroad, the heartiness with which the whole 
French people entered into his feelings at this crisis 
made him nearly independent of it, and, in an in- 
credibly short space of time, placed him in a condition 
for resuming operations on a far more formidable scale 
than before. The preceding failures in Italy he attrib- 
uted in a great degree to an overweening confidence 
in the superiority of his own troops, and his neglect to 
support them with the necessary reinforcements and 
supplies. He now provided against this by remitting 
large sums to Rome, and establishing ample magazines 
of grain and military stores there, under the direction 
of commissaries, for the maintenance of the army. He 
equipped without loss of time a large armament at 

S Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn, i, lib. 5, cap. 55. — Co.\e, His- 
tory of the House of Austria (London, 1807), vol. i. chap. 23. 



ii6 



ITALIAN WARS. 



11 



Genoa, under the marquis of Saluzzo, for the relief of 
Gaeta, still blockaded by the Spaniards. He obtained 
a small supply of men from his Italian allies, and sub- 
sidized a corps of eight thousand Swiss, the strength 
of his infantry; while the remainder of his army, com- 
prehending a fine body of cavalry and the most com- 
plete train of artillery, probably, in Europe, was drawn 
from his own dominions. Volunteers of the highest 
rank pressed forward to serve in an expedition to which 
they confidently looked for the vindication of the 
national honor. The command was intrusted to the 
mardchal de la Tr^mouille, esteemed the best general 
in France ; and the whole amount of force, exclusive 
of that employed permanently in the fleet, is variously 
computed at from twenty to thirty thousand men.* 

In the month of July the army was on its march 
across the broad plains of Lombardy, but, on reaching 
Parma, the appointed place of rendezvous for the Swiss 
and Italian mercenaries, was brought to a halt by 
tidings of an unlooked-for event, the death of Pope 
Alexander the Sixth. He expired on the i8th of Au- 
gust, 1 503, at the age of seventy-two, the victim, there 
is very little doubt, of poison he had prepared for 
others ; thus closing an infamous life by a death 

* Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 78. — St. Gelais, Hist, de Louys XII., pp. 
173, 174. — Varillas, Hist, de Louis XII., torn. i. pp. 386, 387. — Me- 
moires de la Tr^moille, chap. 19, apud Petitot, Collection des M6- 
moires, torn. xiv. — Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, torn. xiv. anno 1503. — 
Carta de Gonzalo, MS. — Historians, as usual, differ widely in their 
estimates of the French numbers. Guicciardini, whose moderate 
computation of 20,000 men is usually followed, does not take the 
trouble to reconcile his sum total with the various estimates given by 
him in detail, which considerably exceed that amount. Istoria, pp. 
308, 309, 31a. 



ARMIES ON THE GARIGLIANO. 



117 



equally infamous. He was a man of undoubted talent 
and uncommon energy of character. But his powers 
were perverted to the worst purposes, and his gross 
vices were unredeemed, if we are to credit the report 
of his most respectable contemporaries, by a single 
virtue. In him the papacy reached its lowest degrada- 
tion. His pontificate, however, was not without its 
use; since that Providence which still educes good 
from evil made the scandal which it occasioned to 
the Christian world a principal spring of the glorious 
Reformation.' 

The death of this pontiff occasioned no particular 
disquietude at the Spanish court, where his immoral 
life had been viewed with undisguised reprobation, and 
made the subject of more than one pressing remon- 
strance, as we have already seen. His public course 
had been as little to its satisfaction ; since, although a 
Spaniard by birth, being a native of Valencia, he had 
placed himself almost wholly at the disposal of Louis 

7 Carta de Gonzalo, Del Real, Gaeta, 8 de Agosto, 1503, MS. — 
Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 81. — Bembo, Istoria Viniziana, lib. 6. — The little 
ceremony with which Alexander's remains were treated, while yet 
scarcely cold, is the best commentary on the general detestation in 
which he was held. " Lorsque Alexandre," says the pope's mattre des 
ceremonies, " rendit le dernier soupir, il n'y avait dans sa chambre que 
I'eveque de Rieti, le dalaire et quelques palefreniers. Cette chambre 
fut aussit6t pillee. La face du cadavre devint noire ; la langue s'enfla 
au point qu'elle remplissait la bouche qui resta ouverte. La bifere 
dans laquelle il fallait mettre le corps se trouva trop petite ; on I'y en- 
fon9a k coups de poings. Les restes du pape insultes par ses domes- 
tiques furent portes dans I'eglise de St. Pierre, sans etre accompagnes 
de pretres ni de torches, et on les pla9a en dedans de hi grille du 
choeur pour les derober aux outrages de la populace." Notice de 
IJurchard, ajiud Brequigny, Notices et Extraits des Manusjrits de la 
Uibliutliequo du Roi (Paris, 1787-1818), tom. i. p. 120. 



ii3 



ITALIAN WARS, 



the Twelfth, in return for the countenance afforded by 
that monarch to the iniquitous schemes of his son, 
Caesar Borgia. 

The pope's death was attended with important con- 
sequences on the movements of the French. Louis's 
favorite minister, Cardinal D'Amboise, had long looked 
forward to this event as opening to him the succession 
to the tiara. He now hastened to Italy, therefore, 
with his master's approbation, proposing to enforce his 
pretensions by the presence of the French army, placed, 
as it would seem, with this view at his disposal. 

The army, accordingly, was ordered to advance 
towards Rome and halt within a few miles of its 
gates. The conclave of cardinals, then convened to 
supply the vacancy in the pontificate, were filled with 
indignation at this attempt to overawe their election ; 
and the citizens beheld with anxiety the encampment 
of this formidable force under their walls, anticipating 
some counteracting movement on the part of the Great 
Captain, which might involve their capital, already in 
a state of anarchy, in all the horrors of war. Gonsalvo, 
indeed, had sent forward a detachment of between two 
and three thousand men, under Mendoza and Fabrizio 
Colonna, who posted themselves in the neighborhood 
of the city, where they could observe the movements 
)f the enemy. ^ 

At length Cardinal D'Amboise, yielding to public 
feeling and the representations of pretended friends. 



• Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 82. — Machiavelli, Legazione prima a 
Roma, let. 1, 3, et al. — Bembo, Istoria Viniziana, torn. iii. lib. 6. — 
Ammirato, Istorie Fioientine, torn. iii. lib. 28. — Zurita, Anales, torn. v. 
lib. 5, cap. 47. 



ARMIES ON THE GARIGLIANO, 



119 



consented to the removal of the French forces from 
the neighborhood, and trusted for success to his per- 
sonal influence. He overestimated its weight. It is 
foreign to our purpose to detail the proceedings of the 
reverend body thus convened to supply the chair of 
St. Peter. They are displayed at full length by the 
Italian writers, and must be allowed to form a most 
edifying chapter in ecclesiastical history.' It is enough 
to state that, on the departure of the French, the suf- 
frages of the conclave fell on an Italian (Sept. 2 2d), 
who assumed the name of Pius the Third, and who 
justified the policy of the choice by dying in less time 
than his best friends had anticipated, — within a month 
after his elevation." 

The new vacancy was at once supplied by the elec- 
tion of Julius the Second (Oct. 31st), the belligerent 
pontiff who made his tiara a helmet, and his crosier a 
sword. It is remarkable that, while his fierce, inex- 
orable temper left him with scarcely a personal friend, 
he came to the throne by the united suffrages of the 
rival factions of France, Spain, and, above all, Venice, 
whose ruin in return he made the great business of 
his restless pontificate." 



9 Guicciardini, in particular, has related them with a circumstantiality 
which could scarcely have been exceeded by one of the conclave 
itself. Istoria, lib. 6, pp. 316-318. 

'o Bembo, Istoria Viniziana, lib. 6. — Ammirato, Istorie Florentine, 
tom. iii. lib. 28. — The election of Pius was extremely grateful to Queen 
Isabella, who caused Te Deums and thanksgivings to be celebrated in 
the churches for the appointment of " so worthy a pastor over the 
Christian fold." See Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 265. 

«• Machiavelli, Legazione prima a Roma, let. 6. — B. nibo, Istoria 
Viniziana, lib. 7. 



lao 



ITALIAN WARS. 



No sooner had the game into which Cardinal D'Am- 
boise had entered with such prospects of success been 
snatched from his grasp by the su|>erior address of his 
Italian rivals, and the election of Pius the Third been 
publicly announced, than the French army was per- 
mitted to resume its march on Naples, after the loss — 
an irreparable loss — of more than a month. A still 
greater misfortune had befallen it, in the mean time, in 
the illness of Tr^mouille, its chief; which compelled 
him to resign the command into the hands of the mar- 
quis of Mantua, an Italian nobleman, who held the 
second station in the army. He was a man of some 
military experience, having fought in the Venetian 
service, and led the allied forces, with doubtful credit 
indeed, against Charles the Eighth at the battle of For- 
novo. His elevation was more acceptable to his own 
countrymen than to the French ; and in truth, however 
competent to ordinary exigencies, he was altogether 
unequal to the present, in which he was compelled to 
measure his genius with that of the greatest captain of 
the age." 

I'he Spanish commander, in the mean while, was 
detained before the strong post of Gaeta, into which 
Ives d'Al^gre had thrown himself, as already noticed, 
with the fugitives from the field cf Cerignola, where 
he had been subsequently reinforced by four thousand 
additional troops under the maiquis of Saluzzo. From 
these circumstances, as well as the great strength of the 
place, Gonsalvo experienced an opposition to which, 

'» Gamier, Hist, de France, torn. v. pp. 435-438. — Guicciardini, 
Istoria, lib. 6, p. 316. — Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 83. — St. Gelais, Hist, de 
Loiiys XH., p. 173. 



A K MIES ON THE CARIGLIANO. 



121 



of late, he had been wholly unaccustomed. His ex- 
posed situation in the plains, under the guns of the 
city, occasioned the loss of many of his best men, 
and, among others, that of his friend Don Hugo de 
Cardona, one of the late victors at Scminara, who was 
shot down at his side while conversing with him. At 
length, after a desperate but ineffectual attempt to ex- 
tricate himself from his perilous position, by forcing 
the neighboring eminence of Mount Orlando, he was 
compelled to retire to a greater distance, and draw off 
his army to the adjacent village of Castellone, which 
may call up more agreeable associations in the reader's 
mind, as the site of the Villa Formiana of Cicero." 
At this place he was still occupied with the blockade 
of Gaeta, when he received intelligence that the 
French had crossed the Tiber and were in full march 
againsjt him.'* 

While Gonsalvo lay before Gaeta, he had been in- 
tent on collecting such reinforcements as he could from 
every quarter. The Neapolitan division under Navarro 
had already joined him, as well as the victorious legions 
of Andrada from Calabria. His strength was further 
augmented by the arrival of between two and three 
thousand uoops, Spanish, German, and Italian, which 
the Castilian minister, Francisco de Rojas, had levied 

>3 Cicero's country-seat stood midway between Gaeta and Mola, the 
ancient Formiae, about two miles and a half from each. (Cliiverius, 
Ital. Antiq., lib. 3, cap. 6.) The remains of his mansion and of his 
mausoleum may still be discerned, on the borders of the old Appiun 
Way, by the classical and credulous tourist, 

»4 Giovio, Vitae lUust. Virorum, fol. 258, 259.— Chr6nica del Gran 
Capitan, lib. 2, cap. 95.— Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 19.— Peter Mar- 
tyr, Opus Epist., epist. 361. 



.I?2 



ITALIAN WARS. 



I!; I 



in Rome ; and he was in daily hopes of a more im- 
portant accession from the same quarter, through the 
good offices of the Venetian ambassador. Lastly, he 
had obtained some additional recruits, and a remit- 
tance of a considerable sum of money, in a fleet of 
Catalan ships lately arrived from Spain. With all this, 
however, a heavy amount of arrears remained due to 
his troops. In point of numbers he was still far in- 
ferior to the enemy; no computation swelling them 
higher than three thousand horse, two of them light 
cavalry, and nine thousand foot. The strength of his 
army lay in his Spanish infantry, on whose thorough 
discipline, steady nerve, and strong attachment to his 
person he felt he might confidently rely. In cavalry, 
and still more in artillery, he was far below the French; 
which, together with his great numerical inferiority, 
made it impossible for him to keep the open country. 
His only resource was to get possession of some pass 
or strong position which lay in their route, where he 
might detain them till the arrival of further reinforce- 
ments should enable him to face them on more equal 
terms. The deep stream of the Garigliano presented 
such a line of defence as he wanted.'* 

On the 6th of October, therefore, the Great Captain 



»s Carta de Gonzalo, Del Real, Gaeta, 8 de Agosto, 1503, MS. — 
Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 5, cap. 38, 43, 44, 48, 57. 
— Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 258, 259. — Sismondi, Hist, des 
Fran9ais, torn. xv. p. 417. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. ii. lib. 19, cap. 
i6. — Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, torn. viii. pp. 252-257. — Mariana, Hist, 
de Espafta, lib. xxvi. cap. 5. — The Castilian writers do not state the 
sum total of the Spanish force, which is to be inferred only from the 
scattered estimates, careless and contradictory as usual, of the various 
detachments whicli joined it. 



ARMIES ON THE GAHJGLIANO. 



123 



broke up his camp at Castellone, and, abandoning the 
whole region north of the Garigliano to the enemy, 
struck into the interior of the country, and took post 
at San Germano, a strong place on the other side of the 
river, covered by the two fortresses of Monte Casino** 
and Rocca Secca. Into this last he threw a body of 
determined men under Villalba, and awaited calmly the 
approach of the enemy. 

It was not long before the columns of the latter were 
descried in full march on Ponte Corvo, at a few miles' 
distance only on the opposite side of the Garigliano. 
After a brief halt there, they traversed the bridge be- 
fore that place, and advanced confidently forward in 
the expectation of encountering little resistance from 
a foe so much their inferior. In this they were mis- 
taken ; the garrison of Rocca Secca, against which they 
directed their arms, handled them so roughly that, 
after in vain endeavoring to carry the place in two 
desperate assaults, the marquis of Mantua resolved to 
abandon the attempt altogether, and, recrossing the 
river, to seek a more practicable point for his purpose 
lower down.'' 

Keeping along the right bank, therefore, to the 



«« The Spaniards carried Monte Casino by storm, and with sacrile- 
gious violence plundered the Benedictine monastery of all its costly 
plate. They were compelled, however, to respect the bones of the 
martyrs, and other saintly relics; a division of spoil probably not en- 
tirely satisfactory to its reverend inmates. Giovio, Vita Magni Gon- 
salvi, fol. 262. 

>7 Chr6nica del Gran Capitan, lib. 2, cap. 102. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo 
v., fol. 21. — Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. i. lib. 6, pp. 326, 327. — Peter 
Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 267. — Bernaldez, Reyes Cutolicos, MS., 
cup. 188. 



124 



ITALIAN WARS. 



:\ ' ■:( 



m ' 



i( ii 



southeast of the mountains of Fondi, he descended 
nearly to the mouth of the Garigliano, the site, as 
commonly supposed, of the ancient Minturnae.'® The 
place was covered by a fortress called the Tower of the 
Garigliano, occupied by a small Spanish garrison, who 
made some resistance, but surrendered on being per- 
mitted to march out with the honors of war. On 
rejoining their countrymen under Gonsalvo, the latter 
were so much incensed that the garrison should have 
yielded on any terms, instead of dying on their posts, 
that, falling on them with their pikes, they massacred 
them all to a man. Gonsalvo did not think proper to 
punish this outrage, which, however shocking to his 
own feelings, indicated a desperate tone of resolution, 
which he felt he should have occasion to tax to the 
utmost in the present exigency.*' 

The ground now occupied by the armies was low 
and swampy, a character which it possessed in ancient 
times; the marshes on the southern side being sup- 
posed to be the same in which Marius concealed him- 
self from his enemies during his proscription." Its 

«* The remains of this city, which stood about four miles above the 
mouth of the Liris, are still to be seen, on the right of the road. In 
ancient days it was of sufficient magnitude to cover both sides of the 
river. See Strabo, Geographia, lib. 5, p. 233 (Paris, 1629), with Casau- 
bon's notes, p. no. 

'9 Chronica del Gran Capitan, lib. 2, cap. 107. — Giovio, Vita Magni 
Gonsalvi, fol. 263, 

=0 The marshes of Minturnae lay between the city and the mouth 
of the Liris. (Cluverius, Ital. Antiq., lib. 3, cap. 10, sec. 9.) The 
Spanish army encamped, says Guicciardini, "in a place called by 
Livy, from its vicinity to Sessa, a^u/s Sinuessana;, being perhaps the 
marshes in which Marius hid himself." (Istoria, lib. 6.) The histo- 
rian makes two blunders in a breath, ist. Agua Sinuessattce was a 



ARMIES ON THE GARIGLIANO. 



125 



natural humidity was greatly increased, at this time, by 
the excessive rains, which began earlier and with much 
more violence than usual. The French position was 
neither so low nor so wet as that of the Spaniards. It 
had the advantage, moreover, of being supported by a 
well-peopled and friendly country in the rear, where 
lay the large towns of Fondi, Itri, and Gaeta; while 
their fleet, under the admiral Prejan, which rode at 
anchor in the mouth of the Garigliano, might be of 
essential service in the passage of the river. 

In order to effect this, the marquis of Mantua pre- 
pared to throw a bridge across, at a point not far from 
Trajetto. He succetce*' "n it, notwithstanding the 
swollen and troubled c n on of the waters," in a 
few days, under cover ot the artillery, which he had 
planted on the bank of the river, and which from its 

name derived not from Sessa, the ancient Suessa Aurunca, but from 
the adjacent Sinuessa, a town about ten miles southeast of Mintumse. 
(Comp. Livy, lib. 22, cap. 14, and Strabo, lib. 5, p. 233.) 2d. The 
name did not indicate marshes, but natural hot springs, particularly 
noted for their salubrity. " Salubritate harum aquarum," says Tacitus 
in allusion to them (Annales, lib. 12), and Pliny notices their medicinal 
properties more explicitly. Hist. Naturalis, lib. 31, cap. 2. 

"• This does not accord with Horace's character of the Garigliano, 
the ancient Liris, as the " taciturnus amnis" (Carm., lib. i. 30), and 
still less with that of Silius Italicus, 



" Liris .... qui fonte quieto 
Dissiinulat curstim, et nulla mutabilis imbrt 
Perstringit tacitas gemmanti gurgite ripas." 
' Punica, lib. 4. 

Indeed, the stream exhibits at the present day the same soft and tran- 
quil aspect celebrated by the Roman poets. Its natural character, 
however, was entirely changed at the period before us, in consequence 
of the unexampled heaviness and duration of the autumnal rains. 



126 



ITALIAN WARS. 



greater elevation entirely commanded the opposite 
shore. 

The bridge was constructed of boats belonging to 
the fleet, strongly secured together and covered with 
planks. The work being completed, on the 6th of 
November the army advanced upon the bridge, sup- 
ported by such a lively cannonade from the batteries 
along the shore as made all resistance on the part of 
the Spaniards ineffectual. The impetuosity with which 
the French rushed forward was such as to drive back 
the advanced guard of their enemy, which, giving way 
in disorder, retreated on the main body. Before the 
confusion could extend farther, Gonsalvo, mounted d la 
ginetay in the manner of the light cavalry, rode through 
the broken ranks, and, rallying the fugitives, quickly 
brought them to order. Navarro and Andrada, at 
the same time, led up the Spanish infantry, and the 
whole column charging furiously against the French, 
compelled them to falter, and at length to fall back on 
the bridge. 

The struggle now became desperate, officers and 
soldiers, horse and foot, mingling together, and fight- 
ing hand to hand, with all the ferocity kindled by 
close personal combat. Some were trodden under the 
feet of the cavalry, many more were forced from the 
bridge, and the waters of the Garigliano were covered 
with men and horses, borne down by the current and 
struggling in vain to gain the shore. It was a contest 
of mere bodily strength and courage, in which skill 
and superior tactics were of little avail. Among those 
who most distinguished themselves, the name of the 
noble Italian, Fabrizio Colonna, is particularly men- 



ARMIES ON THE GARIGLIANO. 



127 



tioned. An heroic action is recorded also of a person 
of inferior rank, a Spanish alferezy or standard-bearer, 
named lUescas. The right hand of this man was shot 
away by a cannon-ball. As a comrade was raising up 
the fallen colors, the gallant ensign resolutely grasped 
them, exclaiming that "he had one hand still left." 
At the same time, muffling a scarf round the bleeding 
stump, he took his place in the ranks as before. This 
brave deed did not go unrewarded, and a liberal 
pension was settled on him, at Gonsalvo's instance. 

During the heat of the m6l6e, the guns on the French 
shore had been entirely silent, since they could not be 
worked without doing as much mischief to their own 
men as to the Spaniards, with whom they were closely 
mingled. But, as the French gradually recoiled before 
their impetuous adversaries, fresh bodies of the latter 
rushing forward to support their advance necessarily 
exposed a considerable length of column to the range 
of the French guns, which opened a galling fire on the 
farther extremity of the bridge. The Spaniards, not- 
withstanding **they threw themselves into the face of 
the cannon," as the marquis of Mantua exclaimed, 
** with as much unconcern as if their bodies had been 
made of air instead of flesh and blood," found them- 
selves so much distressed by this terrible fire that they 
were compelled to fall back ; and the van, thus left with- 
out support, at length retreated in turn, abandoning 
the bridge to the enemy." 



*» Eernaldez. Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 188. — Abarca, Reyes de 
Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30. cap. 14. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. ii. lib. 19, 
cap, 16. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist.. epist. 269.— Giovio, Vitae Illust. 
Virorum, fol. 262-264.— Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 22.— Machiavelli, 



128 



ITALIAN WARS. 



Ill I 



ill 



This action was one of the severest which occurred 
in these wars. Don Hugo de Moncada, the veteran of 
many a fight by land and sea, told Paolo Giovio that 
" he had never felt himself in such imminent peril in 
any of his battles as in this.""' The French, not- 
withstanding they remained masters of the contested 
bridge, had met with a resistance which greatly dis- 
couraged them; and, instead of attempting to push 
their success further, retired that same evening to their 
quarters on the other side of the river. The tem- 
pestuous weather, which continued with unabated fury, 
had now broken up the roads, and converted the soil 
into a morass, nearly impracticable for the movements 
of horse, and quite so for those of artillery, on which 
the French chiefly relied j while it interposed compara- 
tively slight obstacles to the manoeuvres of infantry, 
which constituted the strength of the Spaniards. From 
a consideration of these circumstances, the French 
commander resolved not to resume active operations 
till a change of weather, by restoring the roads, should 
enable him to do so with advantage. Meanwhile he 
constructed a redoubt on the Spanish extremity of the 
bridge, and threw a body of troops into it, in order 
to command the pass whenever he should be disposed 
to use it."* 

While the hostile armies thus lay facing each other, 

Legazione prima a Roma, let, n, Nov. lo. — let. i6, Nov. 13. — ^let. 17, 
—Chronica del Gran Capitan, lib. 2, cap. 106. — Gamier, Hist, de 
France, torn. v. pp. 440, 441. 

*3 Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 264. 

^ Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 6, pp. 327, 328. — Giovio, Vitae Illust. 
Virorum, fol. 262. — Machiavelli, Legazione prima a Roma, let. 29. — 
Garnier, Hist, de France, torn. v. pp. 443-445. 



ARMIES ON THE GARIGLIANO. 



129 



the eyes of all Italy were turned on them, in anxious 
expectation of a battle which should finally decide 
the fate of Naples. Expresses were daily despatched 
from the French camp to Rome, whence the minis- 
ters of the different European powers transmitted the 
tidings to their respective governments. Machiavelli 
represented at that time the Florentine republic at the 
papal court, and his correspondence teems with as 
many floating rumors and speculations as a modern 
gazette. There were many French residents in the city, 
with whom the minister was personally acquainted. 
He frequently notices their opinions on the progress 
of the war, which they regarded with the most san- 
guine confidence, as sure to result in the triumph of 
their own arms, when once fairly brought into collision 
with the enemy. The calmer and more penetrating 
eye of the Florentine discerns symptoms in the con- 
dition of the two armies of quite a different tendency.** 
It seemed now obvious that victory must declare 
for that party which could best endure the hardships 
and privations of its present situation. The local 
position of the Spaniards was far more unfavorable 
than that of the enemy. The Great Captain, soon 
af*er the affair of the bridge, had drawn off his forces 
to a rising ground about a mile from the river, which 
V s crowned by the little hamlet of Cintura, and com- 
as Le^ zione prima a Roma, let. 9, 10, 18. — The French showed the 
same confidence from the beginning of hostilities. One of that nation 
having told Suarez, the Castilian minister at Venice, that the marshal 
de la Trdmouille said, " He would give 20,000 ducats, if he could meet 
Gonsalvo de Cordova in the plains of Viterbo," the Spaniard smartly 
replied, " Nemours would have given twice as much not to have met 
him at Cerignola." Zurita, Anales, tom. v. lib. 5, cap. 36. 
Vol. III.— 9 F» 



130 



ITALIAN WARS. 



manded the route to Naples. In front of his camp 
he sunk a deep trench, which, in the saturated soil, 
speedily filled with water; and he garnished it at each 
extremity with a strong redoubt. Thus securely in- 
trenched, he resolved patiently to await the mc«retnents 
of the enemy. 

The situation of the army, in the mean time, was 
indeed deplorable. Those who occupied the lower 
level were up to their knees in mud and water ; for 
*he excessive rains and the inundation of the Gari- 
giiano had converted the whole country into a mere 
quagmire, or rather standing pool. The only way in 
which the men could secure themselves was by cover- 
ing the earth as far as possible with boughs and bun- 
dles of twigs; and it was altogether uncertain how 
long even this expedient would serve against the en- 
croaching element. Those on the higher grounds were 
scarcely in better plight. The driving storms of sleet 
and rain, which had continued for several weeks with- 
out intermission, found their way into every crevice of 
the flimsy tents and crazy hovels, thatched only with 
branches of trees, which afforded a temporary shelter 
to the troops. In addition to these evils, the soldiers 
were badly fed, from the difficulty of finding resources 
in the waste and depopulated regions in which they 
were quartered,"* and badly paid, from the negligence, 
or perhaps poverty, of King Ferdinand, whose inade- 

"* This barren tract of uninhabited country must have been of very 
limited extent ; for it lay in the Campania Felix, in the neighborhood 
of the cultivated plains of Sessa, the Massican mountain, and Faler- 
nian fields, — names which call up associations that must live while good 
poetry and good wine shall be held in honor. 



i: 



A K MIES ON THE GARIGLIANO. 



i3» 



quate remittances to his general exposed him, among 
many other embarrassments, to the imni'^'^nt hazard 
of disaffection among the soldiery, espe ^ily the for- 
eign mercenaries, which nothing, indeed, but the most 
delicate and judicious conduct on his part could have 
averted."' 

In this difficult crisis, Gonsalvo de Cordova retained 
all his usual equanimity, and even the cheerfulness so 
indispensable in a leader who would infuse heart into 
his followers. He entered freely into the distresses 
and personal feelings of his men, and, instead of as- 
suming any exemption from fatigue or suffering on the 
score of his rank, took his turn in the humblest tour 
of duty with the meanest of them, mounting guard 
himself, it is said, on more than one occasion. Above 
all, he displayed that inflexible constancy which en- 
ables the strong mind in the hour of darkness and peril 
to buoy up the sinking spirits around it. A remarkable 
instance of this fixedness of purpose occurred at this 
time. 

The forlorn condition of the army, and the indefinite 
prospect of its continuance, raised a natural appreheu- 
sion in many of the officers that, if it did not provoke 
some open act of mutiny, it would in all probability 
break down the spirits and constitution of the soldiers. 
Several of them, therefore, among the rest Mendoza 
and the two Colonnas, waited on the commander-in- 

»7 Mariana, Hist, de Espana, torn. ii. lib. 28, cap. 5. — Guicciardini, 
Istoria, torn. i. lib. 6, p. 328. — Machiavelli, Legazione prima a Roma, 
let. 44. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 22. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, 
cap. 107, 108. — The Neapolitan conquests, it will be remembered, 
were undertaken exclusively for the crown of Aragon, the revenues 
of which were far more limited than those of Castile. 



132 



ITALIAN WARS. 



chief, and, after stating their fears without reserve, 
besought him to remove the camp to Capua, where the 
troops might find healthy and commodious quarters, 
at least until the severity of the season was mitigated ; 
before which, they insisted, there was no reason to 
anticipate any movement on the part of the enemy. 
But Gonsalvo felt too deeply the importance of grap- 
pling with the French, before they should gain the 
open country, to be willing to trust to any such preca- 
rious contingency. Besides, he distrusted the effect 
of such a retrograde movement on the spirits of his 
own troops. He had decided on his course after the 
most mature deliberation ; and, having patiently heard 
his officers to the end, replied in these few but mem- 
orable words: "It is indispensable to the public ser- 
vice to maintain our present position \ and be assured, 
I would sooner march forward two steps, though it 
should bring me to my grave, than fall back one, to 
gain a hundred years." The decided tone of the 
reply relieved him from further importunity. =* 

There is no act of Gonsalvo's life which on the 
whole displays more strikingly the strength of his 
character. When thus witnessing his faithful followers 
drooping and dying around him, with the conscious- 
ness that a word could relieve them from all their 
distresses, he yet refrained from uttering it, in stern 
obedience to what he regarded as the call of duty ; and 
this, too, on his own responsibility, in opposition to 

"8 Bemaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. i88. — Chr6nica del Gran 
Capitan, lib. 2, cap. 108. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. ii. lib. 19, cap. 
16. — Giiicciardini, Istoria, lib. 6, p. 328. — Zurita, Anales, torn. v. lib. 
5, cap. 58. 






ARMIES ON THE GAKIGLIANO, 



>33 



the remonstrances of those on whose judgment he 
most relied. 

Gonsalvo confided in the prudence, sobriety, and 
excellent constitution of the Spaniards, for resisting 
the bad effects of the climate. He relied, too, on 
their tried discipline, and their devotion to himself, 
for carrying them through any sacrifice he should 
demand of them. His experience at Barleta led him 
to anticipate results of a very opposite character with 
the French troops. The event justified his conclusions 
in both respects. 

The French, as already noticed, occupied higher and 
more healthy ground, on the other side of the Gari- 
gliano, than their rivals. They were fortunate enough 
also to find more effectual protection from the weather 
in the remains of a spacious amphitheatre, and some 
other edifices, which still covered the site of Minturnse. 
With all this, however, they suffered more severely 
from the inclement season than their robust adversa- 
ries. Numbers daily sickened and died. They were 
much straitened, moreover, from want of provisions, 
through the knavish peculations of the commissaries 
who had charge of the magazines in Rome. Thus 
situated, the fiery spirits of the French soldiery, eager 
for prompt and decisive action, and impatient of delay, 
gradually sunk under the protracted miseries of a war 
where the elements were the principal enemy, and 
where they saw themselves melting away like slaves 
in a prison-ship, without even the chance of winning 
an honorable death on the field of battle.'^ 

=9 Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, fol. 265.— Gamier, Hist, de France, 
torn. V. p. 445.— Zurita, Anales, torn. v. lib. 5, cap. 59. — Buonaccorsi, 






1 







i 



«34 



ITALIAN WARS, 



The discontent occasioned by these circumstances 
was further swelled by the imperfect success which had 
attended their efforts when allowed to measure weapons 
with the enemy. 

At length the latent mass of disaffection found an 
object on which to vent itself, in the person of their 
commander-in-chief, the marquis of Mantua, never 
popular with the French soldiers. They now loudly 
taxed him with imbecility, accused him of a secret 
understanding with the enemy, and loaded him with 
the opprobrious epithets with which Transalpine inso- 
lence was accustomed to stigmatize the Italians. In 
all this they were secretly supported by Ives d'Al^gre, 
Sandricourt,'and other French officers, who had always 
regarded with dissatisfaction the elevation of the Italian 
general; till at length the latter, finding that he had 
influence with neither officers nor soldiers, and unwill- 
ing to retain command where he had lost authority, 
availed himself of a temporary illness, under which 
he was laboring, to throw up his commission, and 
withdrew abruptly to his own estates. 

He was succeeded by the marquis of Saluzzo, an 
Italian, indeed, by birth, being a native of Piedmont, 
but one who had long served under the French banners, 
where he had been intrusted by Louis the Twelfth with 
very important commands. He was not deficient in 
energy of character or military science. But it required 
powers of a higher order than his to bring the army 
under subordination, and renew its confidence, under 
present circumstances. The Italians, disgusted with 

Diario, fol. 85.— UUoa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 22.— Varillas, Hist, de 
Louis XII., torn. i. pp. 401, 402. 



AKM/ES ON THE GAKICl.lANO, 



»3S 



the treatment of their former chief, deserted in great 
numbers. The great body of the French chivalry, 
impatient of their present uniiealthy position, dispersed 
among the adjacent cities of Fondi, Itri, and Gaeta, 
leaving the low country around the Tower of the Gari- 
gliano to the care of the Swiss and German infantry. 
Thus, while the whole Spanish army lay within a mile 
of the river, under the immediate eye of their com- 
mander, prepared for instant service, the French were 
scattered over a country more than ten miles in ex- 
tent, where, without regard to military discipline, they 
sought to relieve the dreary monotony of a camp by all 
the relaxations which such comfortable quarters could 
afford.*' 

It must not be supposed that the repose of the two 
armies was never broken by the sounds of war. More 
than one rencontre, on the contrary, with various for- 
tune, took place, and more than one display of per- 
sonal prowess by the knights of the two nations, as 
formerly at the siege of Barleta. The Spaniards made 
two unsuccessful efforts to burn the enemy's bridge ; 
but they succeeded, on the other hand, in carrying the 
strong fortress of Rocca Guglielma, garrisoned by the 
French. Among the feats of individual heroism, the 
Castilian writers expatiate most complacently on that 
of their favorite cavalier, Diego de Paredes, who de- 
scended alone on the bridge against a body of French 
knights, all armed in proof, with a desperate hardihood 

30 Gamier, Hist, de France, torn, v, pp. 440-443. — Giovio, Vit£e 
Illust. Virorum, fol. 264, 265. — Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. i. lib. 6, p. 
329. — Machiavelli, Legazione prima a Roma, let. 44. — St. Gelais, Hist. 
de Louys XH., pp. 173, 174. 



136 



ITALIAN WARS. 



■I' m. 



<l) 



w 



I 



1':] 



:?' i 



worthy of Don Quixote, and would most probably 
have shared the usual fate of that renowned personage 
on such occasions, had he not been rescued by a sally 
of his own countrymen. The French find a counter- 
part to this adventure in that of the preux chevalier 
Bayard, who with his single arm maintained the bar- 
riers of the bridge against two hundred Spaniards, for 
an hour or more.** 

Such feats, indeed, are more easily achieved with the 
pen than with the sword. It would be injustice, how- 
ever, to the honest chronicler of the day to suppose 
that he did not himself fully 

" Believe the magic wonders that he sung." 

Every heart confessed the influence of a romantic age, 
— the dying age, indeed, of chivalry, but when, with 
superior refinement, it had lost nothing of the enthusi- 
asm and exaltation of its prime. A shadowy twilight 
of romance enveloped every object. Every day gave 
birth to such extravagances, not merely of sentiment, 
but of action, as made it difficult to discern the pre- 
cise boundaries of fact and fiction. The chronicler 
might innocently encroach sometimes on the province 
of the poet, and the poet occasionally draw the theme 
of his visions from the pages of the chronicler. Such, 
in fact, was the case ; and the romantic Muse of Italy, 
then coming forth in her glory, did little more than 
give a brighter flush of color to the chimeras of real 

31 Chr6nica del Gran Capitan, lib. 2, cap. 106. — Memoires da 
Bayard, chap. 25, apud Petitot, Collection des Mdmoires, torn. xv. 
— Varillas, Hist, de Louis XII., torn. i. p. 417. — Quintana, Espai^oles 
c^lebres, torn. i. pp. 288-2r;o. — Machiavel. , Legazione prima a Roma, 
let. 39, 44. 



ARMIES ON THE GARIGLIANO. 



137 



life. The characters of living heroes, a Bayard, a 
Paredes, and a La Palice, readily supplied her with the 
elements of those ideal combinations in which she has 
so gracefully embodied the perfections of chivalry," 

3a Compare the prose romances of D'Auton, of the " loyal servi- 
teur" of Bayard, and the no less loyal biographer of the Great Cap- 
lain, with the poetic ones of Ariosto, Berni, and the like. 

" Magnaniina meiizogiia I or quando h il vero 
Si bello, die si possa a te preporre ?" 



i 



CHAPTER XV. 

ITALIAN WARS. — ROUT OF THE GARIGLIANO, — TREATY 
WITH FRANCE. — GONSALVO'S MILITARY CONDUCT. 

I503-I504. 

Gonsalvo crosses the River. — Consternation of the French. — Action 
near Gaeta. — Hotly contested. — The French defeated. — Gaeta sur- 
renders. — Public Enthusiasm. — Treaty with France. — Review of 
Gonsalvo's Military Conduct. — Results of the Campaign. 

Seven weeks had now elapsed while the two armies 
had lain in sight of each other without any decided 
movement on either side. During this time the Great 
Captain had made repeated efforts to strengthen him- 
self, through the intervention of the Spanish ambas- 
sador, Francisco de Rojas,' by reinforcements from 
Rome. His negotiations were chiefly directed to se- 
cure the alliance of the Orsini, a powerful family, long 
involved in a bitter feud with the Colonnas, then in 
the Spanish service. A reconciliation between these 
noble houses was at length happily effected ; and Bar- 
tolommeo d'Alviano, the head of the Orsini, agreed to 
enlist under the Spanish commander with three thou- 

» He succeeded Garcilasso de la Vega at the court of Rome. Oviedo 

says, in reference to the illustrious house of Rojas, " En todas las 

historias de Espafia no se hallan tantos caballeros de un linage y nom- 

* bre notados por valerosos caballeros y valientes milites como deste 

nombre de Rojas." Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, quinc. 2, dial. 8. 

(138) 



THE FRENCH DRIVEN FROM NAPLES. 



139 



sand men. This arrangement was finally brought about 
through the good offices of the Venetian minister at 
Rome, who even advanced a considerable sum of 
money towards the payment of the new levies.' 

The appearance of this corps, with one of the most 
able and valiant of the Italian captains at its head, 
revived the drooping spirits of the camp. Soon after 
his arrival, Alviano strongly urged Gonsalvo to aban- 
don his original plan of operations, and avail himself 
of his augmented strength to attack the enemy in his 
own quarters. The Spanish commander had intended 
to confine himself wholly to the defensive, and, too 
unequal in force to meet the French in the open field, 
as before noticed, had intrenched himself in his present 
strong position, with the fixed purpose of awaiting the 
enemy there. Circumstances had now greatly changed. 
The original inequality was diminished by the arrival 
of the Italian levies, and still further compensated by 
the present disorderly state of the French army. He 
knew, moreover, that, in the most perilous enterprises, 
the assailing party gathers an enthusiasm and an im- 
petus in its career which counterbalance large numerical 
odds ; while the party taken by surprise is proportion- 
ably disconcerted, and prepared, as it were, for defeat 
before a blow is struck. From these considerations, 
the cautious general acquiesced in Alviano's project to 
cross the Garigliano, by establishing a bridge at a point 
opposite Suzio, a small place garrisoned by the French, 



» Mariana, Hist, de Espafia, torn. ii. lib. 28, cap. 5. — Guicciardini, 
Istoria, lib. 6, pp. 319, 320. — Zurita, Anales, torn. v. lib. 5, cap. 48, 57. 
— Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cup, 14, sec. 4, 5. — Daru, 
Hist, de Venise, torn, iii, pp. 364, 365. 



I40 



JTALIAN WARS. 



ICIIil 



on the right bank, about four miles above their head- 
quarters. The time for the attack was fixed as soon as 
possible after the approaching Christmas, when the 
French, occupied with the festivities of the season, 
might be thrown off their guard. ^ 

This day of general rejoicing to the Christian world 
at length arrived. It brought little joy to the Span- 
iards, buried in the depths of these dreary morasses, 
destitute of most of the necessaries of life, and with 
scarcely any other means of resisting the climate than 
those afforded by their iron constitutions and invinci- 
ble courage. They celebrated the day, however, with 
all the devotional feeling and the imposing solemnities 
with which it is commemorated by the Roman Catholic 
church; and the exercises of religion, rendered more 
impressive by their situation, served to exalt still higher 
the heroic constancy which had sustained them under 
such unparalleled sufferings. 

In the mean while, the materials for the bvidge were 
collected, and the work went forward v/ith such de- 
spatch that on the 28th of December all was in readi- 
ness for carrying the plan of attack into execution. 
The task of laying the bridge across the river was 
intrusted to Alviano, who had charge of the van. The 
central and main division of the army under Gcnsalvo 
was to cross at the same point ; while Andrada at the 

3 Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorutn, pp. 267, 268. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo 
v., fol. 22. — Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. i. lib. 6, pp. 329, 330, — Machi- 
avelli, Legazione prima a Roma, let. 36. — Caesar, at the battle of 
Pharsalia, acted on the principle mentioned in the text, in becoming 
the assailing party ; and he severely censures Pompey for allowing the 
ardor of his troops to escape in inaction, as they coldly waited to re- 
ceive his attack. De Bello Civili, lib, iii. cap. 92. 



I I 



THE FRENCH DRIVEN FROM NAPLES. 



141 



head of the rear-guard was to force a passage at the 
old bridge, lower down the stream, opposite to the 
Tower of the Garigliano.* 

The night was dark and sl^,. v. Alviano perfornied 
the duty intrusted to him with Sk h silence and celerity 
that the work was completed without attracting the 
enemy's notice. He then crossed over with the van- 
guard, consisting chiefly of cavalry, supported by 
Navarro, Paredes, and Pizarro, and, falling on the 
sleeping garrison of Suzio, cut to pieces all who ofTered 
resistance. 

The report of the Spaniards having passed the river 
spread far and wide, and soon reached the headquarters 
of the marquis of Saluzzo, near the Tower of the Gari- 
gliano. The French commander-in-chief, who had 
believed that the Spaniards were lying on the other 
side of the river, as torpid as the snakes in their own 
marshes, was as much astounded by the event as if a 
thunderbolt had burst over his head from a cloudless 
sky. He lost no time, however, in rallying such of his 
scattered forces as he could assemble, and in the mean 
while despatched Ives d'AUgre with a body of horse 
to hold the enemy in check till he could make good 
his own retreat on Gac a. His first step was to de- 
molish the bridge near his own quarters, cutting the 
moorings of the boats and turning them adrift down 
the river. He abandoned his tents and baggage, to- 
gether with nine of his heaviest cannon; leaving even 



4 Chr6nica del Gran Capitan, lib. 2, cap. no, — Bernaldez, Reyes 
Cat61icos, MS., cap. 189. — Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, lib. 3, fol. 
266. — Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 5, cap. 60. — Peter 
Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 270. — Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 84. 



1 4a 



ITALIAN WARS, 



'n 



the sick and wounded to the mercy of the enemy, 
rather than encumber himself with anything that should 
retard his march. The remainder of the artillery he 
sent forward in the van ; the infantry followed next; 
and the rear, in which Saluzzo took his own station, was 
brought up by the men-at-arms, to cover the retreat. 

Before Al^gre could reach Suzio, the whole Spanish 
army had passed the Garigliano and formed on the 
right bank. Unable to face such superior numbers, 
he fell back with precipitation, and joined himself to 
the main body of the French, now in full retreat on 
Gaeta.» 

Gonsalvo, afraid the French might escape him, sent 
forward Prospero Colonna, with a corps of light horse, 
to annoy and retard their march until he could come 
up. Keeping the right bank of the river with the main 
body, he marched rapidly through the deserted camp 
of the enemy, leaving little leisure for his men to glean 
the rich spoil which lay tempting them on every side. 
It was not long before he came up with the French, 
whose movements were greatly retarded by the diffi- 
culty of dragging their guns over the ground com- 
pletely saturated with rain. The retreat was conducted, 
however, in excellent order ; they were eminently fa- 
vored by the narrowness of the road, which, allowing 
but a comparatively small body of troops on either 
side to come into action, made success chiefly depend 

s Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 189. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo 
v., fol. 22, 23. — Guicciardini, Istoria, p. 330. — Gamier, Hist, de France, 
torn. V. pp. 448, 449. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, lib. 2, cap. 110. — 
Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 14, sec. 6. — Zurita, 
Anales, torn. v. lib. 5, cap. 60.^ — Senarega, apud Muratori, Rerum Ital. 
Script., torn. xxiv. p. 579. 



THE FRENCH DRIVEN FROM NAPLES. 



143 



on the relative merits of these. The French rear, as 
already stated, was made up of their men-at-arms, in- 
cluding Bayard, Sandricourt, La Fayette, and others 
of their bravest chivalry, who, armed at all points, 
found no great difficulty in beating off the light troops 
which formed the advance of the Spaniards. At every 
bridge, stream, and narrow pass, which afforded a 
favorable position, the French cavalry closed their 
ranks and made a resolute stand to gain time for the 
columns in advance. 

In this way, alternately halting and retreating, with 
perpetual skirmishes, though without much loss on 
either side, they reached the bridge before Mola di 
Gaeta. Here, some of the gun-carriages, breaking down 
or being overturned, occasioned considerable delay and 
confusion. The infantry, pressing on, became entan- 
gled with the artillery. The marquis of Saluzzo en- 
deavored to avail himself of the strong position afforded 
by the bridge to restore order. A desperate struggle 
ensued. The French knights dashed boldly into the 
Spanish ranks, driving back for a time the tide of 
pursuit. The chevalier Bayard, who was seen as usual 
in the front of danger, had three horses killed under 
him, and at length, carried forward by his ardor into 
the thickest of the enemy, was retrieved with difficulty 
from their hands by a desperate charge of his friend 
Sandricourt.* 

* Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 6, pp. 330, 331. — Gamier, Hist, de France, 
torn. V. pp. 449-451. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, ubi supra. — Varillas, 
Hist, de Louis XII., torn. i. pp. 416-418. — Ammirato, Istorie Fiorentine, 
torn. iii. lib. 28, p. 273. — Sunimonfe, Hist, di Napoli, torn. iii. p. 555. 
— Buonaccorsi, Diario, pp. 84, 85. — Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, fol. 
a58. 



pill 



!fj|: 



144 



ITALIAN WARS. 



The Spaniards, shaken by the violence of the assault, 
seemed for a moment to hesitate ; but Gonsalvo had 
now time to bring up his men-at-arms, who sustained 
the faltering columns, and renewed the combat on more 
equal terms. He himself was in the hottest of the 
mSlde, and at one time was exposed to imminent haz- 
ard by his horse's losing his footing on the slippery 
soil and coming with him to th^ ground. The general 
fortunately experienced no injury, and, quickly recov- 
ering himself, continued to animate his followers by 
his voice and intrepid bearing, as before. 

The fight had now lasted two hours. The Span- 
iards, although still in excellent heart, were faint with 
fatigue and want of food, having travelled six leagues, 
without breaking their fast since the preceding even- 
ing. It was, therefore, with no little anxiety that 
Gonsalvo looked for the coming up of his rear-guard, 
left, as the reader will remember, under Andrada at 
the lower bridge, to decide the fortune of the day. 

The welcome spectacle at length presented itself. 
The dark columns of the Spaniards were seen, at first 
faint in the distance, by degrees growing more and 
more distinct to the eye. Andrada had easily carried 
the French redoubt on his side of the Garigliano; 
but it was not without difficulty and delay that he 
recovered the scattered boats which the French had 
set adrift down the stream, and finally succeeded in 
re-establishing his communications with the opposite 
bank. Having accomplished this, he rapidly advanced 
by a more direct road, to the east of that lately trav- 
ersed by Gonsalvo along the sea-side, in pursuit of the 
French. The latter beheld with dismay the arrival of 



THE FRENCH DRIVEN FROM NAPLES. 



H5 



this fresh body of troops, who seemed to have dropped 
from the clouds on the field of battle. They scarcely 
waited for the shock before they broke, and gave way 
in all directions. The disabled carriages of the artil- 
lery, which clogged up the avenues in the rear, in- 
creased the confusion among the fugitives; and the 
foot were trampled down without mercy under the 
heels of their own cavalry, in the eagerness of the 
latter to extricate themselves from their perilous situa- 
tion. The Spanish light horse followed up their ad- 
vantage with the alacrity of vengeance long delayed, 
inflicting bloody retribution for all they had so long 
suffered in the marshes of Sessa. 

At no great distance from the bridge the road takes 
two direc ions, the one towards Itri, the other to Gaeta. 
The bewildered fugitives here separated ; by far the 
greater part keeping the latter route. Gonsalvo sent 
forward a body of horse under Navarro and Pedro de 
la Paz, by a short cut across the country, to intercept 
their flight. A large number fell into his hands in 
consequence of this manoeuvre ; but the greater part 
of those who escaped the sword succeeded in throwing 
themselves into Gaeta.' 

The Great Captain took up his quarters that night 
in the neighboring village of Castellone. His brave 
followers had great need of refreshment, having fasted 
and fought through the whole day, and that under a 

> Bemaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 190. — Gamier, Hist, de 
France, torn. v. pp. 452, 453. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 23. — 
Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 6, p. 331. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. ii. 
lib. 19, cap. 16. — Chr6nica del Gran Capitan, ubi supra. — Buonac- 
corsi, Diario, pp. 84, 85. — Ammirato, Istorie Fiorentinc, ubi supra. — 
Varillas, Hist, de Louis XII., torn. i. pp. 416-418. 
Vol.. III. -10 a 



I, i 



»;, :>1J 



«!: :^ 



146 



ITALIAN WARS. 



driving storm of rain which had not ceased for a mo- 
ment. Thus terminated the battle — or rout, as it is 
commonly called — of the Garigliano, the most impor- 
tant in its results of all Gonsalvo's victories, and fur- 
nishing a suitable close to his brilliant military career.' 
The loss of the French is computed at from three to 
four thousand men, left dead on the field, together 
with all their baggage, colors, and splendid train of 
artillery. The Spaniards must have suffered severely 
during the sharp conflict on the bridge ; but no esti- 
mate of their loss is to be met with, in any native or 
foreign writer.' It was observed that the 29th of De- 
cember, on which this battle was won, came on Friday, 

• Soon after the rout of the Garigliano, Bembo produced the fol- 
lowing sonnet, which most critics agree was intended, although no 
nanie appears in it, for Gonsalvo de Cordova : 

" Ben devria farvi onor d' eterno esempio 

Napoli vnstrn, e 'n mezzo al suo bel nionte 

Scolpirvi in lieia e coronata fronte, 

Gir trioiifando, e dar i vuti al tempio: 
Poi che r avete all' orgoglioso ed empio 

Sliiolo ritnlta, e pareKKiate 1' onte ; 

Or ch' avea pi& la voglia e le man pronte 

A far d' Italia tutta acerbo scemp o. 
Torcestel vol, Signor, dal corso ardito, 

£ foste tal, cir ancora esser vorebbe 

A por di qua dall' Alpe nostra il piede. 
L' onda Tirrena del siio sangiie crebbe, 

E di tronchi resto coperto il liio, 

E gli augelli ne fer secure prede." 

Opere, torn. il. p. 57. 

9 The Curate of Los Palacios sums up the loss of the French, from 
the time of Gonsalvo's occupation of Barleta to the surrender of Gaeta, 
in the following manner: 6000 prisoners, 14,000 killed in battle, a still 
greater number by exposure and fatigue, besides a considerable body 
cut off by the peasantry. To balance this bloody roll, he computos 
the Spanish loss at two hundred slain in the field! Reyes Cat61icos, 
MS., cap. 191. 



THE FRENCH DRIVEN FROM NAPLES. 



M7 



the same ominous dav of the week which had so often 
proved auspicious to the Spaniards under the present 
reign.*" 

The disparity of the forces actually engaged was 
probably not great, since the extent of country over 
which the French were quartered prevented many of 
them from coming up in time for action. Several 
corps, who succeeded in reaching the field at the close 
of the fight, were seized with such a panic as to throw 
down their arms without attempting resistance." The 
admirable artillery, on which the French placed their 
chief reliance, was not only of no service, but of infinite 
mischief to them, as we have seen. The brunt of the 
battle fell on their chivalry, which bore itself through- 
out the day with a spirit and gallantry worthy of its 
ancient renown; never flinching, till the arrival of the 
Spanish rear-guard fresh in the field, at so critical a 
juncture, turned the scale in their adversaries' favor. 

Early on the following morning, Gonsalvo made 
preparations for storming the heights of Mount Orlando, 
which overlooked the city of Gaeta. Such was the 
despondency of its garrison, however, that this strong 
position, which bade defiance a few months before to 
the most desperate efTorts of Spanish valor, was now 
surrendered without a struggle. The same feeling of 
despondency had communicated itself to the garrison 

M Chr6nic.i del Gran Capitan, lib. 2, cap. 110. — Zurita, Anales, ubi 
supra. — Garibay, Compendio, lib. 19, cap. 16. — Quintana, Espanoles 
cilebres, torn. i. pp. 296, 297. — Giiicciardini, who has been followed 
in this by the French writers, fixes the date of the rout as the 28th 
of December. If, however, it occurred on Friday, as he, and every 
authority, indeed, asserts, it must have been on the 29th, as stated by 
the Spanish historians. Istoria, lib. 6, p. 330. 

»« Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, fol. 268. 



I 



M 

i 
I 



143 



ITALIAN WARS, 



of Oaeta ; and, before Navarro could bring the bat- 
teries of Mount Orlando to bear upon the city, a flag 
of truce arrived from the marquis of Saluzzo with 
proposals for capitulation. 

This was more than the Great Captain could have 
ventured to promise himself. The French were in 
great force ; the fortifications of the place in excellent 
repair j it was well provided with artillery and ammu- 
nition, and with provisions for ten days at least; while 
their fleet, riding in the harbor, aflbrded the means of 
obtaining supplies from Leghorn, Genoa, and other 
friendly ports. But the French had lost all heart; 
they were sorely wasted by disease; their buoyant self- 
con fldence was gone, and their spirits were broken by 
the series of reverses which had followed without inter- 
ruption from the first hour of the campaign to the last 
disastrous affair of the Garigliano. The very elements 
seemed to have leagued against them. Further efforts 
they deemed a fruitless struggle against destiny; and 
they now looked with melancholy longing to their native 
land, eager only to quit these ill-omened shores forever. 

The Great Captain made no difficulty in granting 
such terms as, while they had a show of liberality, 
secured him the most important fruits of victory. This 
suited his cautious temper far better than pressing a 
desperate foe to extremity. He was, moreover, with 
all his successes, in no condition to do so; he was 
without funds, and, as usual, deeply in arrears to his 
army; while there was scarcely a ration of bread, 
says an Italian historian, in his whole camp.** 

»» Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, fol. 268, 269. — Chr6nica del Gran 
Capitan, lib. 2, cap. iii. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 270. — 



THE FRENCH DRIVEN FROM NAPLES. 



149 



It was agreed by the terms of capitulation, January 
I St, 1504, that the French should evacuate Gaeta at 
once, and deliver it up to the Spaniards, with its artil- 
lery, munitions, and military stores of every descrip- 
tion. The prisoners on both sides, including those 
taken in the preceding campaign, — an arrangement 
greatly to the advantage of the enemy, — were to be 
restored ; and the army in Gaeta was to be allowed a 
free passage by land or sea, as they should prefer, to 
their own country.*' 

Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 6, p. 331. — Zurita, Anales, torn. v. lib. 5, cap. 
6z. — Garnier. Hist, de France, torn. v. pp. 454, 455. — Sismondi, Hist, 
des Franfais, torn. xv. cap. 39. 

>3 Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, torn. i. lib. 5, cap. 61. — Gamier, 
Hist, de France, torn. v. pp. 454, 455. — Bernaldez, Reyes Cat6licos. 
MS., cap. 190. — Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, lib. 39, cap. 4. — No par- 
ticular mention was made of the Italian allies in the capitulation. It 
so happened that several of the great Angevin lords, who had been 
taken in the preceding campaigns of Calabria, were found in arms in 
the place. (Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, fol. 353, 353, 369.) Gon- 
salvo, in consequence of this manifest breach of faith, refusing to re- 
gard them as comprehended in the treaty, sent them all prisoners of 
state to the dungeons of Castel Nuovo in Naples. This action has 
brought on him much unmerited obloquy with the French writers. 
Indeed, before the treaty was signed, if we are to credit the Italian 
historians, Gonsalvo peremptorily refused to include the Neapolitan 
lords within it. Thus much is certain, that, after having been taken 
and released, they were now found under the French banners a second 
time. It seems not improbable, therefore, that the French, however 
naturally desirous they may have been of protection for their allies, 
finding themselves unable to enforce it, acquiesced in such an equivo- 
cal silence with respect to them as, without apparently compromising 
their own honor, left the whole affair to the discretion of the Great 
Captain. With regard to the sweeping charge made by certain modem 
French historians against the Spanish general, of a similar severity to 
the other Italians indiscriminately, found in the place, there is not the 
slightest foundation for it in any contemporary authority. See Gail- 



- \ 



ts^ 



ITALIAN WARS. 



From the moment hostilities were brought to a close, 
Gonsalvo displayed such generous sympathy for his 
late enemies, and such humanity in relieving them, as 
to reflect more honor on his character than all his vic- 
tories. He scrupulously enforced the faithful perform- 
ance of the treaty, and severely punished any violence 
offered to the French by his own men. His benign 
and courteous demeanor towards the vanquished, so 
remote from the images of terror with which he had 
been hitherto associated in their minds, excited un- 
qualified admiration ; and they testified their sense of 
his amiable qualities by speaking of him as the "gentil 
capitaine et gentil cavalier." ^ 

The news of the rout of the Garigliano and the sur- 
render of Gaeta diffused general gloom and consterna- 
tion over France. There was scarcely a family of rank, 
says a writer of that country, that had not some one 
of its members involved in these sad disasters.*' The 
court went into mourning. The king, mortified at the 
discomfiture of all his lofty schemes by the foe whom 
he despised, shut himself up in his palace, refusing 
access to every one, until the agitation of his spirits 



lard, Rivalitd, torn. iv. p. 254. — Gamier, Hist, de France, torn. v. p. 
456. — Varillas, Hist, de Louis XH., torn. i. pp. 419, 420. 

»♦ Fleurange, M^moires, cliap. 5, apud Petitot, Collection des Me- 
moires, torn. xvi. — Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 190. — Giovio, 
Vitae lUust. Virorum, fol, 269, 270. —Chronica del Gran Capitan, cap. 
III. 

»5 Brant6me, who visited the b.anks of the Garigliano some fifty 
years after this, beheld them in imagination thronged with the shades 
of the illustrious dead whose bones lay buried in its dreary and pesti- 
lent marshes. There is a sombre coloring in the vision of the old 
chrorucler, not unpoetical. Vies des Hommes illustres, disc. 6. 



THE FRENCH DRIVEN FROM NAPLES. 



'SI 



threw him into an illness which had wellnigh proved 
fatal. 

Meanwhile his exasperated feelings found an object 
on which to vent themselves in the unfortunate garri- 
son of Gaeta, who so pusillanimously abandoned their 
post to return to their own country. He commanded 
them to winter in Italy, and not to recross the Alps 
without further orders. He sentenced Sandricourt 
and Aldgre to banishment for insubordination to 
their commander-in-chief, — the latter for his conduct, 
more particularly, before the battle of Cerignolaj 
and he hanged the commissaries of the army, whose 
infamous peculations had been a principal cause of its 



rum. 



l6 



But the impotent wrath of their monarch was not 
needed to fill the bitter cup which the French soldiers 
were now draining to the dregs. A large number of 
those who embarked for Genoa died of the maladies 
contracted during their long bivouac in the marshes 
of Minturnae. The rest recrossed the Alps into France, 
too desperate to heed their master's prohibition. Those 
who took their way by land suffered still more severely 
from the Italian peasantry, who retaliated in full meas- 
ure the barbarities they had so long endured from the 
French. They were seen wandering like spectres along 
the high-roads and principal cities on the route, pining 
with cold and famine; and all the hospitals in Rome, 
as well as the stables, sheds, and every other pine*, 
however mean, affording shelter, were filled with the 

>* Gamier, Hist, de France, torn. v. pp. 456-458. — Giovio, Vita; II- 
lust. \'irorum, fol. 369-270. — Guicciardini, Istoiia, torn. i. lib. 6, pp. 
332, 337. — St. Gelais. Hiit. de ' .oiiys XII., p. 173. 



! y 



If': ■ \ 



i ii: 



»5» 



ITALIAN WARS. 



«i It 



■ 11 






wretched vagabonds, eager only to find some obscure 
retreat to die in. 

The chiefs of the expedition fared little better. 
Among others, the marquis of Saluzzo, soon after 
reaching Genoa, was carried off by a fever caused by 
his distress of mind. Sandricourt, too haughty to 
endure disgrace, laid violent hands on himself. A16- 
gre, more culpable, but more courageous, survived to 
be reconciled with his sovereign, and to die a soldier's 
death on the field of battle.'' 

Such are the dismal colors in which the French his- 
torians depict the last struggle made by their monarch 
for the recovery of Naples. Few military expeditions 
have commenced under more brilliant and imposing 
auspices ; few have been conducted in so ill-advised a 
manner through their whole progress; and none at- 
tended in their close with more indiscriminate and 
overwhelming ruin. 

On the 3d of January, 1504, Gonsalvo made his 
entry into Gaeta; and the thunders of his ordnance, 
now for the first time heard from its battlements, 
announced that this strong key to the dominions of 
Naples had passed into the hands of Aragon. After a 
short delay for the refreshment of his troops, he set 
out for the capital. But, amidst the general jubilee 
which greeted his return, he was seized with a fever, 
brought on by the incessant fatigue and high mental 
excitement in which he had been kept for the last four 
months. The attack was severe, and the event for 

»7 Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 86. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 23. — Ber- 
naldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 190. — Giovio, Vitse Illust. Virorum, 
ubi supra. — Gaillard, Rivalite, torn. iv. pp. 254-256. 



THE FRENCH DRIVEN FROM NAPLES. 



153 



some time doubtful. During this state of suspense 
the public mind was in the deepest agitation. The 
popular manners of Gonsalvo had won the hearts 
of the giddy people of Naples, who transferred their 
affections, indeed, as readily as their allegiance ; and 
prayers and vows for his restoration were offered up 
in all the churches and monasteries of the city. His 
excellent constitution at length got the better of his 
disease. As soon as this favorable result was ascer- 
tained, the whole population, rushing to the other 
extreme, abandoned itself to a delirium of joy; and, 
when he was sufficiently recovered to give them audi- 
ence, men of all ranks thronged to Castel Nuovo to 
tender their congratulations, and obtain a sight of the 
hero who now returned to their capital, for the third 
time, with the laurel of victory on his brow. Every 
tongue, says his enthusiastic biographer, was eloquent 
in his praise: some dwelling on his noble port and 
the beauty of his countenance ; others on the elegance 
and amenity of his manners; and all dazzled by a 
spirit of munificence which would have become royalty 
itself.'' 

The tide of panegyric was swelled by more than one 
bard, whc sought, though with indifferent success, to 
catch inspiration from so glorious a theme ; trusting 
doubtless that his liberal hand would not stint the 
recompense to the precise measure c f desert. Amid 
this general burst of adulation, the muse of Sannazaro, 

«8 Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, fol. 270-271. — Quintana, Espanoles 
Cs51ebres, torn. i. p. 298. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, lib. 3, cap. i. — 
Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. fol. 359. — Bemaldez, Reyes Catoli- 
cos, MS., cap. 190, 191. 



i| 



( ' ' it 

ra3 



M 



'54 



ITALIAN WARS. 






i 






li 



worth all his tribe, was alone silent ; for the trophies 
of the conqueror were raised on the ruins of that royal 
house under which the bard had been so long shel- 
tered ; and this silence, so rare in his tuneful brethren, 
must be admitted to reflect more credit on his name 
than the best he ever sung.'' 

The first business of Gonsalvo was to call together 
the different orders of the state and receive their oaths 
of allegiance to King Ferdinand. He n'>xt occupied 
himself with the necessary arrangements for the re- 
organization of the government, and for reforming 
various abuses which had crept into the administration 
of justice, more particularly. In these attempts to 
introduce order he was not a little thwarted, however, 
by the insubordination of his own soldiery. They 
loudly clamored for the discharge of the arrears, still 
shamefully protracted, till, their discontent swelling 
to open mutiny, they forcibly seized on two of the 
principal places in the kingdom as security for the 
payment. Gonsalvo chastised their insolence by dis- 
banding several of the most refractory companies and 
sending them home for punishment. He endeavored 
to relieve them in part by raising contributions from 
the Neapolitans. But the soldiers took the matter 
into their own hands, oppressing the unfortunate peo- 
ple on whom they were quartered in a manner which 
rendered their condition scarcely more tolerable than 
when exposed to the horrors of actual war.* This 

^9 Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 271. 

ao " Per servir sempre, vincitrice o viiita." 
The Italians began at this early period to feel the pressure of those 
woes, which a century and a half later wrung from Filicaja the beau- 



THE FRENCH DRIVEN FROM NAPLES. 



»55 



was the introduction, according to Guicciardini, of 
those systematic military exactions in time of peace 
which became so common afterwards in Italy, adding 
an inconceivable amount to the long catalogue of woes 
which afflicted that unhappy land." 

Amidst his manifold duties, Gonsalvo did not forget 
the gallant officers who had borne with him the bur- 
dens of the war ; and he requited their services in a 
princely style, better suited to his feelings than his 
interests, as subsequently appeared. Among them 
were Navarro, Mendoza, Andrada, Benavides, Leyva, 
the Italians Alviano and the two Colonnas, most of 
whom lived to display the lessons of tactics which they 
learned under this great commander, on a still wider 
theatre of glory, in the reign of Charles the Fifth. 
He made them grants of cities, fortresses, and exten- 
sive lands, according to their various claims, to be 
held as fiefs of the crown. All this was done with 
the previous sanction of his royal master, Ferdinand 
the Catholic. They did some violence, however, to 
h\-5 more economical spirit, uid he was heard some- 
what peevishly to exclaim, " It boots little for Gon- 
salvo de Cordova to have won a kingdom for me, if he 
lavishes it all away before it comes into my har.ds." It 



tiful lament, which has lost something of its touching; graces even 
under the hand of Lord Byron. 

*' Zurita, Anales, torn. v. lib. 5, cap. 64. — Guicciardini, Istoria, liV- 
6, pp. 340, 341. — Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, ubi supra. — See also Gon- 
salvo's letter to the sovereigns, in which he states th<at all Italy this 
year was wasted by a terrible famint-, brought on by the neglect of 
husbandry, as well as by the unprecjdeuit d rains. Carta de Napoles, 
25 de Agosto, 1503, MS. 



'' 



6 1 



Mi 



i' . 



i; ■ 



§ f\ 



lit 



'56 



ITALIAN WARS. 



began to be perceived at court that the Great Captain 
was too powerful for a subject." 

Meanwhile, Louis the Twelfth was filled with serious 
apprehensions for the fate of his possessions in the 
north of Italy. His former allies, the emperor Maxi- 
milian and the republic of Venice, the latter more 
especially, had shv/vvn many indications not merely of 
coldness to hiiBs li, but of a secret understanding with 
his r* 'a!, the SpaiDsh king. The restless pope, Julius 
the nd, nad schemes of his own, wholly independ- 

ent oi /rjiDce. The republics of Pisa and Genoa, the 
latter o;>» of h i avowed dependencies, had eni .red 
into corresponoence with the Great Captain and in- 
vited him to assume their protection ; while several of 
the disaffected party in Milan had assured him of their 
active support in case he would march with a sufficient 
force to overturn the existing government. Indeed, 
not only France, but Europe in general, expected that 
the Spanish commander would avail himself of the 
present crisis to push his victorious arms into upper 
Italy, revolutionize Tuscany ir his way, and, wresting 
Milan from the French, drive them, crippled and 
disheartened by their late reverses, beyond the Alps.'' 

But Gonsalvo had occupation enough on his hands 
in settling the disordered state of Naples King Fer- 
dinand, his sovereign, notwithstanding the ambitioi^ 
of universal conquest absurdly imputed to him by the 

"" Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, fol. 270, 271. — Chr6iMca del Gran 
Capitan, lib. 3, cap. i. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 24. 

»3 Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 6, p. 338. — Zurita, Hist, del Rey Her- 
nando, torn, i, lib. 5, cap. 64. — Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, rey 30, 
cap. 14. — Buonaccorsi, Diario, pp. 85, 86. 



THE FRENCH DRIVEN FROM NAPLES. 



157 



French writers, had no design to extend his acqui- 
sitions beyond what lie could permanently maintain. 
His treasury, never overflowing, was too deeply drained 
by the late heavy demands on it for him so soon to 
embark on another perilous enterprise, that must rouse 
anew the swarms of enemies who seemed willing to 
rest in quiet after their long and exhausting struggle ; 
nor is there any reason to suppose he sincerely contem- 
plated such a movement for a moment."* 

The apprehension of it, however, answered Ferdi- 
nand's purpose, by preparing the French monarch to 
arrange his differences with his rival, as the latter now 
earnestly desired, by negotiation. Indeed, two Span- 
ish ministers had resided during the greater part of the 
war at the French court, with the view of improving 
the first opening that should occur for accomplishing 
this object; and by their agency a treaty was con- 
cluded, to continue for three years, which guaranteed 
to Aragon the undisturbed possession of her conquests 
during that period. The chief articles provided for 
the immediate cessation of hostilities between the 
belligerents, and the complete re-establishment of their 
commercial relations and intercourse, with the excep- 
tion of Naples, from which the French were to be 
excluded. The Spanish crown was to have full power 
to reduce all refractory places in that kingdom ; and 
the contracting parties solemnly pledged themselves, 

^'- Zurita, Anales, torn. v. lib. 5, cap. 66. — The campaign against 
Louis XII. had cost the Spanish crown 331 cuentos or millions of 
maravedis, equivalent to 9,268,000 dollars of the present time. A 
moderate charge enough for the conquest of a kingdom ; and made 
still lighter to the Spaniards by one-fifth of the whole being drawn 
from Naples itself. See Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. fol. 359. 









>58 



ITALIAN WARS. 



1^: 



H 



I*' 
11 



*i - 



v''i 



I- 1^ 



each to render no assistance, secretly or openly, to the 
enemies of the other. The treaty, which was to run 
from the 25th of February, 1504, was signed by the 
French king and the Spanish plenipotentiaries at 
Lyons, on the nth of that month, and ratified by 
Ferdinand and Isabella, at the convent of Santa Maria 
de la Mejorada, the 31st of March following. "* 

There was still a small spot in the heart of Naples, 
comprehending Venosa and several adjoining towrts, 
where Louis d'Ars and his brave associates yet held 
out against the Spanish arms. Although cut off by 
the operation of this treaty from the hope of further 
support from home, the French knight disdained to 
surrender, but sallied out at the head of his little troop 
of galbnt veterans, and thus, armed at all points, says 
Brantome, with lance in rest, took his way through 
Naples and the centre of Italy. He marched in battle- 
array, levying contributions for his support on the 
places through which he passed. In this manner he 
entered France, and presented himself before the court 
at Blois. The king and queen, delighted with his 
prowess, came forward to welcome him, and made 
good cheer, says the old chronicler, for himself and 
his companions, whom they recompensed with liberal 
largesses, proffering at the same time any boon to the 
brave knight which he should demand for himself. 
The latter in return simply requested that his old com- 
rade Ives d'Alegre should be recalled from exile. This 
trait of magnanimity, when contrasted with the general 

»S The treaty is to be found in Dnmont, Corps diplotnntique, torn, 
iv. no. 26, pp. 51-53. — Zurita, Anales, torn. v. lib. 5, cap. 64. — Machia- 
velli, Legazione s, conda a Francia, let. 9, Feb. 11. 






li -'* 



I I 



Tim FRENCH DUIVEN FROM NAPLES. 



'59 



ferocity of the times, has something in it inexpressibly 
pleasing. It shows, like others recorded of the French 
gentlemen of that period, that the age of chivalry — 
the chivalry of romance, indeed — had not wholly 
passed away."* 

The pacification of Lyons sealed the fate of Naples, 
and, while it terminated the wars in that kingdom, 
closed the military career of Gonsalvo de Cordova. It 
is impossible to contemplate the magnitude of the 
results achieved with such slender resources, and in 
the face of such overwhelming odds, without deep 
admiration for the genius of the man by whom they 
were accomplished. 

His success, it is true, is imputable in part to the 
signal errors of his adversaries. The magnificent ex- 
pedition of Charles the Eighth failed to produce any 
permanent impression, chiefly in consequence of the 
precipitation with which it had been entered into, 
without sufficient concert with the Italian states, who 
became a formidable enemy when united in his rear. 
He did not even avail himself of his temporary acqui- 
sition of Naples to gather support from the attachment 
of his new subjects. Far from incorporating with 
them, he was regarded as a foreigner and an enemy, 
and, as such, expelled by the joint action of all Italy 
from its bosom, as soon as it had recovered sufficient 
strength to rally. 

* Brant&me, CEuvres, torn. ii. disc. ii. — Fleurange, M^moires, chap 
S, apud Petitot, Collection des M^moires, torn. xvi. — Buonaccorsi. 
Diario, p. 85. — Gaillard, Rivalite, tom. iv. pp. 255-260. — See also Me- 
moires de Bayard, chap. 25 ; the good knight " sans peur et sans 
reproche" made one of this intrepid little band, having joined Louis 
d'Ars after the capitulation of (}iieta. 



A 






: 



t6o 



ITALIAN WARS. 



tt 



Louis the Twelfth profited by the errors of his pre- 
decessor. His acquisitions in the Milanese formed a 
basis for future operations; and by negotiation and 
otherwise he secured the alliance and the interests of 
the various Italian governments on his side. These 
preliminary arrangements were followed by prepara- 
tions every way commensurate with his object. He 
failed in the first campaign, however, by mtrusting 
the command to incompetent hands, consult) ng birth 
rather than talent or experience. 

In the succeeding campaigns, his failure, though 
partly chargeable on himself, was less so tlian on cir- 
cumstances beyond his control. The first of these was 
the long detention of the army before Rome by Car- 
dinal D'Amboise, and its consequent exposure to the 
unexampled severity of the ensuing winter ; a second 
was the fraudulent conduct of the commissaries, im- 
plying, no doubt, some degree of negligence in the 
person who appointed them ; and lastly, the want 
of a suitable commander-in-chief of the army. La 
L -^mouille being ill, and D'Aubigny a prisoner in the 

<ds of the enemy, there appeared no one among the 
x* tench qualified to cope with the Spanish general. 
The marquis of Mantua, independently of the disad* 
vantage of being a foreigner, was too timid in council 
and dilatory in conduct to be any way competent to 
this difficult task. 

If his enemies, however, committed great errors, it 
is altogether owing to Gonsalvo that he was in a situa- 
tion to take advantage of them. Nothing could be 
more unpromising than his position on first entering 
Calabria. Military operations had been conlucted in 



THE FRENCH DRIVEN FROM NAPLES. i6i 



Spain on principles totally different from those which 
prevailed in the rest of Europe. This was the case 
especially in the late Moorish wars, where the old 
tactics and the character of the ground brought light 
cavalry chiefly into use. This, indeed, constituted 
his principal strength at this period; for his infantry, 
though accustomed to irregular service, was indiffer- 
ently armed and disciplined. An important revolu* 
tion, however, had occurred in the other parts of 
Europe. The infantry had there regained the supe- 
riority which it maintained in the days of the Greeks 
and Romans. The experiment had been made on 
more than one bloody field ; and it was found that 
the solid columns of Swiss and German pikes not only 
bore down all opposition in their onward march, but 
presented an impregnable barrier, not to be shaken by 
the most desperate charges of the best heavy-armed 
cavalry. It was against these dreaded battalions that 
Gonsalvo was now called to measure for the first time 
the bold but rudely-armed and comparatively raw 
recmits from Galicia and Asturias. 

He lost his first battle, into which, it should be re- 
membered, he was precipitated against his will. He 
proceeded afterwards with the greatest caution, grad- 
ually familiarizing his men with the aspect and usages 
of the enemy whom they held in such awe, before 
bringing them again to a direct encounter. He put 
himself to school during this whole campaign, care- 
fully acquainting himself with the tactics, discipline, 
and novel arms of his adversaries, and borrowing 
just so much as he could incorporate into the ancient 
system of the Spaniards without discarding the latter 
Vol. III.— II 



^!Bt^< 








IMAGE EVALUATION 
TEST TARGET (MT-3) 



1.0 



1.1 



1^121 125 
■tt IM |22 

iM 12.0 



■u 
ttt 

u 



u& 



ItetogFaphic 

Sciences 

Corporation 












/- 










||L25 1^ ij^ 




^ 


6" 


► 




23 WfST MAIN STRUT 

WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 

(716) •73-4503 



4^ 



^ 

^^^ 

^^^ 





% 

^y^ 

^ 



k^ 




l62 



ITALIAN WARS. 



altogether. Thus, while he retained the short sword 
and buckler of his countrymen, he fortified his bat- 
talions with a large number of spearmen, after the Ger- 
man fashion. The arrangement is highly commended 
by the sagacious Machiavelli, who considers it as com- 
bining the advantages of both systems; since, while 
the long spear served all the purposes of resistance, or 
even of attack on level ground, the short swords and 
targets enabled their wearers, as already noticed, to cut 
in under the dense array of hostile pikes and bring 
the enemy to close quarters, where his formidable 
weapon was of no avail.'' 

While Gonsalvo made this innovation in the arms 
and tactics, he paid equal attention to the formation 
of a suitable character in his soldiery. The circum- 
stances in which he was placed at Barleta, and on 
the Garigliano, imperatively demanded this. Without 
food, clothes, or pay, without the chance even of re-^ 
trieving his desperate condition by venturing a blow 
at the enemy, the Spanish soldier was required to re- 
main passive. To do this demanded patience, absti- 
nence, strict subordination, and a degree of resolution 
far higher than that required to combat obstacles, how- 
ever formidable in themselves, where active exertion, 
which tasks the utmost energies of the soldier, renews 
his spirits and raises them to a contempt of danger. 

•7 Machiavelli, Arte della Guerra, lib. a. — Machiavelli considers the 
victory over D'Aubigny at Seminara as imputable in a great degree to 
the peculiar arms of the Spaniards, who, with their short swords and 
shields, gliding in among the deep ranks of the Swiss spearmen, 
brought them to close combat, where the former had the whole advan- 
tage. Another instance of the kind occurred at the memorable battle 
of Ravenna some years later. Ubi supra. 



THE FRENCH DH/VEN FROM NAPLES. 



165 



It was calling on him, in short, to begin with achiev- 
ing that most difficult of all victories, the victory over 
himself. 

All this the Spanish commander effected. He in- 
fused into his men a portion of his own invincible 
energy. He inspired a love of his person, which led 
them to emulate his example, and a confidence in his 
genius and resources, which supported them under all 
their privations by a firm reliance on a fortunate issue. 
His manners were distinguished by a graceful courtesy, 
\ts& encumbered with etiquette than was usual with 
persons of his high rank in Castile. He knew well 
the proud and independent feelings of the Spanish 
soldier, and, far from annoying him by unnecessary 
restraints, showed the most liberal indulgence at all 
times. But his kindness was tempered with severity, 
which displayed itself, on such occasions as required 
interposition, in a manner that rarely failed to repress 
everything like insubordination. The reader will readily 
recall an example of this in the mutiny before Tarento ; 
and it was doubtless by the assertion of similar power 
that he was so long able to keep in check his German 
mercenaries, distinguished above the troops of every 
other nation by their habitual license and contempt of 
authority. 

While Gonsalvo relied so freely on the hardy consti- 
tution and patient habits of the Spaniards, he trusted 
no less to the deficiency of these qualities in the French, 
who, possessing little of the artificial character formed 
under the stern training of later times, resembled their 
Gaulish ancestors in the facility with which they were 
discouraged by unexpected obstacles, and the difficulty 



1 64 



ITALIAN WARS. 



I!i 



with which they could be brought to rally.' In this 
he did not miscalculate. The French infantry, drawn 
from the militia of the country, hastily collected and 
soon to be disbanded, and the independent nobility 
and gentry who composed the cavalry service, were 
alike difficult to be brought within the strict curb of 
military rule. The severe trials, which steeled the 
souk and gave sinewy strength to the constitutions of 
the Spanish soldiers, impaired those of their enemies, 
introduced divisions into their councils, and relaxed 
the whole tone of discipline. Gonsalvo watched the 
operation of all this, and, coolly awaiting the moment 
when his weary and disheartened adversary should be 
thrown off his guard, collected all his strength for a 
decisive blow, by which to terminate the action. Such 
was the history of those memorable campaigns which 
closed with the brilliant victories of Cerignola and the 
Garigliano. 

In a review of his military conduct, we must not 
overlook his politic deportment towards the Italians, 
altogether the reverse of the careless and insolent bear- 
ing of the French. He availed himself liberally of 
their superior science, showing great deference and 
confiding the most important trusts to their officers. *> 
Far from the reserve usually shown to foreigners, he 

■* " Prima," says Livy pithily, speaking of the Gauls in the time of 
the Repubhc, "eorum pnslia plus quaia virorum, postiema minus 
quam foeminaram." Lib. lo, cap. a8. 

>» Two of the most distinguished of these were the Colonnas, Pros- 
pero and Fabrizio, of whom frequent mention has been made in our 
narrative. The best commentary on the military reputation of the 
latter is the fact that he is selected by Machtavelli as the principal 
interlocutor in his Dialogues on the Art of War. 



THE FRENCH DRIVEN FROM NAPLES. 



165 



appeared insensible to national distinctions, and ar- 
dently embraced them as companions-in-arms, em- 
barked in a common cause with himself. In their 
tourney with the French before Barleta, to which the 
whole nation attached such importance as a vindica- 
tion of national honor, they were entirely supported 
by Gonsalyo, who furnished them with arms, secured 
a fair field of fight, and shared the triumph of the 
victors as that of his own countrymen, — paying those 
delicate attentions which cost far less, indeed, but to 
an honorable mind are of greater value, than more 
substantial benefits. He conciliated the good will of 
the Italian states by various important services : of the 
Venetians, by his gallant defence of their possessions 
in the Levant ; of the people of Rome, by delivering 
them from the pirates of O tia ; while he succeeded, 
notwithstanding the excesses of his soldiery, in capti- 
vating the giddy Neapolitans to such a degree, by his 
affable manners and splendid style of life, as seemed to 
efface from their minds every recollection of the last 
and most popular of their monarchs, the unfortunate 
Frederick. 

The distance of Gonsalvo's theatre of operations 
from his own country, apparently most discouraging, 
proved extremely favorable to his purposes. The troops, 
cut off from retreat by a wide sea and an impassable 
mountain barrier, had no alternative but to conquer 
or to die. Their long continuance in the field without 
disbanding gave them all the stern, inflexible qualities 
of a standing army; and, as they served through so 
many successive campaigns under the banner of the 
same leader, they were drilled in a system of tactics 



1 66 



ITALIAN WARS, 



far steadier and more uniform than could be acquired 
under a variety of commanders, however able. Under 
these circumstances, which so well fitted them for re- 
ceiving impressions, the Spanish army was gradually 
moulded into the form determined by the will of its 
great chief. 

When we look at the amount of forces at the dis- 
posal of Gonsalvo, it appears so paltry, especially 
compared with the gigantic apparatus of later wars, 
that it may well suggest disparaging ideas of the whole 
contest. To judge correctly, we must direct our eyes 
to the result. With this insignificant force, we shall 
then see the kingdom of Naples conquered, and the 
best generals and armies of France annihilated; an 
important innovation effected in military science ; the 
art of mining, if not invented, carried to unprece- 
dented perfection \ a thorough reform introduced in 
the arms and discipline of the Spanish soldier; and 
the organization completed of that valiant infantry 
which is honestly eulogized by a French writer as 
irresistible in attack and impossible to rout,^ and 
which carried the banners of Spain victorious, for more 
than a century, over the most distant parts of Europe. 

3" See Dubos, Ligue de Cambray, dissert, prelim., p. 60. — This 
French writer has shown himself superior to national distinctions, in 
the liberal testimony which he bears to the character of these brave 
troops. See a similar strain of panegyric from the chivalrous pen of 
old Brantdme, CEuvres, torn. i. disc. 27. 



The brilliant qualities and achievements of Gonzalo de Cordova 
have naturally made him a popular theme both for history and ro- 
mance. Various biographies of him have appeared in different Euro- 



THE FRENCH DRIVEN FROM NAPLES. 167 

pean languages, though none, I believe, hitherto in English. The 
authority of principal reference in these pages is the Life which Paolo 
Giovio has incorporated in his great work, " Viise lUustrium Viro> 
ruin," which I have elsewhere noticed. This Life of Gonsalvo is not 
exempt from the prejudices, nor from the minor inaccuracies, which 
may be charged on most of the author's productions ; but these are 
abundantly compensated by the stores of novel and interesting details 
which Giovio's familiarity with the principal actors of the time enabled 
him to throw into his work, and by the skilful arrangement of his 
narrative, so disposed as, without studied effort, to bring intc light the 
prominent qualities of his hero. Every page bears the marks of that 
"golden pen" which the politic Italian reserved for his favorites; and, 
while this obvious {>artiality may put the reader somewhat on his guard, 
it gives an interest to the work, inferior to none other of his agreeable 
compositions. 

The most imposing of the Spanish memoirs of Gonsalvo, in bulk at 
least, is the " Chr6nica del Gran Capitan," Alcald de Henares, 1584. 
Nic. Antonio doubts whether the author were the Pulgar who wrote 
the " History of the Catholic Kings," of such frequent reference in 
the Granadine wars, or another Pulgar, del Salar, as he is called, who 
received the honors of knighthood from King Ferdinand for his valor- 
ous exploits against the Moors. (See Bibliotheca Nova, tom. i. p. 
387.) With regard to the first Pulgar, there is no reason to suppose 
that he lived into the sixteenth century ; and as to the second, the 
work composed by him, so far from being the one in question, was a 
compendium, bearing the title of " Sumario de los Hechos del Gran 
Capitan," printed as early as 1527, at Seville. (See the editor's pro- 
logue to Pulgar's " ChnSnica de los Reyes Catolicos," ed. Valencia, 
1780.) Its author, therefore, remains in obscurity. He sustains no 
great damage on the score of reputation, however, from this circum- 
stance ; as his work is but an indifferent specimen of the rich old 
Spanish chronicle, exhibiting most of its characteristic blemishes, with 
a very small admixture of its beauties. The long and prosy narrative 
is overloaded with the most frivolous details, trumpeted forth in a strain 
of glorification, which sometimes disfigures more meritorious composi- 
tions in the Castilian. Nothing like discrimination of character, of 
course, is to be looked for in the unvarying swell of panegyric, which 
claims for its subject all the extravagant flights of a hero of romance. 
With these deductions, however, and a liberal allowance, consequently, 
for the nationality of the work, it has considerable value as a record 



# 



168 



ITALIAN WARS. 



or events too recent in their occurrence to be seriously defaced by 
those deeper stains of error which are so apt to settle on the weather* 
beaten monuments of antiquity. It has accordingly formed a principal 
source of the " Vida del Gran Capitan," introduced by Quintana in 
the first volume of his " Espailoles c^lebres." printed at Madrid in 
1807. This memoir, in which the incidents are selected with discern- 
ment, displays the usual freedom and vivacity of its poetic author. It 
does not bring the general politics of the period under review, but 
will not be found deficient in particulars having immediate connection 
with the personal history of its subject ; and, on the whole, exhibits 
in an agreeable and compendious form whatever is of most interest or 
importance for the general reader. 

The French have also an " Histoire de Gonsalve de Cordoue," com- 
posed by Father Duponcet, a Jesuit, in two vols. lamo, Paris, 1714. 
Though an ambitious, it is a bungling performance, most unskilfully 
put together, and contains quite as much of what its hero did not do 
as of what he did. The prolixity of the narrative is not even relieved 
by that piquancy of style which forms something like a substitute for 
thought in many of the lower order of French historians. It is less 
to history, however, than to romance that the French public is in- 
debted for its conceptions of the character of Gonsalvo de Cordova, 
as depicted by the gaudy pencil of Florian, in that highly poetic color- 
ing which is more attractive to the majority of readers than the cold 
and sober delineations of truth. 

The contemporary French accounts of the Neapolitan wars of Louis 
XII. are extremely meagre, and few in number. The most striking, 
on the whole, is D'Auton's chronicle, composed in the true chivalrous 
vein of old Froissart, but, unfortunately, terminating before the close 
of the first campaign. St. Gelais and Claude Seyssel touch very 
lightly on this part of their subject. History becomes in their hands, 
moreover, little better than fulsome panegyric, carried to such a height, 
indeed, by the latter writer, as brought on him the most severe strict- 
ures from his contemporaries ; so that he was compelled to take up 
the pen more than once in his own vindication. The memoirs of 
Bayard, Fleurange, and La Tr^mouiUe, so diffuse in most military 
details, are nearly silent in regard to those of the Neapolitan war. 
The truth is, the subject was too ungrateful in itself, and presented too 
unbroken a series of calamities and defeats, to invite the attention of 
the French historians, who willingly turned to the brilliant passages in 
this reign more soothing to national vanity. 



THE FRENCH DRIVEN FROM NAPLES. 169 



in 



The blank hat been filled up, or rather attempted to be so, by the 
assiduity of their later writers. Among those occasionally consulted 
by me are Varillas, whose " Histoire de Louis XII.," loose as it is, 
resu on a somewhat more solid basis than his metaphysical reveries, 
assuming the title of " Politique de Ferdinand," already repeatedly 
noticed ; Oamier, whose perspicuous narrative, if inferior to that of 
GaiUard in acuteness and epigrammatic point, makes a much nearer 
approach to truth ; and, lastly, Sismondi, who, if he may be charged, 
in his " Histoire des Fran9ais," with some of the defects incident to 
indiscreet n4>idity of composition, succeeds by a few brief ai^d ani- 
mated touches in opening deeper views into character and conduct 
than can be got from volumes of ordinary writers. 

The want of authentic materials for a perfect acquaintance with the 
reign of Louis XII. is a subject of complaint with French writers them- 
selves. The memoirs of the period, occupied with the more daxzling ' 
military transactions, make no attempt to instruct us in the interior 
organization or policy of the government. One might imagine that 
their authors lived a century before Philippe de Comines, instead of 
coming after him, so inferior are they, in all the great properties of 
historic composition, to this eminent statesman. The French savatu 
have made slender contributions to the stock of original documents 
collected more than two centuries ago by Godefroy for the illustration 
of this reign. It can scarcely be supposed, however, that the labors 
of this early antiquary exhausted the department in which the French 
are rich beyond all others, and that those who work the same mine 
hereafter should not find valuable materials for a broader foundation 
of this interesting portion of their history. 

It is fortunate that the reserve of the French in regard to their rela- 
tions with Italy at this time has been abundantly compensated by the 
labors of the most eminent contemporary writers of the latter country, 
as Bembo, Machiavelli, Giovio, and the philosophic Guicciardini ; 
whose situation as Italians enabled them to maintain the balance of 
historic truth undisturbed, at least by undue parliiility for either of the 
two great rival powers ; whose high public stations introduced them 
to the principal characters of the day, and to springs of action hidden 
from vulgar eyes ; and whose superior science, as well as genius, quali- 
fied them for rising above the humble level of garrulous chronicle and 
memoir to the classic dignity of history. It is with regret that we must 
now strike into a track unillumined by the labors of those great masters 
of their art in modern times. 

U 



J70 



ITALIAN WARS. 



Since the publication of this History, the Spanish Minister at Wash* 
faigton, Don Angel CaUeron de la Baroa, did me the favor to send 
■e a copjr of the biography above noticed as the " Snmario de lea 
Hechos del Oran Capitan." It is a recent reprint from the edition of 
1537. of which the industitons editor. Don F. Martinez de la Roaa, 
was able to find but one copy hi Spain. In its new form it covers 
id>ont a hundred duodecimo pages. It has positive vidue, as a con- 
temporary document, and as such I gbdly avail myself of it. But 
the greater part is devoted to the early history of Oonsalvo, over which 
my Ihnits have compelled me to pass lightly ; aiwl, for the rest, I am 
h^ipy to find, on the perusal of it, nothfaig of moment which conflicts 
with the statements drawn from other sources. The able editor has 
also combined an interesting notice of its author, Pulgar, Bl dt las 
UoMaMas, one of those heroes whose doughty feats shed the illusions of 
knight-errantry over die war of Granada. 



¥ 



CHAPTER XVI. 



nXNESS AND DEATH OF ISABEUA. — ^HBR CHARACTER. 



1504. 



Decline of the Queen's Health. — Alarm of the Nation. — Her Testa- 
ment and Codicil. — Her Resignation, and Death. — Her Remains 
transported to Granada. — Isabella's Person. — Her Manners. — Her 
Character. — Parallel with Queen Elisabeth. 

The acquisition of an important kingdom in the 
heart of Europe, and of the New World beyond the 
waters, which promised to pour into her lap all the 
fabled treasures of the Indies, was rapidly raising Spain 
to the first rank of European powers. But, in this 
noontide of her success, she was to experience a fatal 
shock in the loss of that illustrious personage who had 
so long and so gloriously presided over her destinies. 
We have had occasion to notice more than once the 
declining state of the queen's health during the last few 
years. Her constitution had been greatly impaired by 
incessant personal fatigue and exposure, and by the 
unremitting activity of her mind. It had suffered far 
more severely, however, from a series of heavy do- 
mesf^ic calamities, which had fallen on her with little 
intermission since the death of her mother, in 1496. 
The next year, she followed to the grave the remains 

(171) 



17a 



ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA, 



of her only son, the heir and hope of the monarchy, 
just entering on hir prime; and, in the succeeding, 
was called on to render the same sad office to the 
best-beloved of her daughters, the amiable queen of 
Portugal. 

The severe illness occasioned by this last blow ter- 
minated in a dejection of spirits, from which she 
never entirely recovered. Her surviving children were 
removed far from her into distant lands; with the 
occasional exception, indeed, of Joanna, who caused a 
still decider pang to her mother's affectionate heart, by 
exhibiting infirmities which justified the most melan- 
choly presages for the future. 

Far from abandoning herself to weak and useless 
repining, however, Isabella sought consolation, where 
it was best to be found, in the exercises of piety, and 
in the earnest discharge of the duties attached to her 
exalted station. Accordingly, we find her attentive as 
ever to the minutest interests of her subjects ; supporting 
her great minister Ximenes in his schemes of reform, 
quickening the zeal for discovery in the west, and, at 
the close of the year 1 503, on the alarm of the French 
invasion, rousing her dying energies to kindle a spirit 
of resistance in her people. These strong mental ex- 
ertions, however, only accelerated the decay of her 
bodily strength, which was gradually sinking under 
that sickness of the heart which admits of no cure, 
and scarcely of consolation. 

In the beginning of that very year she had declined 
so visibly that the cortes of Castile, much alarmed, 
petitioned her to provide for the government of the 
kingdom after her decease, in case of the absence or 



HER CHARACTER. 



173 



incapacity of Joanna.' She seems to have rallied in 
some measure after this; but it was only to relapse 
into a state of greater debility, as her spirits sunk under 
the conviction, which now forced itself on her, of iier 
daughter's settled insanity. 

Early in the spring of the following year (1504) 
that unfortunate lady embarked for Flanders, where, 
soon after her arrival, the inconstancy of her husband, 
and her own ungovernable sensibilities, occasioned the 
most scandalous scenes. Philip became openly enam- 
ored of one of the ladies of her suite ; and his injured 
wife, in a paroxysm of jealousy, personally assaulted her 
fair rival in the palace, and catised the beautiful locks 
which had excited the admiration of her fickle husband 
to be shorn from her head. This outrage so affected 
Philip that he vented his indignation against Joanna 
in the coarsest and most unmanly terms, and finally 
refused to have any further intercourse with her.' 

The account of this disgraceful scene reached Cas- 
tile in the month of June. It occasioned the deepest 
chagrin and mortification to the unhappy parents, 
Ferdinand soon after fell ill of a fever, and the queen 
was seized with the same disorder, accompanied by 
more alarming symptoms. Her illness was exasperated 
by anxiety for her husband, and she refused to credit 
the favorable reports of his physicians, while he was 
detained from her presence. His vigorous constitu- 

s Mariana, Hist, de EspaRa, torn. ii. lib. 38, cap. 11.— rZurita, Anales, 
torn. V. lib. s, cap. 84. . 

» Garibay. Compandio, torn. ii. lib. 19, cap. 16. — Peter Martyr, 
Opus Epist., epist. 371, 272. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 46. — Car* 
bajal, Anales, MS., ano 1504. 



■♦ 



*74 



ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA. 



tion, however, threw off the malady, whi'e hers grad- 
ually failed under it. Her tender heart was niore 
keenly sensible than his to the unhappy condition of 
their child, and to the gloomy prospects which awaited 
her beloved Castile.' 

Her faithful follower. Martyr, was with the court at 
this time in Medina del Campo. In ? letter to the 
count of Tendilla, dated October 7th, he states that 
the most serious apprehensions were entertained by the 
physicians for the queen's fate. ** Her whole system," 
he says, ** is pervaded by a consuming fever. She 
loathes food of every kind, and is tormented with in- 
cessant thirst, while the disorder has all the appearance 
of terminating in a dropsy."* 

In the mean while, Isabella lost nothing of her so- 
licit ide for the welfare of her people and the great 
concerns of government. While reclining, as she wais 
obliged to do great part of the day, on her couch, she 
listened to the recital or reading of whatever occurred 
of interest, at home or abroad. She gave audience 
to distinguished foreigners, especially such Italians as 
could acquaint her with particulars of the late war, and 
above all in regard to Gonsalvo de Cordova, in whose 
fortunes she had always taken the liveliest concern.' 

3 Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 46, 47. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., 
epist. 273.— Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1504. 

* Opus Epist., epist. 274. 

s A short time before her death, she received a visit from the distin- 
guished officer, Prospero Colonna. The Italian noble, on being pre- 
sented to King Ferdinand, told him that " he had come to Castile to 
behold the woman who from her sick-bed ruled the world ;" " ver una 
senora que desde la '~ama mandava al mundo." Sandoval, Hist, 
del Emp. Carlos V., ton . i. p. 8. — Carta de Gonzalo d los Reyes, en 
Napoles, 25 de Ago&io, -503, MS. 



HER CHARACTER* 



175 



She received with pleasure, too, such intelligent trav- 
ellers as her renown had attracted to the Castilian 
court. She drew forth their stores of various informa- 
tion, and dismissed them, says a writer of the age, 
penetrated with the deepest admiration of that mascu- 
line strength of mind which sustained her so nobly 
under the weight of a mortal malady/ 

This malady was now rapidly gaining ground. On 
the 15th of October we have another epistle of Martyr, 
of the following melancholy tenor. "You ask me 
respecting the state of the queen's health. We sit 
sorrowful in the palace all day long, tremblingly wait* 
ing the hour when religion and virtue shall quit the 
earth with her. Let us pray that we may be permitted 
to follow hereafter where she is soon to go. She so far 
transcends all human excellence, that there is scarcely 
anything of mortality about her. She can hardly be 
said to die, but to pass into a nobler existence, which 
should rather excite our envy than our sorrow. She 
leaves the world filled with her renown, and she goes 
to enjoy life eternal with her God in heaven. I write 
this," he concludes, "between hope and fear, while 
the breath is still fluttering within her." ' 

The deepest gloom now overspread the nation. Even 



* Gomez. De Rebus gestis, fol. 47. — Among the foreigners intro- 
duced to the queen at this time was a celebrated Venetian traveller, 
named Vianelli, who presented her with a cross of pure gold set yrith 
precious stones, among which was a carbuncle of inestimable value. 
The liberal Italian met with rather an uncourtly rebuke from Ximenes, 
who told him, on leaving the presence, that " he had rather have the 
money his diamonds cost, to spend in the service of the church, than 
all the gems of the Indies." Ibid. 

» Opus Epist., epist. 276. 



176 



ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA. 






1 1 



Isabella's long illness had failed to prepare the minds 
of her faithful people for the sad catastrophe. They 
recalled several ominous circumstances which had be> 
fore escaped their attention. In the preceding spring, 
an earthquake, accompanied by a tremendous hurri- 
cane, such as the oldest men did not remember, had 
visited Andalusia, and especially Carmona, a place 
belonging to the qiieen, and occasioned frightful deso- 
lation there. The superstitious Spaniards now read in 
these portents the prophetic signs by which Heaven 
announces some great calamity. Prayers were put up 
in every temple, processions iand pilgrimages made in 
every part of the country, for the recovery of their 
beloved sovereign, — but in vain.' 

Isabella, in the mean time, was deluded with no false 
hopes. She felt too surely the decay of her bodily 
strength, and she resolved to perform what temporal 
duties yet remained for her, while her faculties were 
still unclouded. 

On the 1 2th of October she executed that celebrated 
testament which reflects so clearly the peculiar quali- 
ties of her mind and character. She begins with pre- 
scribing the arrangements for her burial. She orders 
her remains to be transported to Granada, to the Fran- 
ciscan monastery of Santa Isabella in the Alhambra, 
and there deposited in a low and humble sepulchre, 
without other memorial than a plain inscription on 
it. "But," she continues, "should the king my lord 
prefer a sepulchre in some other place, then my will is 






' Bernaldez, Reyes Cat6Iicos, MS., cap. 200, 901. — Carbajal, Anales, 
MS., afio 1504. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. ii. lib. 19, cap. 16. — 
Zuftiga, Annates de Sevilla, pp. 423, 424. 



HER CHARACTER. 



177 



that my body be there transported, and laid by his 
side ; that the union we have enjoyed in this world, 
and, through the mercy of God, may hope again for 
our souls in heaven, may be represented by our bodies 
in the earth." Then, desirous of correcting by her 
example, in this last act of her life, the wasteful pomp 
of funeral obsequies to which the Castilians were ad- 
dicted, she commands that her own should be per- 
formed in the plainest and most unostentatious manner, 
and that the sum saved by this economy should be 
distributed in alms among the poor. 

She next provides for several charities, assigning, 
among others, marriage portions for poor maidens, 
and a considerable sum for the redemption of Christian 
captives in Barbary. She enjoins the punctual dis- 
charge of all her personal debts within a yearj she 
retrenches superfluous offices in the royal household, 
and revokes all £uch grants, whether in the forms of 
lands or annuities, as she conceives to have been made 
without sufficient warrant. She inculcates on her suc- 
cessors the importance of maintaining the integrity of 
the royal domains, and, above all, of never divesting 
themselves of their title to the important fortress of 
Gibraltar. 

After this, she comes to the succession of the 
crown, which she settles on the infanta Joanna as 
"queen proprietor," and the archduke Philip as her 
husband. She gives them much good counsel respect- 
ing their future administration; enjoining them, as 
they would secure the love and obedience of their sub- 
jects, to conform in all respects to the laws and usages 
of the realm, to .' ppoint no foreigner to office, — an 
Vol. III. — 12 H* 



I 



178 



ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA. 






error into which Philip's connections, she saw, would 
be very likely to betray them, — and to make no laws 
or ordinances ** which necessarily require the consent 
of cortes," during their absence from the kingdom.' 
She recommends to them the same conjugal harmony 
which had ever subsisted between her and her husband ; 
she beseeches them to show the latter all the deference 
and filial affection "due to him beyond every other 
parent, for his eminent virtues ;" and finally inculcates 
on them the most tender regard for the liberties and 
welfare of their subjects. 

She next comes to the great question proposed by 
the cortes of 1503, respecting the government of the 
realm in the absence or incapacity of Joanna. She 
declares that, after mature deliberation, and with the 
advice of many of the prelates and nobles of the king- 
dom, she appoints King Ferdinand her husband to be 
the sole regent of Castile, in that exigency, until the 
majority of her grandson Charles ; being led to this, 
she adds, *' by the consideration of the magnanimity 
and illustrious qualities of the king my lord, as well as 
his large experience, and the great profit which will 
redound to the state from his wise and beneficent 
rule." She expresses her sincere conviction that his 
past conduct affords a sufficient guarantee for his faith- 
ful administration, but, in compliance with established 



I 






11 



■i 



9 " Ni fagan fuera de los dichos mis Reynos e Sefiorios, Leyes e Pre- 
mdticas, ni las otras cosas que en Cortes se deven hazer segund las 
Leyes de ellos" (Testaniento, apud Dormer, Discursos varios, p. 343), 
— an honorable testimony to the legislative rights of the cortes, which 
contrasts strongly with the despotic assumption of preceding and suc- 
ceeding princes. 



HER CHARACTER. 



179 



usage, requires the customary oath from him on entering 
on the duties of the office. 

She then makes a specific provision for her husband's 
personal maintenance, which, "although less than she ' 
could wish, and far less than he deserves, considering 
the eminent services he has rendered the state," she 
settles at one-half of all the net proceeds and profits 
accruing from the newly-discovered countries in the 
west ; together with ten millions of maravedis annually, 
assigned on the alcavaias of the grand-masterships of 
the military orders. 

After some additional regulations, respecting the 
descent of the crown on failure of Joanna's lineal 
heirs, she recommends in the kindest and most em- 
phatic terms to her successors the various members of 
her household, and her personal friends, among whom 
we find the names of the marquis and marchioness of 
Moya (Beatrice de Bobadilla, the companion of her 
youth), and Garcilasso de la Vega, the accomplished 
minister at the papal court. 

And lastly, concluding in the same beautiful strain 
of conjugal tenderness in which she began, she says, 
" I beseech the king my lord that he will accept all 
my jewels, or such as he shall select, so that, seeing 
them, he may be reminded of the singular love I 
always bore him while living, and that I am now wait- 
ing for him in a better world ; by which remembrance 
he may be encouraged to live the more justly and 
holily in this." 

Six executors were named to the will. The two 
principal were the king and the primate Ximenes, who 



l8o ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA. 



,! •:« 



haid full powers to act in conjunction with any one of 
the others." 

I have dwelt the more minutely on the details of 
Isabella's testament, from the evidence it affords of her 
constancy in her dying hour to the principles which 
had governed her through life ; of her expansive and 
sagacious policy ; her prophetic insight into the evils 
to result from her death, — evils, alas ! which no fore- 
cast could avert ; her scrupulous attention to all her 
personal obligations; and that warm attachment to 
her friends which could never falter while a pulse beat 
in her bosom. 

' After performing this duty, she daily grew weaker, 
the powers of her mind seeming to brighten as those 
of her body declined. The concerns of her govern- 
ment still occupied her thoughts ; and several public 
measures, which she had postponed through urgency 
of other business, or growing infirmities, pressed so 
heavily on her heart that she made them the sub- 
ject of a codicil to her former will. It was executed 
November 23d, 1504, only three days before her death. 

Three of the provisions contained in it are too re- 
markable to pass unnoticed. The first concerns the 
codification of the laws. For this purpose, the queen 
appoints a commission to make a new digest of the 
statutes and pragmaticasy the contradictory tenor of 
which still occasioned much embarrassment in Cas- 

»« I have before me three copies of Isabella's testament ; one in 
MS., apud Carbajal, Anales, afio 1504; a second, printed in the beau- 
tiful Valencia edition of Mariana, torn. ix. apend. no. i ; and a third, 
published in Dormer's Discursos varies de Historia, pp. 314-388. I 
am not aware that it has been printed elsewhere. 



HER CHARACTER. 



I8l 



tilian jurisprudence. This was a subject she always 
liad much at heart ; but no nearer approach had been 
made to it than the valuable though insufficient work 
of Montaivo, in the early part of her reign ; and, not- 
withstanding her precautions, none more effectual was 
destined to take place till the reign of Philip the 
Second." 

The second item had reference to the natives of the 
New World. Gross abuses had arisen there since the 
partial revival of the repartimientos, although, Las Casas 
says, ** intelligence of this was carefully kept from the 
eai-s of the queen." " Some vague apprehension of 
the truth, however, appears to have forced itself on 
her; and she enjoins her successors, in the most earnest 
manner, to quicken the good work of converting and 
civilizing the poor Indians, to treat them with the 
greatest gentleness, and redress any wrongs they may 
have suffered in their persons or property. 

Lastly, she expresses her doubts as to the legality of 

'I The " Ordenangas reales de Castilla," published in 1484, and the 
" Pragmdticas del Reyno," first printed in 1503, comprehend the gen- 
eral legislation of this reign ; a particular account of which the 
reader may find in Part I. chapter 6, and Part II. chapter 26, of this 
History. 

" Las Casas, who will not be suspected of sycophancy, remarks, in 
his narrative of the destruction of the Indies, " Les plus grandes hor- 
reurs de ces guerres et de cett»boucherie commenc&rent aussitdt qu'on 
sut en Am^rique que la reine Isabelle venait de mourir ; car jusqu'alors 
11 ne s'dtait pas commis autant de crimes dans Hie Espagnole, et Ton 
avait meme eu soin de les cacher k cette princesse, parceqii'elle ne 
cessait de recommander de trailer les Indiens avec douceur, et de ne 
rien n^gliger pour les rendre heureux : J'ai vu, ainn que beaucoup d'Es' 
paf^nols, les lettres quelle icrivait h ce suj'et, et les ordres qu'elle envoyait , 
' ce qniprouve que cette admirable reine aurait mis fin h tant de cruauies, 
si elle avail pu les connaitre." CEuvres, id. de Llorente, torn. i. p. ai, 



tSi ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA, 

the revenue drawn from the alcavalast constituting the 
principal income of the crown. She directs a commis- 
sion to ascertain whether it were originally intended 
to be perpetual, and if this were done with the free 
consent of the people; enjoining her heirs, in that 
event, to collect the tax so that it should press least 
heavily on her subjects. Should it be found otherwise, 
hot/ever, she directs that the legislature be summoned 
to devise proper measures for supplying the wants of 
the crown, — "measures depending for their validity 
on the good pleasure of the subjects of the realm." *> 

Such were the dying words of this admirable 
woman ; displaying the same respect for the rights and 
liberties of the nation which she had shown through 
life, and striving to secure the blessings of her benign 
administration to the most distant and barbarous re- 
gions under her sway. These two documents were a 
precious legacy bequeathed to her people, to guide 
them when the light of her personal example should 
be withdrawn forever. 

The queen's signature to the codicil, which still 
exists among the manuscripts of the Royal Library at 
Madrid, shows, by its irregular and scarcely legible 
characters, the feeble state to which she was then 
reduced.** She had now adjusted all her worldly 
concerns, and she prepared t6 devote herself, during 
the brief space which remained, to those of a higher 

u The original codicil is still preserved among the manuscripts of 
the Royal Library at Madrid. It is apiiended to the queen's testament 
in the worlis before noticed. 

u Clemencin has given a &c-simile of this last signature of the queen, 
in the Mem. de la Aciid. de Hist., torn. vi. Ilust. 2i. 



i 



HER CHARACTER. 



183 



nature. It was but the last act of a life of prepara- 
tion. She had the misfortune, common to persons of 
her rank, to be separated in her last moments from 
those whose filial tenderness might have done so much 
to soften the bitterness of death. But she had the good 
fortune, most rare, to have secured for this trying hour 
the solace of disinterested friendship; for she beheld 
around her the friends of her childhood, formed and 
proved in the dark season of adversity. 

As she saw them bathed in tears around her bed, she 
calmly said, " Do not weep for me, nor waste your 
time in fniitless prayers for my recovery, but pray 
rather for the salvation of my soul." *' On receiving 
the extreme unction, she refused to have her feet ex- 
posed, as was usual on that occasion; a circumstance 
which, occurring at .a time when there can be no sus- 
picion of affectation, is often noticed by Spanish writers 
as a proof of that sensitive delicacy and decorum which 
distinguished her through life.** At length, having 
received the sacraments, and performed all the offices 
of a sincere and devout Christian, she gently expired, 
a little before noon, on Wednesday, November 26th, 
1504, in the fifty-fourth year of her age, and thirtieth 
of her reign. "^ 

"My hand," says Peter Martyr, in a letter written 
r>n the same day to the archbishop of Granada, "falls 

*s L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 187. — Garibay, Compendio, 
torn. ii. lib. 19, cap. 16. 

'* Arevalo, Historia Palentina, MS., apud Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., 
torn. vi. p. 572. — L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 187. — Garibay, 
Compendio, ubi supra. 

•7 Isabella was bom April 2ad, 1451, and ascended the throne De- 
cember 1 2th, 1474. 



1 84 ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA. 

powerless by my side, for very sorrow. The world has 
lost its noblest ornament ; a loss to be deplored not 
only by Spain, which she has so long carried forward 
in the career of glory, but by every nation in Christen- 
dom ; for she was the mirror of every virtue, the shield 
of the innocent, and an avenging sword to the wicked. 
I know none of her sex, in ancient or modern times, 
who in my judgment is at all worthy to be named with 
this incomparable woman." *' 

No time was lost in making preparations for trans- 
porting the queen's body unembalmed to Granada, in 
strict conformity to her orders. It was escorted by a 
numerous cortige of cavaliers and ecclesiastics, among 
whom was the faithful Martyr. The procession began 
its mournful march the day following her death, taking 
the route through Arevalo, Toledo, and Jaen. Scarcely 
had it left Medina del Campo when a tremendous tem- 
pest set in, which continued with little interruption 
during the whole journey. The roads were rendered 
nearly impassable ; the bridges swept away, the small 
streams swollen to the size of the Tagus, and the level 
country buried under a deluge of water. Neither sun 
nor stars were seen during their whole progress. The 
horses and mules were borne down by the torrents, and 
the riders in several instances perished with them. 
"Never," exclaims Martyr, "did I encounter such 
perils in the whole of my hazardous pilgrimage to 
Egypt." '» 

At length, on the i8th of December, the .melancholy 



'8 Opus Epist., epist. 279. 

«9 Ibid., epist. 280. — The text does not exaggerate the language of 
the epistle. 



HER CHARACTER. 



I8S 



and way-worn cavalcade reached the place of its des- 
tination ; and, amidst the wild strife of the elements, 
the peaceful remains of Isabella were laid, with simple 
solemnities, in the Franciscan monastery of the Al- 
hambra. Here, under the shadow of those venerable 
Moslem towers, and in the heart of the capital which 
her noble constancy had recovered for her country, 
they continued to repose till after the death of Ferdi- 
nand, when they were removed to be laid by his side 
in the stately mausoleum of the cathedral church of 
Granada.* 

I shall defer the review of Queen Isabella's adminis- 
tration until it can be made in conjunction with that 
of Ferdinand's, and shall confine myself at present to 
such considerations on the prominent traits of her 
character as have been suggested by the preceding 
history of her life. 

Her person, as mentioned in the early part of the 
narrative, was of the middle height, and well propor- 
tioned. She had a clear, fresh complexion, with light 
blue eyes and auburn hair, — a style of beauty exceed- 
ingly rare in Spain. Her features were regular, and 
universally allowed to be uncommonly handsome. 



as 



s" Bernaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 20. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., 
afio 1504. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. ii. lib. 19, cap. 16. — Zurita, torn. 
V. lib. s, cap. 84. — Navagiero, Viaggio, fol. 23. 

3' The Curate of Los Palacios remarks of her, " Fue muger her- 
mosa, de muy gentil cuerpo, e gesto, e composicion." (Reyes Catoli- 
cos, MS., cap. 20I.) Pulgar, another contemporary, eulogizes "el 
mirar muy gracioso, y honesto, las facciones del rostro bien puestas, la 
cara toda muy hermosa." (Reyes Catdlicos, part, i, cap. 4.) L. 
Marineo says, " Todo lo que avia en el rey de dignidad, se hallava en 
la reyna de graciosa bermosura, y en entrambos se mostrava una ma- 



1 86 ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA. 



The illusion which attaches to rank, more especially 
when united with engaging manners, might lead us to 
suspect some exaggeration in the encomiums so lib> 
erally lavished on her. But they would seem to be in 
a great measure justified by the portraits that remain 
of her, which combine a faultless symmetry of features 
with singular sweetness and intelligence of expression. 
Her manners were most gracious and ]^easing. They 
were marked by natural dignity and modest reserve, 
tempered by an affability which flowed from the kind- 
liness of her disposition. She was the last person to 
be approached with undue familiarity ; yet the respect 
which she imposed was mingled with the strongest 
feelings of devotion and love. She showed great tact 
in accommodating herself to the peculiar situation and 
character of those around her. She appeared in arms 
at the head of her troops, and shrunk from none of 
the hardships of war. During the reforms introduced 
into the religious houses, she visited the nunneries in 
person, taking her needlework with her, and passing 
the day in the society of the inmates. When travelling 
in Galicia, she attired herself in the costume of the 
country, borrowing for that purpose the jewels and 
other ornaments of the ladies there, and returning 
them with liberal additions.** By this condescending 
and captivating deportment, as well as by her higher 

jestad venerable, aunque a juyzio de muchos la reyna em de mayor 
hermosura." (Cosas memorables, fol. 182.) And Oviedo, who had 
likewise frequent opportunities of personal observation, does not hesi- 
tate to declare, " En hermosura puestas delante de S. A. todas las 
mugeres que yo he visto, ninguna vi tan graciosa, ni tanto de ver como 
su persona." Quincuagenas, MS, 
"* Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., torn. vi. Ilust. 8. 



HER CHARACTER. 



187 



qualities, she gained an ascendency over her turbulent 
subjects which no king of Spain could ever boast. 

She spoke the Castilian with much elegance and cor- 
rectness. She had an easy fluency of discourse, which, 
thougb generally of a serious complexion, was occa- 
sionally seasoned with agreeable sallies, some of which 
have passed into proverbs. '^ She was temperate even 
to alMt^miousness in her diet, seldom or never tasting 
wine;** and so frugal in her table, that the daily ex- 
penses for herself and family did not exceed the mod- 
erate sum of forty ducats.*" She was equally simple 
and economical in her apparel. On all public occa- 
sions, indeed, she displayed a royal magnificence; ** 
but she had no relish' for it in private, and she freely 
gave away her clothes"' and jewels,* as presents to her 

•3 Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., torn. vi. Ilust. 8. 

*• L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. i8a. — Pulgar, Reyes Cat61i- 
006, part, s, cap. 4. 

^ Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., torn. vi. p. 333. 

* Such occasions have rare charms, of course, for the gossiping 
chroniclers of the period. See, among others, the gorgeous ceremonial 
of the baptism and presentation of prince John at Seville, 1478, as re- 
lated bjr the good Curate of Los Palacios. (Reyes Catdlicos, MS., 
cap. 3a, 33.) " Isabella was surrounded and served." says Pulgar, 
" by grandees and lords of the highest rank, so that it was said she 
maintained too great pomp; fotnpa demasiada." Reyes Catolicos, 
part. I, cap. 4. 

V Florez quotes a passage from an original letter of the queen, 
written soon after one of her progresses into Galicia, showing her hab- 
itual liberality in this way : " Decid a doiia Luisa, que porque vengo 
de Galicia desecha de vestidos, no le envio para su hermana ; que no 
tengo agora cosa buena ; mas yo le los enviare presto buenos." Reynas 
Cath6licas, tom. ii p. 839. 

"S See the magnificent inventory presented to her daughter-in-law, 
Margaret of Austria, and to her daughter Maria, queen of Portugal, 
apud Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., tom. vi. Ilust. la. 



iii 1 




;« f 



188 ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA. 

friends. Naturally of a sedate though cheerful tem- 
per, *» she had little taste for the frivolous amusements 
which make up so much of a court life ; and, if she 
encouraged the presence of minstrels and musicians in 
her palace, it was to wean her young nobility from the 
coarser and less intellectual pleasures to which they 
were addicted. 3° . 

Among her moral qualities, the most conspicuous, 
perhaps, was her magnanimity. She betrayed nothing 
little or selfish, in thought or action. Her schemes 
were vast, and executed in the same noble spirit in 
which they were conceived. She never employed 
doubtful agents or sinister measures, but the most 
direct and open policy. 3' She scorned to avail herself 
of advantages offered by the perfidy of others,^" Where 
she had once given her confidence, she gave her hearty 
and steady support ; and she was scrupulous to redeem 
any pledge she had made to those who ventured in her 
cause, however unpopular. She sustained Ximenes in 
all his obnoxious but salutary reforms. She seconded 
Columlius in the prosecution of his arduous enterprise, 
and shielded him from the calumny of his enemies. 
She did the same good service to her favorite, Gon- 
salvo de Cordova ; and the day of her death was felt, 

29 " Alegre," says the author of the " Carro de las Donas," " de una 
alegria honesta y mui mesurada." Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., torn. 
vi. p. 558. 

30 Among the retainers of the court, Bernaldez notices " la moltitud 
de poetas, de trobadores, e musicos de todas partes." Reyes Catoli- 
cos, MS., cap. 201. 

3' " Queria que sus cartas k mandamientos fuesen coniplidos con 
diligencia." Pulgar, Reyes Cat6Iicos, part, i, cap. 4. 

33 See a remarkable instance of this, in her treatment of the fciith- 
less Juan de Corr.il, noticed in Part I. chapter 10, of this History. 



HER CHARACTER. 



189 



and, as it proved, truly felt, by both, as the last of 
their good fortune. ^^ Artifice and duplicity were so 
abhorrent to her character, and so averse from her 
domestic policy, that when they appear in the foreign 
relations of Spain it is certainly not imputable to her. 
She was incapable of harboring any petty distrust or 
latent malice; a'ld, although stern in the execution 
and exaction of public justice, she made the most 
generous allowance, and even sometimes advances, to 
those who had personally injured her.^* 

But the principle which gave a peculiar coloring to 
every feature of Isabella's mind was piety. It shone 
forth from the very depths of her soul with a heavenly 
radiance which illuminated her whole character. Fortu- 
nately, her earliest years had been passed in the rugged 
school of adversity, under the eye of a mother who 
implanted in her serious mind such strong principles: 
of religion as nothing in after-life had power to shake. 
At an early age, in the flower of youth and beauty, she 



i 



33 The melancholy tone of Columbus's correspondence after the 
queen's death shows too well the color of his fortunes and feelings. 
(Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, torn. i. pp. 341 et seq.) The senti- 
ments of the Great Captain were still more unequivocally expressed, 
according to Giovio : " Nee multis inde diebus Regina fato concessit, 
incredibili cum dolore atque jactura Consalvi ; nam ab ea tanquam 
alumnus, ac in ejus regia educatus, cuncta quae exoptari possent vir- 
tutis et dignitatis incrementa ademptum fuisse fatebatur, rege ipso 
quanquam minus benigno parumque liberali nunquam reginse volun- 
tati reluctari auso. Id vero prjcclare tanquam verissimum apparuit 
elata regina." Vita; Illust. Virorum, p. 275. 

34 The reader may recall a striking example of this, in the early part 
of her reign, in her great tenderness and forbearance towards the 
humors of Carillo, archbishop of Toledo, her quondam friend, but 
then hei most implacable foe. 



I go 



ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA. 






was introduced to her brother's court ; but its bland- 
ishments, so dazzling to a young imagination, had no 
power over hers ; for she was surrounded by a moral 
atmosphere of purity, 

" Driving far off each thing of sin and gi;^t." 3S 

Such was the decorum of her manners, that, though 
encompassed by false friends and open enemies, not 
the slightest reproach was breathed on her fair name 
in this corrupt and calumnious court. 

She gave a liberal portion of her time to private 
devotions, as well as to the public exercises of re- 
ligion.^ She expended large sums in useful charities, 
especially in the erection of hospitals and churches, 

35 Isabella at her brother's court might well have sat for the whole 
of Milton's beautiful portraiture : 

" So dear to heaven is saintly chastity. 
Tliat, when a soul is found sincerely sq, 
A thousand liveried angels lackey her, 
Driving for off each thing of sin and gvilt. 
And, in clear dream and solemn vision. 
Tell her of things that no gross ear can hear. 
Till oft converse with heavenly habitants 
Begin to cast a beam on the outward shape, 
The unpolluted temple of the mind, 
And turns it by degrees to the soul's essence, 
Till all be made immortal." 

9* " Era tanto," says L. Marineo, " el ardor y diligencia que tenia 
cerca el culto divino, que aunque de dia y de noche estava muy ocu- 
pada en grandes y arduos negocios de la govemacion de muchos 
reynos y seiiorios, parescia que su vida era mas contemplativa que 
acHva. Porque siempre se hallava presente a los divinos oncios y a 
la palabra de Dies. Era tanta su atencion que si alguno de los que 
celebravan o cantavan los psalmos, o otras cosas de la yglesia errava 
iilguna dicion o syllaba, lo sintia y lo notava, y despues como maestro 
u discipulo se lo emendava y corregia. Acostumbrava cada dia dezir 
todas las horas can6nicas demas de otras muchas votivas y extraor- 
dinarias devociones que tenia." Cosas memonbles, fol. 183. 



HER CHARACTER. 



ipx 



and the more doubtful endowments of monasteries. ^^ 
Her piety was strikingly exhibited in that unfeigned 
humility which, although the very essence of our faith, 
is so r£u-ely found ; and most rarely in those whose 
great powers and exalted stations seem to raise them 
above the level of ordinary mortals. A remarkable 
illustration of this is afforded in the queen's corre- 
spondence with Talavera, in which her meek and 
docile spirit is strikingly contrasted with the Puri- 
tanical intolerance of her confessor.^ Yet Talavera, as 
we have seen, was sincere and benevolent at heart. 
Unfortunately, the royal conscience was at times com- 
mitted to very different keeping ; and that humility 
which, as we have repeatedly had occa^^Ion to notice, 
made her defer so reverentially to her ghostly advisers, 
led, under the fanatic Torquemada, the confessor of 
her early youth, to those deep blemishes on her ad- 
ministration, the establishment of the Inquisition and 
the exile of the Jews. 

37 Pulgar, Reyes Cat61icos, part, i, cap, 4. — Lucio Marineo enumer- 
ates many of these splendid charities. (Cosas memorables, fol. 165.) 
See also the notices scattered over the Itinerary (Viaggio in Spagna) 
of Navagiero, who travelled through the country a few years after. 

3" The archbishop's letters are little better than a homily on the- sins 
of dancing, feasting, dressing, and the like, garnished with scriptural 
allusions, and conveyed in a tone of sour rebuke that would have done 
credit to the most canting Roundhead in Oliver Cromwell's court. 
I'he queen, far from taking exception at it, vindicates herself from the 
grave imputations with a degree of earnestness and simplicity which 
may provoke a smile in the reader. " I am aware," she concludes, 
" that custom cannot make an action, bad in itself, good ; but I wish 
your opinion whether, under all the circumstances, these can be con- 
sidered bad ; that, if so, they may be discontinued in future." See 
this curious correspondence in Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., torn. vi. 
Ilust. 13. 



\ 



192 



ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA. 



But, though blemishes of the deepest dye on her 
administration, they are certainly not to be regarded 
as such on her moral character. It will be difficult to 
condemn her, indeed, without condemning the age; 
for these very acts are not only excused, but extolled 
by her contemporaries, as constituting her strongest 
claims to renown, and to the gratitude of her coun- 
try.» They proceeded from the principle, openly 
avowed by the court of Rome, that zeal for the purity 
of the faith could atone for every crime. This im- 
moral maxim, flowing from the head of the church, 
was echoed in a thousand different forms by the sub- 
ordinate clergy, and greedily received by a supersti- 
tious people.** It was not to be expected that a solitary 
woman, filled with natural diffidence of her own ca- 
pacity on such subjects, should array herself against 
those venerated counsellors whom she had been taught 
from her cradle to look to as the guides and guardians 
of her conscience. 

However mischievous the operations of the Inqui- 
sition may have been in Spain, its establishment, in 
point of principle, was not worse than many other 
measures which have passed with far less censure, 

39 Such encomiums become still more striking in writers of sound 
and expansive views like Zurita and Blancas, who, although flourishing 
in a better instructed age, do not scruple to pronounce the Inquisi- 
tion " the greatest evidence of her prudence and piety, whose un- 
common utility not only Spain,- but all Christendom, freely acknowl- 
edged" 1 Blancas, Commentarii, p. 263. — Zurita, Anales, tom. v. lib. 
I, cap. 6. 

*> Sismondi displays the mischievous influence of these theological 
dogmas in Italy, as well as Spain, under the pontificate of Alexander 
VI. and his immediate predecessors, in the 90th chapter of his eloquent 
and philosophical ' Histoire des Republiques Italiennes." 



HER CHARACTER. 



193 



though in a much more advanced and civilized age.** 
Where, indeed, during the sixteenth and the greater 
part of the seventeenth century, was the principle of 
persecution abandoned by the dominant party, whether 
Catholic or Protestant ? And where that of toleration 
asserted, except by the weaker? It is true, to borrow 
Isabella's own expression in her letter to Talavera, 
the prevalence of a bad custom cannot constitute its 
apology. But it should serve much to mitigate our 
condemnation of the queen, that she fell into no 
greater error, in the imperfect light in which she lived, 
than was common to the greatest minds in a later and 
far riper period.** 

Isabella's actions, indeed, were habitually based on 
principle. Whatever errors of judgment be imputed 
to her, she most anxiously sought in all situations to 






4« I borrow almost the words of Mr. Hallam, who, noticing the 
penal statutes against Catholics under Elizabeth, says, " They estab- 
lished a persecution which fell not at all short in principle of that for 
which the Inquisition had become so odious." (Constitutional His- 
tory of England (Paris, 1827), vol. i. chap. 3.) Even Lord Burleigh, 
commenting on the mode of examination adopted in certain cases by 
the High Commission court, does not hesitate to say. the interroga- 
tories were " so curiously penned, so full of branches and circumstances, 
as he thought the inquisitors of Spain used not so many questions to 
comprehend and to trap their preys." Ibid., chap. 4. 

4« Even Milton, in his essay on the " Liberty of Unlicensed Print- 
ing," the most splendid argument, perhaps, the world had then wit- 
nessed in behalf of intellectual liberty, would exclude Popery from the 
benefits of toleration, as a religion which the public good required at 
all events to be extirpated. Such were the crude views of the rights 
of conscience entertained, in the latter half of the seventeenth century, 
by one of those gifted minds whose extraordinary elevation enabled it 
to catch and reflect back the coining light of iinowledge, long before 
it liud fiiUen on the rest of mankind. 
Vol. III.— 13 I 



'i ,1 



194 



ILLNESS AND DBA Til OF ISABELLA. 



discern and discharge her duty. Faithful in the dis- 
pensation of justice, no bribe was large enough to 
ward off the execution of the law.*' No motive, not 
even conjugal affection, could induce her to make an 
unsuitable appointment to public office.^ No rev- 
erence for the ministers of religion could lead her 
to wink at their misconduct ; *^ nor could the defer- 
ence she entertained for the head of the church allow 
her to tolerate his encroachments on the rights of her 
crown.** She seemed to consider herself especially 
bound to preserve entire the peculiar claims and privi- 
leges of Castile, after its union under the same sov- 
ereign with Aragon.*' And although, •* while her own 

<3 The most remarkable example of this, perhaps, occurred in the 
case of the wealthy Galician knight, Yaiiez de Lugo, who endeavored 
to purchase a pardon of the queen by the enormous bribe of 40,000 
doblas of gold. The attempt failed, though warmly supported by some 
of the royal counsellors. The story is well vouched. Pulgar, Reyes 
Cat61icos, part. 2, cap. 97. — L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 180. 

44 The reader may recollect a pertinent illustration of this, on the 
occasion of Ximenes's appointment to the primacy. See Part II. 
chapter 5. of this History. 

45 See, among other instances, her exemplary chastisement of the 
ecclesiastics of Truxillo. Part I. chapter 12, of this History. 

4* Ibid., Part I. chapter 6, Part II. chapter 10. et alibi. Indeed, this 
independent attitude was shown, as I have more than once had occa- 
sion to notice, not merely in shielding the rights of her own crown, 
but in the boldest remonstrances against the corrupt practices and 
personal immorality of those who filled the chair of St. Peter at this 
period. 

47 The public acts of this reign afford repeated evidence of the per- 
tinacity with which Isabella insisted on reserving the benefits of the 
Moorish conquests and the American discoveries for her own subjects 
of Castile, by whom and for whom they had been mainly achieved. 
The same thing is reiterated in the most emphatic manner in her 
testament. 



HER CHARACTER. 



»95 



will was law," says Peter Martyr, "she governed in 
such a manner that it inight appear the joint action of 
both Ferdinand and herself," yet she was careful never 
to surrender into his hands one of those prerogatives 
which belonged to her as queen proprietor of the 
kingdom.** 

Isabella's measures were characterized by that prac- 
tical good sense without which the most brilliant parts 
may work more to the woe than to the weal of man- 
kind. Though engaged all her life in reforms, she 
had none of the failings so common in reformers. 
Her plans, though vast, were never visionary. The 
best proof of this is, that she lived to see most of them 
realized. 

She was quick to discern objects of real utility. She 
saw the importance of the new discovery of printing, 
and liberally patronized it, from the first moment it 
appeared.^ She had none of the exclusive, local preju- 
dices too common with her countrymen. She drew 
talent from the most remote quarters to her dominions, 
by munificent rewards. She imported foreign artisans 
for her manufactures, foreign engineers and officers for 
the discipline of her army, and foreign scholars to 
imbue her martial subjects with more cultivated tastes. 
She consulted the useful, in all her subordinate regu- 
lations ; in her sumptuary laws, for instance, directed 
against the fashionable extravagances of dress, and the 
ruinous ostentation so much affected by the Castilians 
in their weddings and funerals. 5° Lastly, she showed 



I 



i 



♦* Opus Epist., epist. 31. 

« Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., torn. vi. p. 49. 

50 The preamble of one of her pragm&ticas against this lavish 



196 ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA. 

the same perspicacity in the selection of her agents ; 
well knowing that the best measures become bad in 
incompetent hands. 

But, although the skilful selection of her agents was 
an obvious cause of Isabella's success, yet another, 
even more important, is to be found in her own vigi- 
lance and untiring exertions. During the first busy 
and bustling years of her reign, these exertions were of 
incredible magnitude. She was almost always in the 
saddle, for she made all her journeys on horseback ; 
and she travelled with a rapidity which made her 
always present on the spot where her presence was 
needed. She was never intimidated by the weather, 
or the state of her own health ; and this reckless ex- 
posure undoubtedly contributed much to impair her 
excellent constitution.'* 



expenditure at funerals contains some reflections worth quoting for 
the evidence they afford of her practical good sense : " Nos deseando 
proveer e remediar al tal gasto sin provecho, e considerando que esto 
no redunda en sufragio e alivio de las animas de los defuntos." etc. 
" Pero los Cat61icos Christianos que creemos que hai otra vida despues 
desta, donde las animas esperan folganza e vida perdurable, desta 
kabemos de curar eprocurar de la ganar por obras meritorias, e no for 
cosas transitorias e vanas comoson los lutos e gastos excesivos." Mem. 
de la Acad, de Hist., torn. vi. p. 318. 

s» Her exposure in this way on one occasion brought on a mis- 
carriage. According to Gomez, indeed, she finally died of a painful 
internal disorder occasioned by her long and laborious journeys. (De 
Rebus gestis, fol. 47.) Giovio adopts the same account. ( Vitae Illust. 
Virorum, p. 275.) The authorities are good, certainly; but Martyr, 
who was in the palace, with every opportunity ot correct information, 
and with no reason for concealment of the truths in his private corre- 
spondence with Tendilla and Talavera, makes no allusion whatever 
to such a complaint, in his circumstantial account of the queen's 
illness. 



HER CHARACTER. 



197 



She was equally indefatigable in her mental applica- 
tion. After assiduous attention to business through 
the day, she was often known to sit up all night dic- 
tating despatches to her secretaries.^ In the midst of 
these overwhelming cares, she found time to supply 
the defects of early education by learning Latin, so as 
to understand it without difficulty, whether written or 
spoken, and indeed, in the opinion of a competent 
judge, to attain a critical accuracy in it.'' As she had 
little turn for light amusements, she sought relief from 
graver cares by some useful occupation appropriate to 
her sex ; and she left ample evidence of her skill in 
this way, in the rich specimens of embroidery, wrought 
with her own fair hands, with which she decorated the 
churches. She was careful to instruct her daughters in 
these more humble departments of domestic duty; for 
she thought nothing too humble to learn which was 
useful.'* 

With all her high qualifications, Isabella would have 
been still unequal to the achievement of her grand 
designs, without possessing a degree of fortitude rare 
in either sex ; not the courage which implies contempt 
of personal danger, — though of this she had a larger 

ss> Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, torn. vii. p. 411. — Mem. de la Acad, 
de Hist., torn. vi. p. 29. 

53 L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 182. — " Pronunciaba con 
primor el latin, y era tan habil en la prosodia, que si erraban algun 
acento, luego le corregia." Idem, apud Florez, Reynas Cathdlicas, 
tom. ii. p. 834. 

54 If we are to believe Florez, the king wore no shirt but of the 
queen's making: " Preciabase de no haverse puesto su marido camisa, 
que ella no huviesse hilado y cosido." (Reynas Catholicas, tom. ii. 
p. 832.) If this be taken literally, his wardrobe, considering the mul- 
titude of her avocations, must have been indifferently furnished. 






198 ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA. 






share than falls to most men;** nor that which sup- 
ports its possessor under the extremities of bodily pain, 
— though of this she gave ample evidence, since she 
endured the greatest suffering her sex is called to bear, 
without a groan ; ** but that moral courage which sus- 
tains the spirit in the dark hour of adversity, and, 
gathering light from within to dispel the darkness, im- 
parts its own cheering influence to all around. This 
was shown remarkably in the stormy season which ush- 
ered in her accession, as well as through the whole of 
the Moorish war. It was her voice that decided never 
to abandon Alhama.*' Her remonstrances compelled 
the king and nobles to return to the field, when they 
had quitted it after an ineffectual campaign. As dan- 
gers and difficulties multiplied, she multiplied resources 
to meet them; and, when her soldiers lay drooying 
under the evils of some protracted siege, she appeared 
in the midst, mounted on her war-horse, with her deli- 
cate limbs cased in knightly mail,'^and, riding through 

ss Among many evidences of this, what other need be given than 
her conduct at the famous riot at Segovia ? Part I. chapter 6, of this 
History. 

56 Pulgar, Reyes Cat61icos, part, i, cap. 4. — "No fue la Reyna," 
says L. Marineo, " de animo menos fuerte para sufrir los dolores cor- 
porales. Porque como yo fuy informado de las duenas que le Servian 
en la camara, ni en los dolores que padescia de sus enfermidades, ni 
en los del parto (que as cosa de grande admiracion) nunca la vieron 
quexarse ; antes con increyble y maravillosa fortaleza los suffria y dis- 
simulava." (Cosas memorablcs, fol. 186.) To the same effect writes 
the anonymous author of the " Carro de las Donas," apud Mem. de 
la Acad, de Hist., torn. vi. p. 559. 

57 " Era firme en sus prop6sitos, de los quales se retraia con gran 
dificultad." Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, part, i, cap. 4. 

58 The reader may refresh his recollection of Tasso's graceful 
sketch of Erminia in similar warlike panoply : 



HER CHARACTER. 



199 



their ranks, breathed new courage into their hearts by 
her own intrepid bearing. To her personal efforts, 
indeed, as well as counsels, the success of this glorious 
war may be mainly imputed; and the unsuspicious 
testimony of the Venetian minister, Navagiero, a few 
years later, shows that the nation so considered it. 
"Queen Isabel," says he, "by her singular genius, 
masculine strength of mind, and other virtues most 
unusual in our own sex as well as hers, was not merely 
of great assistance in, but the chief cause of, the con- 
quest of Granada. She was, indeed, a most rare and 
virtuous lady, one of whom the Spaniards talk far more 
than of the king, sagacious as he was and uncommon 
for his time."* 

Happily, these masculine qualities in Isabella did 
not extinguish the softer ones which constitute the 
charm of her sex. Her heart overflowed with affec- 
tionate sensibility to her family and friends. She 
watched over the declining days of her aged mother, 
and ministered to her sad infirmities with all the deli- 
cacy of filial tenderness.** We have seen abundant 



" Col durissimo acciar preme ed oiTende 
II delicate collo e 1' aurea chioma ; 
E la tenera man lo sciido prende 
Pur troppo grave e insopportabil soma. 
Cosl tutta di ferro intorno splende, 
£ ill atto militar se stessa donia." 

Gerusalemme Liberata, canto 6, stanza 9a. 
59 Viaggio, fol. 27. 

*° We find one of the first articles in the marriage treaty with Fer- 
dinand enjoining him to cherish and treat her mother with all rever- 
ence, and to provide suitably for her royal maintenance. (Mem. de 
la Acad, de Hist., torn. vi. Apend. no. i.) The author of the " Carre 
de las Dofias" thus notices her tender devotedness to her parent at a 
late period : " Y eslo me dljo quien lo vido por sus proprios ojos, 



v. 



i '< 



: 



■J, l« 



aoo ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA, 

proofs how fondly and faithfully she loved her husband 
to the last," though this love was not always as fiiith< 
fully requited.*" For her children she lived more than 
for herself; and for them too she died, for it was their 
loss and their afflictions which froze the current of her 
blood before age had time to chill it. Her exalted 
state did not remove her above the sympathies of 
friendship.*' With her friends she forgot the usual 

que la Reyna Dofta Isabel, nuestra seRora, cuando estaba alii en Are- 
valo visitando a su madre, ella mlsma por su persona servia a su misma 
madre. E aqui tomcn ejemplo los hijos como han de servir a sua 
padres, pues unm Reina tan poderosa y en negocios tan arduos puesta, 
todos los mas de los aAos (pues to todo aparte y pospuesto) iba a 
visitar a su madre y la servia humilmente." Viaggio, p. 557. 

<i Among other little tokens of mutual affection, it may be men- 
tioned that not only the public coin, but their furniture, books, and 
other articles of personal property, were stamped with their initials, F 
& I, or emblazoned with their devices, his being a yoke, and hers a 
sheaf of arrows. (Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. x, quinc. 2, dial. 
3.) It was common, says Oviedo, for each party to take a device 
whose initial corresponded with that of the name of the other ; as was 
the case here, ^\^jugo and^echas. 

^ Marineo thus speaks of the queen's discreet and most amiable 
conduct in these delicate matters: "Amava en tanta manera al 
Rey su marido, que andava sobre aviso con celos a ver si el amava a 
otras. Y si sentia que mirava a alguna dama o donzella de su casa 
con serial de amores, con mucha prudencia buscava medlos y maneras 
con que despedir aquella tal persona de su casa, con su mucha honrra 
y provecho." (Cosas memorables, fol. 182.) There was unfortu- 
nately too much cause for this uneasiness. See Part II. chapter 24, 
of this History. 

*3 The best beloved of her friends, probably, was the marchioness 
of Moya, who, seldom separated from her royal mistress through life, 
had the melancholy satisfaction of closing her eyes in death. Oviedo, 
who saw them frequently together, says that the queen never addressed 
this lady, even in later life, with any other than the endearing title of 
kija marquesa, " daughter marchioness." Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, 
quinc. i, dial. 23. 



HER CHARACTER. 



aoi 



distinctions of rank, sharing in their joys, visiting and 
consoling them in sorrow and sickness, and conde- 
scending in more than one instance to assume the 
office of executrix on their decease.** Her heart, in- 
» deed, was filled with benevolence to all mankind. In 
the most fiery heat of war, she was engaged in devising 
means for mitigating its horrors. She is said to have 
been the first to introduce the benevolent institution 
of camp hospitals; and we have seen, more than once, 
her lively solicitude to spare the effusion of blood even 
of her enemies. But it is needless to multiply exam- 
ples of this beautiful but familiar trait in her character.'* 
It is in these more amiable qualities of her sex that 
Isabella's superiority becomes most apparent over her 

^ As was the case with Cardenas, the comendador mayor, and the 
grand cardinal Mendoza, to whom, as we have already seen, she paid 
the kindest attentions during their last illness. While in this way she 
indulged the natural dictates of her heart, she was careful to render 
every outward mark of respect to the memory of those whose rank 
or services entitled them to such consideration. " Quando," says 
the author so often quoted, "quiera que fallescia alguno de los 
grandes de su reyno, o algun principe Christiano, luego embiavan 
varones sabios y religiosos para consolar a sus heredores y deudos. 
Y demas desto se vestian de ropas de luto en testimonio del dolor 
y sentimiento que hazian." L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 
i8s. 

4 Her humanity was shown in her attempts to mitigate the ferocious 
character of those national amusements, the bull-fights, the popu- 
larity of which throughout the country was too great, as she intimates 
in one of her letters, to admit of her abolishing them altogether. She 
was so much moved at the sanguinary issue of one of these combats, 
which she witnessed at Arevalo, says a content porary, that she devised 
a plan, by guarding the horns of the bulls, for preventing any serious 
injury to the men and horses ; and she never would attend another of 
these spectacles until this precaution had been adopted. Oviedo, 
Quincuagenas, MS. 

I* 



;"i hi 



202 ILLNESS AND DEATH Ol ISABELLA. 



m 



illustrious namesake, Elizabeth of England,** whose 
history presents some features parallel to her own. 
Both were disciplined in early life by the teachings of 
that stern nurse of wisdom, adversity. Both were 
made to experience the deepest humiliation at the 
hands of their nearest relative, who should have 
cherished and protected them. Both succeeded in 
establishing themselves on the throne after the most 
precarious vicissitudes. Each conducted her kingdom, 
through a long and triumphant reign, to a height of 
glory which it had never before reached. Both lived 
to see the vanity of all earthly grandeur, and to fall the 
victims of an inconsolable melancholy; and both left 
behind an illustrious name, unrivalled in the subsequent 
annals of their country. 

But with these few circumstances of their history the 
resemblance ceases. Their characters afford scarcely 
a point of contact. Elizabeth, inheriting a large share 
of the bold and bluff King Harry's temperament, was 
haughty, arrogant, coarse, and irascible; while with 
these fiercer qualities she mingled deep dissimulation 
and strange irresolution. Isabella, on the other hand, 
tempered the dignity of royal station with the most 
bland and courteous manners. Once resolved, she was 
constant in her purposes, and her conduct in public and 
private life was characterized by candor and integrity. 
Both may be said to have shown that magnanimity 
which is implied by the accomplishment of great ob- 
jects in the face of great obstacles. But Elizabeth was 
desperately selfish ; she was incapable of forgiving, not 

« Isabel, the name of the Catholic queen, is correctly rendered into 
English by that of Elizabeth. 



HER CHARACTER. 



203 



merely a real injury, but the slightest affront to her 
vanity; and she was merciless in exacting retribution. 
Isabella, on the other hand, lived only for others, — 
was ready at all times to sacrifice self to considerations 
of public duty, and, far from personal resentments, 
showed the greatest condescension and kindness to 
those who had most sensibly injured her; while her 
benevolent heart sought every means to mitigate the 
authorized severities of the law, even towards the 
guilty.*' 

Both possessed rare fortitude. Isabella, indeed, was 
placed in situations which demanded more frequent 
and higher displays of it than her rival; but no one 
will doubt a full measure of this quality in the daughter 
of Henry the Eighth. Elizabeth was better educated, 
and every way more highly accomplished, than Isabella. 
But the latter knew enough to maintain her station 
with dignity ; and she encouraged learning by a munifi- 
cent patronage.*^ The masculine powers and passions 
of Elizabeth seemed to divorce her in a great measure 
from the peculiar attributes of her sex ; at least from 
those which constitute its peculiar charm ; for she had 

67 She gave evidence of this in the commutation of the sentence she 
obtained for the wretch who stabbed her husband, and whom her fero- 
cious nobles would have put to death without the opportunity of con- 
fession and absolution, that " his soul might perish with his body \" 
(See her letter to Talavera.) She showed this merciful temper, so 
rare in that rough age, by dispensing altogether with the preliminary 
barbarities sometimes prescribed by the law in capital executions. 
Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., torn. vi. Ilust. 13. 

*8 Hume admits that, "unhappily for literature, at least for the 
learned of this age. Queen Elizabeth's vanity lay more in shining by 
her own learning than in encouraging men of genius by her liber- 
ality." 



304 



ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA. 



I 



11 






1 



abundance of its foibles, — a coquetry and love of ad- 
miration which age could not chill; a levity, most 
careless, if not criminal ;** and a fondness for dress 
and tawdry magnificence of ornament, which was 
ridiculous, or disgusting, according to the different 
periods of life in which it was indulged.'" Isabella, 
on the other hand, distinguished through life for deco- 
rum of manners, and purity beyond the breath of cal- 
umny, was coiitent with the legitimate affection which 
she could inspire within the range of her domestic 
circle. Far from a frivolous affectation of ornament 
or dress, she was most simple in her own attire, and 
seemed to set no value on her jewels but as they could 
serve the necessities of the state ; '* when they could 

*9 Which of the two, the reader of the records of those times may 
be somewhat puzzled to determine. — If one need be convinced how 
many faces history can wear, and how difficult it is to get at the true 
one. he has only to compare Dr. Lingard's account of this reign with 
Mr. Turner's, Much obliquity was to be expected, indeed, from the 
avowed apologist of a persecuted party, like the former writer. But 
it attaches, I fear, to the latter in more than one instance, — as in the 
reign of Richard III., for example. Does it proceed from the desire 
of saying something new on a beaten topic, where the new cannot 
always be true ? Or, as is most probable, from that confiding benevo- 
lence which throws somewhat of its own light over the darkest shades 
of human character ? The unprejudiced reader may perhaps agree 
that the balance of this great queen's good and bad qualities is held 
with a more steady and impartial hand by Mr. Hallam than any pre- 
ceding writer. 

70 The unsuspicious testimony of her godson, Harrington, places 
these foibles in the most ludicrous light. If the well-known story, re- 
peated by historians, of the three thousand dresses left in her wardrobe 
at her decease, be true, or near truth, it affords a singular contrast 
with Isabella's taste in these matters. 

7' The reader will remember how effectually they answered this pur- 
pose in the Moorish war. See Part I. chapter 14, of this History. 



HER CHARACTER. 



aos 



be no longer useful in this way, she gave them away, 
as we have seen, to her friends. 

Both were uncommonly sagacious in the selection 
of their ministers ; though Elizabeth was drawn into 
some errors in this particular by her levity,'" as was 
Isabella by religious feeling. It was this, combined 
with her excessive humility, which led to the onlv 
grave errors in the administration of the latter. Her 
rival fell into no such errors; and she was a stranger 
to the amiable qualities which led to them. Her con- 
duct was certainly not controlled by religious prin- 
ciple ; and, though the bulwark of the Protestant faith, 
it might be difficult to say whether she were at heart 
most a Protestant or a Catholic. She viewed religion 
in its connection with the state, — in other words, with 
herself; and she took measures for enforcing con- 
formity to her own views, not a whit less despotic, and 
scarcely less sanguinary, than those countenanced for 
conscience' sake by her more bigoted rival." 

This feature of bigotry, which has thrown a shade 

7" It is scarcely necessary to mention the names of Hatton and 
Leicester, both recommended to the first offices in the state chiefly by 
their personal attractions, and the latter of whom continued to main- 
tain the highest place in his sovereign's favor for thirty years or more, 
despite his total destitution of moral worth. 

73 Queen Elizabeth, indeed, in a declaration to her people, pro- 
claims, " We know not, nor have any meaning to allow, that any of 
our subjects should be molested, either by examination or inquisition, 
in any matter of faith, as long as they shall profess the Christian 
faith." (Turner's Elizabeth, vol. ii. p. 241, note.) One is reminded 
of Parson Thwackum's definition in " Tom Jones :" " When 1 mention 
religion, I mean the Christian religion; and not only the Christian 
religion, but the Protestant religion ; and not only the Protestant re- 
ligion, but the church of England." It would be difficult to say which 
fared worst, Puritans or Catholics, under this system of toleration. 






II 



II 
i If; 



m 



.V 



! 11 ' 






306 ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA. 

over Isabella's otherwise beautiful character, might lead 
to a disparagement of her intellectual power compared 
with that of the English queen. To estimate this 
aright, we must contemplate the results of their respec - 
ive reigns. Elizabeth found all the materials of pros- 
perity at hand, and availed herself of them most ably 
to build up a solid fabric of national grandeur. Isa- 
bella created these materials. She saw the faculties of 
her people locked up in a deathlike lethargy, and she 
breathed into them the breath of life for those great 
and heroic enterprises which terminated in such 
glorious consequences to the monarchy. It is when 
viewed from the depressed position of her early days 
that the achievements of her reign seem scarcely less 
than miraculous. The masculine genius of the Eng- 
lish queen stands out relieved beyond its natural di- 
mensions by its separation from the softer qualities of 
her sex ; while her rival's, like some vast but symmet- 
rical edifice, loses in appearance somewhat of its actual 
grandeur from the perfect harmony of its proportions. 
The circumstances of their deaths, which were 
somewhat similar, displayed the great dissimilarity of 
their characters. Both pined amidst their royal state, 
a prey to incurable despondency, rather than any 
marked bodily distemper. In Elizabeth it sprung from 
wounded vanity, a sullen conviction that she had out- 
lived the admiration on which she had so long fed, — 
and even the solace of friendship and the attachment 
of her subjects. Nor did she seek consolation where 
alone it was to be found, in that sad hour. Isabella, 
on the other hand, sank under a too acute sensibility 
to the sufferings of others. But, amidst the gloom 



fl 



HER CHARACTER. 



207 



which gathered around her, she looked with the eye 
of faith to the brighter prospects wliich unfolded of 
the future; and, when she resigned her List breath, it 
was amidst the tears and universal lamentations of her 
people. 

It is in this undying, unabated attachment of the 
nation, indeed, that we see the most unequivocal tes- 
timony to the virtues of Isabella. In the downward 
progress of things in Spain, some of the most ill-advised 
measures of her administration have found favor and 
been perpetuated, while the more salutary have been 
forgotten. This may lead to a misconception of 
her real merits. In order to estimate these, we must 
listen to the voice of her contemporaries, the eyewit- 
nesses of the condition in which she found the state, 
and in which she left it. We shall then see but one 
judgment formed of her, whether by foreigners or 
natives. The French and Italian writers equally join 
in celebrating the triumphant glories of her reign, and 
her magnanimity, wisdom, and purity of character.'* 

74 " Quum generosi," says Paolo Giovio, speaking of her, " pruden- 
tisque animi magnitudine, turn pudicitiae et pietatis laude antiquis 
heroidibus comparanda." (Vitae Illust. Viroruin, p. 205.) Guicciar- 
dini eulogizes her as " Donna di onestissimi costumi, e in concetto 
grandissimo nei Regni suoi di magnanimity e prudenza." (Istoria, lib. 
6.) The loyal serviteur notices her death in the following chivalrous 
strain : " L'an 1506, une des plus triumphantes et glorieuses dames 
qui puis mille ans ait este sur terre alia de vie a trespas ; ce fut la royne 
Ysabel de Castille, qui ayda, le bras arm6, h. conquester le royaulnie 
de Grenade sur les Mores. Je veux bien asseurer au;: lecteurs 
de ceste presente hystoire, que sa vie a este telle, qu'elle a bien m6rit6 
couronne de laurier apr^s sa mort." Memoires de Bayard, chap. 26. 
—See also Comines, Memoires, chap. 23.— Navagiero, Viaggio, fol. 
27. — et al. auct. 



208 ILLNESS AND DEATH OF ISABELLA. 



Her own subjects extol her as "the most brilliant 
exemplar of every virtue," and mourn over the day of 
her death as ** the last of the prosperity and happiness 
of their country ;"'S while those who had nearer access 
to her person are unbounded in their admiration of 
those amiable qualities whose full power is revealed 
only in the unrestrained intimacies of domestic life.'* 
The judgment of posterity has ratified the sentence of 
her own age. The most enlightened Spaniards of the 
present day, by no means insensible to the errors of 
her government, but more capable of appreciating its 
merits than those of a less instructed age, bear honor- 
able testimony to her deserts ; and, while they pass 
over the bloated magnificence of succeeding monarchs, 
who arrest the popular eye, dwell with enthusiasm on 
Isabella's character, as the most truly great in their 
line of princes." 

7S I borrow the words of one contemporary : " Quo quidem die 
omnis Hispanise felicitas, omne decus, omnium virtutum pulcherri- 
mum specimen interiit;" (L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, lib. 21,)^ 
and the sentiments of all. 

7* If the reader needs further testimony of this, he will find abun- 
dance collected by the indefatigable Clemencin, in the 21st Uust. of 
the Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., torn. vi. 

77 It would be easy to cite the authority over and over again of such 
writers as Marina, Sempere, Llorente, Navarrete, Quintana, and others, 
who have done such honor to the literature of Spain in the present 
century. It will be sufficient, however, to advert to the remarkable 
tribute paid to Isabella's character by the Royal Spanish Academy of 
History, who in 1805 appointed their late secretary, Clemencin, to 
deliver a eulogy on that illustrious theme, and who raised a still 
nobler monument to her memory, by the publication, in 1821, of the 
various documents compiled by him for the illustration of her reign, 
as a separate volume of their valuable Memoirs.* 

* [The glowing picture here presented of Isabella's character has, it 
must be confessed, something of an ideal aspect, owing perhaps to a 



HER CHARACTER. 



309 



lack of those strong and exr -essive touches which stamp a likeness as 
authentic even when otl... evidence is wanting. It is, howe er, the 
portrait bequeathed to us by her contemporaries ; and recent investi- 
gation has brought nothing to light that calls for its rejection. Ber- 
genroth, it is true, has endeavored to reverse the common opinion, 
depicting Isabella not only as bigoted and tyrannical, but also as un- 
truthful and hypocritical. But in support of this view he adds little 
to the well-known facts of her history, except the distorted medium 
through which he examines them. Even the meagre evidence he 
adduces from the results of his own discoveries would bear in some 
instances a construction the very opposite of that which he puts upon 
it. Citing a long letter addressed by the Catholic Queen to Henry 
VII. of England, under date of September 15, 1496, he thus refers to 
the strong professions it contains of a desire for peace : " No words can 
be more becoming a great and pious Queen. It is to be regretted that 
in the same letter she urged the King of England to declare war 
upon France, and thereby to render the bloodshed and slaughter more 
general than it was." (Letters, Despatches, and State Papers, vol. i., 
Introduction.) Now, the argument of the letter is, that the war under- 
taken by the French king for the conquest of Italy was one of mere 
aggression, that he had not himself been assailed or menaced by other 
powers, and that it was a matter of common interest that he should be 
restrained from putting his designs into execution. England is invited 
to join the league against him, not, as Bergenroth puts it, in order " to 
render the bloodshed and slaughter more general," but as the most 
effectual means of re-establishing general tranquillity. " It is certain," 
says this letter, — which its German critic, had he lived a few years 
longer, would probably have commented upon in a different spirit, — 
" that there is nothing which would sooner put a stop to his avarice, 
abate his pride, compel him to desire peace, and to be content with his 
own, leaving to others what is not his." Other points raised by the 
same inquirer are noticed elsewhere. The conclusions are in general 
so strained, and the arguments often so puerile, that the only doubt 
we can feel is whether to ascribe them to a want of critical power or 
to a strong bias perverting its exercise. In either case the defect is 
remarkable in a mind which was otherwise admirably fitted for the 
work of historical investigation. — Ed.] 



Vol. III.— 14. 



I* 



CHAPTER XVII. 

FERDINAND REGENT. — HIS SECOND MARRIAGE. — DISSEN- 
SIONS WITH PHILIP. — ^RESIGNATION OF THE REGENCY. 

I504-Z506. 

Ferdinand Regent. — Philip's Pretensions. — Ferdinand's Perplexities. 
— Impolitic Treaty with France. — ^The King's second Marriage. — 
Landing of Philip and Joanna. — Unpopularity of Ferdinand. — His 
Interview with his Son-in-law. — He resigns the Regency. 

The death of Isabella gives a new complexion to our 
history, a principal object of which has been the illus- 
tration of her personal character and public adminis- 
tration. The latter part of the narrative, it is true, 
has been chiefly occupied with the foreign relations of 
Spain, in which her interference has been less obvious 
than in the domestic. But still we have been made 
conscious of her presence and parental supervision, by 
the maintenance of order and the general prosperity 
of the nation. Her death will make us more sensible 
of this influence, since it was the signal for disorders 
which even the genius and authority of Ferdinand were 
unable to suppress. 

While the queen's remains were yet scarcely cold, 
King Ferdinand took the usual measures for announc- 
ing the succession. He resigned the crown of Castile, 
which he had worn with so much glory for thirty years. 
From a platform raised in the great square of Toledo, 
the heralds proclaimed, with sound of trumpet, the 
(210) 



FERDINAND RESIGNS TO PHILIP. 



311 



accession of Philip and Joanna to the Castilian throne, 
and the royal standard was unfurled by the duke of 
Alva in honor of the illustrious pair. The king of 
Aragon then publicly assumed the title of adminis- 
trator or governor of Castile, as provided by the 
queen's testament, and received the obeisance of such 
of the nobles as were present, in his new capacity. 
These proceedings took place on the evening of the 
same day on which the queen expired.* 

A circular letter was next addressed to the principal 
cities, requiring them, after the customary celebration 
of the obsequies of their late sovereign, to raise the 
royal banners in the name of Joanna ; and writs were 
immediately issued in her name, without mention of 
Philip's, for the convocation of a cortes to ratify these 
proceedings.' 

The assembly met at Toro, January i ith, 1505. The 
queen's will, or rather that portion of it which related to 
the succession, was read aloud, and received the entire 
approbation of the commons, who, together with the 
grandees and prelates present, took the oaths of alle- 
giance to Joanna as queen and lady proprietor, and to 
Philip as her husband. They then determined that the 



* Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 52. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., 
epist. 279. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. ii. lib. 20, cap. 1. — Carbajal, 
Anales, MS., afio 1504. — Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., torn. i. 
p. 9. — " Sapientia; alii," says Martyr, in allusion to those prompt pro- 
ceedings, " et summse bonitati adscribunt ; alii, rem novam admirati, 
regem incusant, remque arguunt non debuisse fieri." Ubi supra. 

» Philip's name was omitted, as being a foreigner, until he should 
have taken the customary oath to rejpect the laws of the realm, and 
especially to confer office on none but native Castilians. Zurita, Anales^ 
torn. V. lib. S.cap. 84. 



aia 



THE REGENCY OF FERDINAND. 



exigency contemplated in the testament, of Joanna's 
incapacity, actually existed,' and proceeded to tender 
their homage to King Ferdinand, as the lawful governor 
of the realm in her name. The latter in turn made 
the customary oath to respect the laws and liberties 
of the kingdom, and the whole was terminated by an 
embassy from the cortes, with a written account of its 
proceedings, to their new sovereigns in Flanders.* 

All seemed now done that was demanded for giving 
a constitutional sanction to Ferdinand's authority as 
regent. By the written law of the land, the sovereign 
was empowered to nominate a regency in case of the 
minority or incapacity of the heir apparent.' This 
had been done in the present instance by Isabella, 
at the earnest solicitation of the cortes, made two 
years previously to her death. It had received the 
cordial approbation of that body, which had undeni- 
able authority to control such testamentary provisions.* 
Thus, from the first to the last stage of the proceeding, 
the whole had gone on with a scrupulous attention to 

3 The maternal tenderness and delicacy, which had led Isabella to 
allude to her daughter's infirmity only in very general terms, are well 
remarked by the cortes. See the copy of the original act in Zurita, 
torn. vi. lib. 6, cap. 4. 

4 Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap, 15, sec. 2. — Zurita, 
Anales, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 3. — Marina, Teoria, part. 2, cap. 4. — 
Mariana, Hist, de Espafia, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap. 12. — Sandoval, Hist, 
del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i, p. 9. 

s Siete Partidas, part. 2, tit. 15, ley 3. — Guicciardini, with the igno- 
rance of the Spanish constitution natural enough in a foreigner, dis- 
putes the queen's right to make any such settlement. Istoria, lib. 7. 

• See the whole subject of the powers of cortes in this particular, 
as discussed very fully and satisfactorily by Marina, Teorfa, part. 2, 
cap. 13. 



HE RESIGNS TO PHILIP. 



«I3 



constitutional forms. Yet the authority of the new 
regent was far from being firmly seated; and it was 
the conviction of this which had led him to accelerate 
measures. 

Many of the nobles were extremely dissatisfied with 
the queen's settlement of the regency, which had taken 
air before her death ; and they had even gone so far 
as to send to Flanders before that event, and invite 
Philip to assume the government himself, as the natural 
guardian of his wife.' These discontented lords, if 
they did not refuse to join in the public acts of ac- 
knowledgment to Ferdinand at Toro, at least were not 
reserved in intimating their dissatisfaction.^ Among 
the most prom'nent were the marquis of Villena, who 
may be said to have been nursed to faction from the 
cradle, and the duke of Najara, both potent nobles, 
whose broad domains had been grievously clipped by 
the resumption of the crown lands so scrupulously 
enforced by the late government, and who looked for- 
ward to their speedy recovery under the careless rule 
of a young, inexperienced prince,- like Philip.' 

But the most efficient of his partisans was Don Juan 
Manuel, Ferdinand's ambassador at the court of Maxi- 
milian. This nobleman, descended from one of the 



I 



7 Bernaldez, Reyes Cat6Iicos, MS., cap. 203. — Abarca, Reyes de 
Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 15, sec. 3. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., 
epist. 274, 277. 

8 Zurita's assertion, that all the nobility present did homage to Fer- 
dinand (Anales, torn. vi. cap. 3), would seem to be contradicted by a 
subsequent passage. Comp. cap. 4. 

9 Isabella in her will particularly enjoins on her successors never to 
alienate or to restore the crown lands recovered from the marquisnte 
of Villena. Dormer, Discursos varios, p. 331. 



ai4 



THE REGENCY OF FERDINAND, 



most illustrious houses in Castile, was a person of un- 
common parts; restless and intriguing, plausible in his 
address, bold in his plans, but exceedingly cautious, 
and even cunning, in the execution of them. He had 
formerly insinuated himself into Philip's confidence, 
during his visit to Spain, and, on receiving news of the 
queen's death, hastened without delay to join him in 
the Netherlands. 

Through his means, an extensive correspondence was 
soon opened with the discontented Castilian lords;* 
and Philip was persuaded, not only to assert his pre- 
tensions to undivided supremacy in Castile, but to 
send a letter to his royal father-in-law, requiring him 
to resign the government at once, and retire into Ara- 
gon." The demand was treated with some contempt 

10 " Nor was it sufficient," says Dr. Robertson, in allusion to Philip's 
pretensions to the government, " to oppose to these just rights, and to 
the inclination of the people of Castile, the authority of a testament, 
the genuineness of which was perhaps doubtful, and its contents to him 
appeared certainly to be iniquitous." (History of the Reign of the 
Emperor Charles V. (London, 1796), vol. ii. p. 7,) But who ever 
intimated a doubt of its genuineness, before Dr. Robertson ? Cer- 
tainly no one living at that time ;f for the will was produced before 



* [Philip's immediate .".gent, in his communications with the Cas- 
tilian nobility, was his ir,aitre-d'h6tel, the Sire de Beyre, who was sent 
to Spain immediately on the receipt of the intelligence of Isabella's 
death, accredited openly to Ferdinand, and privately to each of the 
prelates and grandees. See Col. de Doc. indd. para la Hist, de 
Espatia, torn. viii. — Ed.] 

■j" [The doubt was intimated by Philip, at least, as appears from his 
instructions to an agent sent to Gonsalvo de Cordova. In this docu- 
ment Ferdinand is represented as unlawfully exercising the rights of 
sovereignty, " en se vantant en ce de certain testament de ladite 
feue royiie, lequel toutesfoiz ledit seigneur roy [Philip] n'a jamais peu 
voir, ne autre pour luy, par copie ne autrement, quclque requeste ou 



HE RESIGNS TO PHILIP. 



a«5 



by Ferdinand, who admonished him of his incompe- 
tency to govern a nation like the Spaniards, whom he 
understood so little, but urged him at the same time to 
present himself before them with his wife as soon as 
possible." 

cortes, by the royal secretary, in the session immediately following the 
queen's death ; and Zurita has preserved the address of that body, 
commenting on the part of its contents relating to the succession. 
(Anales, torn. vi. cap. 4.) Dr. Carbajal, a member of the royal council, 
who was present, as he expressly declares, at the approval of the 
testament, " a cuyo otorgamiento y aun ordenacion we hall^," has 
transcribed the whole of the document in his Annals, with the signa- 
tures of the notary and the seven distinguished persons who witnessed 
its execution. Dormer, the national historiographer of Aragon, has 
published the instrument, with the same minuteness, in his " Discursos 
varios," from authentic MSS. in his possession, " escrituras aut^nti- 
cas en mi poder." Where the original is now to be found, or whether 
it be in existence, I have no knowledge. The codicil, as we have 
seen, with the queen's signature, is still extant in the Royal Library at 
Madrid.* 
" Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. a8a. — Zurita, Anales, torn. 



poursuifc qu'il en ait faite ne fait faire. Parquoy appert clerement que 
ce n'est que abuz, combien que, quant ores il en eust quelque chose, 
que ce ne peut de riens avanchier ne prejudicier quant au droit dudit 
seigneur roy." Instructions to Jehann de Hesdin (unfinished cojjy 
without date), Le Glay, Negociations diplomatiqucs entre la France 
et I'Autriche, tom. i. There is a certified copy of the will in the 
Archives of Simancas. — ED.] 

* [Bergenroth makes the extraordinary statement that " in an addi- 
tional clause to her testament the Queen ordered, once again, and 
more explicitly, that her husband Ferdinand should be her immediate 
successor, without mentioning the conditions of her daughter's absence, 
unwillingness, or incapacity." (Letters, Despatches, and State Pajjers, 
Supplementary Volume, Introd., p. xxxii.) This is putting an absurd 
construction on a passage in which Philip and Juana are exhorted to 
treat Ferdinand with the reverence due to a father, to be governed by 
his counsels, etc., — advice which, however strongly worded, implies a 



U 1' 



9l6 



TI^£ REGENCY OF FERDINAND. 



Ferdinand's situation, however, was far from com- 
fortable. Philip's, or rather Manuel's, emissaries, were 
busily stirring up the embers of disaffection. They 
dwelt on the advantages to be gained from the free 
and lavish disposition of Philip, which they contrasted 
with the parsimonious temper of the stern old Catalan, 

vi. lib. 6, cap. i. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 53. — Mariana, Hist, 
de Espafia, torn. ii. lib. 28, cap. 12.* 



recognition, instead of a denial, of the rights of those to whom it was 
addressed. Nor is the case improved by a translation in which " ruego 
y mando" are rendered simply " order," and " obedientes y subjetos" 
"obedient subjects." In no part of her will does Isabella appoint 
Ferdinand her " successor," and in this particular clause he is not even 
appointed to administer the government, Juana's presence and capacity 
being assumed, though her ability, as well as that of her husband, is 
very naturally mistrusted. — Ed.] 

* [The extant letters and documents relating to the affair show that 
it was conducted, at this critical stage, with a greater degree of dis- 
simulation than would be inferred from the account given in the text 
and in the authorities cited in the note. We find Philip, for example, 
on the 28th of January, sending an autograph letter to his father-in- 
law full of professions of filial love and duty. Subsequently, indeed, 
both parties referred to their own demeanor at this period as proof of 
their amicable and disinterested intentions, Ferdinand professing to 
have always declared his purpose to retire from the government on the 
arrival of his daughter and son-in-law, and Philip asserting, in his own 
name and that of his wife, that they had from the first and contin- 
uously, by letters and embassies, offered entire obedience to Ferdi- 
nand, resolving to be governed in all things by his will and advice. The 
first public indication of the sti aggie secretly in preparation was a 
letter addressed to the cortes, on the 13th of April, in the joint names 
of Philip and Juana, commanding that body to suspend its proceed- 
ings until their arrival, when they would make such arrangements as 
were suitable, but still " con el consejo y parcscer del dicho Sefior 
Rey nuestro padre." Proclamations of a more decided character 
followed in September and October. See Col. de Doc. indd. para la 
Hist, dc Espana, tom. viii. — Ed.] 






\i 






u 



HE RESIGNS TO PHILIP. 



217 



who had so long held them under his yoke." Ferdi- 
nand, whose policy it had been to crush the overgrown 
power of the nobility, and who, as a foreigner, had 
none of the natural claims to loyalty enjoyed by his 
late queen, was extremely odious to that jealous and 
haughty body. The number of Philip's adherents 
increased in it every day, and soon comprehended the 
most considerable names in the kingdom. 

The king, who watched these symptoms of disaffec- 
tion with deep anxiety, said little, says Martyr, but 
coolly scrutinized the minds of those around him, dis- 
sembling as far as possible his own sentiments. '^ He 
received further and more unequivocal evidence, at 
this time, of the alienation of his son-in-law. An 
Aragonese gentleman, named Conchillos, whom he 
had placed near the person of his daughter, obtained 
a letter from her, in which she approved in the fullest 
manner of her father's retaining the administration of 
the kingdom. The letter was betrayed to Philip j the 
unfortunate secretary was seized and thrown into a 
dungeon, and Joanna was placed under a rigorous 
confinement, which much aggravated her malady.** 

«a " Existimantes," says Giovio, " sub florentissimo juvene rege 
aliquanto liberius atque licentius ipsorum potentia fruituros, quam 
sub austero et parum Uberali, ut aiebant, setie Catalano." Vitae Illust. 
Virorum, p. 277. 

«3 " Rex quaecunque versant atque ordiuntur, sentit, dissimulat et 
animos omnium tacitus scrutatur." Opus Epist., epist. 289. 

>4 Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 15, sec. 4. — La- 
nuza, Historias, torn. i. lib. i, cap. 18. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., 
epist. 286. — Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 8. — Oviedo, Quincua- 
genas, MS., bat. i, quinc. 3, dial. 9. — Oviedo had the story from a 
brother of Conchillos.* 



* [There is a minute account of the affair of Conchillos, confirmed 



3l8 



THE REGENCY OF FERDINAND. 



II 



With this affront, the king received also the alarm- 
ing intelligence that the emperor Maximilian and his 

in some particulars by documentary evidence, in Lorenzo de Padilla's 
Cronica de Felipe el Hermoso. J^o mention is there madeof Juana's 
being put under restraint, and, as her pregnancy was one cause of 
her husband's postponing their departure for Spain, it is scarcely 
probable that he would have added to the risks of her condition, 
and thuir imperilled his own prospects, by harsh treatment at such a 
time. Philip was then visiting his father at Treves, and during his 
absence Juana addressed a letter to Beyre which, besides appearing 
to contradict the statement of her having signed the letter in favor of 
her father, — of which, however, there can be no doubt, — is so remark- 
able for its statements in regard to herself that the literal translation 
which is here subjoined will not be thought out of place : 

" Brussels, 3d of May, 1505. 
"The Queen.^Monsieur de Beyre: I have not written to you 
before, for you know how unwillingly I write ; but since they think 
there [in Spain] that I am wanting in intellect {que tengofalta deseso), 
it is reasonable that I should defend myself somewhat, although I 
ought not to marvel that false testimony is brought against me, since 
it was brought against our Lord. But the thing being of such a char- 
acter, and reported maliciously at such a time, you will speak to my 
lord the king, my father, on my part, for those who publish it are 
acting not only against me, but also against his highness, since there 
are some who say he is not displeased at it, in order that he may 
govern our kingdoms ; which I do not believe, his highness being so 
great and so Catholic, and I his daughter so obedient. I know, 
indeed, that the king my lord [Philip], to justify himself, wrote 
thither [to Spain] complaining in some way of me ; but this should 
have been a matter between parents and children ; the more so, that 
if on any occasion I gave way to passion and said that I did not have 
the state which became my dignity, it is notorious that the cause was 
nothing but jealousy ; and I am not the only one in whom this passion 
has been seen, but the queen my lady, to whom God give glory, as 
excellent and select a person as any in the world {tan excelente y 
escogida persona en el mundo), was likewise jealous; but time cured 
her highness, as, with the pleasure of God, it will do me. I request 
and command you to speak to all the persons there whom you see it 
would be proper [to speak to about the matter], in order that those 



HE RESIGNS TO PHILIP. 



2T9 



son Philip were tampering with the fidelity of the Great 
Captain;* endeavoring to secure Naples in any event 
to the archduke, who claimed it as the appurtenance 
of Castile,,by whose armies its conquest, in fact, had 
been achieved. There were not wanting persons of 
high standing at Ferdinand's court to infuse suspi- 
cions, however unwarrantable, into the royal mind, 
of the loyalty of his viceroy, a Castilian by birth, who 
owed his elevation exclusively to the queen. ^' 

'5 Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, pp, 275-277. — Zurita, Anales, torn, 
vi. lib. 6, Oc. 5, 21. — UUoa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 25. — ^Abarca, Reyes 
de Arago:i * i". rey 30, cap. 15, sec. 3. 



whose intetkuuns are good may rejoice at the truth, and that those who 
have an evil desire may know that, without doubt, if I felt myself to 
be such as tliey wish, I would not fail to give up to my lord the king, 
my husband, the government of those kingdoms, and of all those in 
the world which are mine, nor would omit to give him all the powers 
that I could, as well for the love I bear him and what I know of his 
highness, as because I could not, conformably with reason, give to any 
other the government of his children and mine, and of all their pos- 
sessions, without doing what I ought not to do. I hope in God we 
shall very soon be there, where my good servants and subjects will see 
me with much pleasure." Col. de Doc. in^d. para la Hist, de 
Espafia, tom. viii. pp. 291-293. 

Had this letter, taken from the Archives of Simancas, been known 
to Bergenroth, whose views in regard to Juana there will be furthei 
occasion to notice, he would no doubt have adduced it as crowning 
evidence of her sanity and of the plots of which he considers her to 
have been the victim. — ED. 

* [If we may judge from the tone and tenor of a letter, dated 
Brussels, May 5th, 1505, in which Philip acknowledges a communica" 
tion from the Great Captain, containing information and advice, the 
first overtures would seem to have been made by Gousalvo himself, 
whose position, as the representative of Ferdinand, wa^ certainly very 
diflferent from that of the Castilian nobles in general. See Col. de 
Doc. in^d. para la Hist, de ILspai^a, tom. viii. — Ed.] 



320 



THE REGENCY OF FERDINAND. 



The king was still further a;nnoyed by reports of the 
intimate relations subsisting between his old enemy, 
Louis the Twelfth, and Philip, whose children were 
affianced to each other. The French mon^ch, it was 
said, was prepared to support his ally in an invasion of 
Castile, for the recovery of his rights, by a diversion 
in his favor on the side of Roussillon, as well as of 
Naples.^ 

The Catholic king felt Sorely perplexed by these 
multiplied embarrassments. During the brief period of 
bis regency, he had endeavored to recommend himself 
to the people by a strict and impartial administra- 
tion of the laws, and the maintenance of public order. 
The people, indeed, appreciated the value of a govern- 
ment under which they had been protected from the 
oppressions o^f the aristocracy more effectually than at 
any former period. They had testified their good will 
by the alacrity with which they confirmed Isabella's 
testamentary dispositions at Toro. But all this served 
only to sharpen the aversion of the nobles. Some of 
Ferdinand's counsellors would have persuaded him to 
carry measures with a higher hand. They urged him 
to reassume the title of King of Castile, which he had 
so long possessed as husband of the late queen \^ and 
others even advised him to assemble an a.rmed force, 
which should overawe all opposition to his authority at 
home, and secure the country from invasion. He had 

«< Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 290. — Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 94. 

17 The vice-chancellor, Alonso de la Caballeria, prepared an elabo- 
rate argument in support of Ferdinand's pretensions to the regal au- 
thority and title, less as husband of the late queen than as the lawful 
guardian and administrator of his daughter. See Zurita, Anales, torn, 
vi. cup. 14. 



HiE RESIGNS TO PHILIP^ 



231 



facilities for this in the disbanded levies lately returned 
from Italy,, as well as in a considerable body drawn 
ftom his native dominions of Aragon, awaiting bis 
orders on the frontier. '' Such violent measures, how- 
ever, were repugnant to his habitual policy, temperate 
and cautious. He shrunk from a contest, in which 
even success must bring unspeakable calamities on the 
country;;'* and, if he ever seriously entertained such 
views,"** he abandoned them, and employed his levies 
on another destination in Africa," His situation, 
however,, grew every hour more critical. Alarmed 
by rumors of Louis's military preparations, ipt which 
liberal supplies were voted by the states-general; trem- 
bling for the fate of his Italian possessions ;, deserted 
and betrayed by the great nobility at home; there 
seemed now no alternative left for him but to maintain 

'B Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 6, cap. 5, 15. — Lanuza, Historias, tom. 
i. libk I, cap. i|8. 

*9 Petei: Martyr,. Opus Epist., epist. 291.. 

90 Robertson, speaks with confidence of Ferdinand's intention to 
"oppose Philip's landing by force of arms "(History of Charles V., 
vol. ii. p. 13), an imputation which has brought a heavy judgment on 
the historian's head from the clever author of the " History of Spain 
and Portugal." (I,,ardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia.) "AH this," says the 
latter, " is at variance with both truth and probability ; nor does Fer- 
reras, the only authority cited for this unjust declamation, afford the 
slightest ground for it." (Vol. ii. p. 286, note.) Nevertheless, this is so 
stated by Ferreras (Hist. d'Espagne, tom. viil. p. 282), who is sup- 
ported by Mariana (Hist, de Espafia, tom. ii. lib. 28, cap. 16), and, in 
the most unequivocal manner, by Zurita (Anales, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 
21), a much higher authority than either. Martyr, it is true, whom 
Dr. Dunham does not appear to have consulted on this occasion, 
declares that the king had no design of resorting to force. See Opus 
Epist., epist. 291, 305. 

a' Bernaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. aoa.— Carbajal, Anales, 
MS., aflo 1505. 



)1 



222 



THE REGENCY OF FERDINAND. 



his ground by force, or to resign at once, as required 
by Philip, and retire into Aragon. This latter course 
appears never to have been contemplated by him. He 
resolved at all hazards to keep the reins in his own 
grasp, influenced in part, probably, by the conscious- 
ness of his rights, as well as by a sense of duty, which 
forbade him to resign the trust he had voluntarily 
assumed into such incompetent hands as those of 
Philip and his counsellors ; and partly, no doubt, by 
natural reluctance to relinquish the authority which he 
had enjoyed for so many years. To keep it, he had 
recourse to an expedient such as neither friend nor foe 
could have anticipated. 

He saw the only chance of maintaining his present 
position lay in detaching France from the interests of 
Philip, and securing her to himself. The great ob- 
stacle to this was their conflicting claims on Naples. 
This he purposed to obviate by proposals of mar- 
riage to some member of the royal family, in whose 
favor these claims, with the consent of King Louis, 
might be resigned. He accordingly despatched a con- 
fidential envoy privately into France, with ample 
instructions for arranging the preliminaries. This 
person was Juan de Enguera, a Catalan mouk of much 
repute for his learning, and a member of the royal 
council." 






" Before venturing on this step, it was currently reported that Fer- 
dinand had offered his hand, though unsuccessfully, to Joanna Bel- 
traneja, Isabella's unfortunate competitor for the crown of Castile, who 
still survived in Portugal. (Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 6, cap. 14. — 
Mariana, Hist, de Espafia, torn. ii. lib. a8, cap. 13. — et al.) The re- 
port originated, doubtless, in the malice of the Castilian nobles, who 
wished in this way to discredit the king still more with the people. It 



HE RESIGNS TO PlIiLIP. 



223 



Louis the Twelfth had viewed with much satisfaction 
the growing misunderstanding betwixt Philip and his 
father-in-law, and had cunningly used his influence 
over the young prince to foment it. He fe i s J 
deepest disquietude at the prospect of the enormous 
inheritance which was to devolve on the former, com- 
prehending Burgundy and Flanders, Austria, and prob- 
ably the Empire, together with the united crowns of 
Spain and their rich dependencies. By the proposed 
marriage, a dismemberment might be made at least of 
the Spanish monarchy; and the kingdoms of Castile 
and Aragon, passing under diflFerent sceptres, might 
serve, as they had formerly done, to neutralize each 
other. It was true, this would involve a rupture with 
Philip, to whose son his own daughter was promised 
in marriage. But this match, extremely distasteful to 



received, perhaps, some degree of credit from a silly story, in circula- 
tion, of a testament of Henry IV. having lately come into Ferdinand's 
possession, avowing Joanna to be his legitimate daughter. See Car- 
bajal (Anales, MS., aiio 1474), the only authority for this last rumor. 
Robertson has given incautious credence to the first story, which 
has brought Dr. Dunham's iron flail somewhat unmercifully on his 
shoulders again ; yet his easy faith in the matter may find some pal- 
liation, at least sufficient to screen him from the charge of wilful mis- 
statement, in the fact that Clemencin, a native historian, nnd a most 
patient and fair inquirer after truth, has come to the same conclusion. 
(Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., torn, vi. Ilust. 19.) Both writers rely on 
the authority of Sandoval, an historian of the latter half of the six- 
teenth century, whose naked assertion cannot be permitted to coun- 
terbalance the strong testimony afforded by the silence of contempo- 
raries and the general discredit of succeeding writers. (Hist, del Emp. 
Carlos v., tom. i. p. 10.) — Sismondl. not content with this first offer 
of King Ferdinand, makes him afterwards propose for a daughter of 
King Emanuel, or, in other words, bis own granddaughter I Hist, des 
Fran9ais, tom. xv. chap. 30. 



234 



THE REGENCY OF FERDINAND. 



I 
II 'I 



IF , 



his subjects, gradually became so to Lou ., as every 
way prejudicial to the interests of France.'' 

Without much delay, therefore, preliminaries were 
arranged with the Aragonese envoy, and immediately 
after, in the month of August, the count of Cifuentes, 
and Thomas Malferit, regent of the royal chancery, 
were publicly sent as plenipotentiaries on the part of 
King Ferdinand, to conclude and execute the treaty. 

It was agreed, as the basis of the alliance, that the 
Catholic king should be married to Germaine, daughter 
of Jean, de Foix, viscount of Narbonne, and of one of 
the sisters of Louis the Twelfth, and granddaughter to 
Leonora, queen of Navarre, — that guilty sister of King 
Ferdinand whose fate is recorded in the earlier part of 
our History. The princess Germaine, it will be seen,, 
therefore, -was nearly related to both the contracting 
parties. She was at this time eighteen years of age, 
and very beautiful. *♦ She had been educated in the 
palace of her royal' uncle, where she had imbibed the 
free and volatile manners of his gay, luxurious court. 
To this lady Louis the Twelfth consented to resign his 
claims on Naples, to be secured by way of dowry to 
her and her heirs, male or female, in perpetuity. In 

^ Fleurange, Mdmoires, chap. 15. — Seyssel, Hist de Louys XII., 
pp. 323-229. 

"♦ Aleson, Annales de Navanu, torn. v. lib. 35, cap. 7, sec. 4. — 
Gromez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 56. — Salazar de Mendoza, Monarquia, 
torn. I. p. 410. — " Laquelle," says Fleurange, who had doubtless often 
seen the princess, " ^toit bonne et fort belle princesse, du moins elle 
n'avoit point perdu son embonpoint." (Memoires, chap. 19.) It 
would be strange if she had at the age of eighteen. Varillas gets over 
the discrepancy of age between the parties very well, by making Fer- 
dinand's at this time only thirty-seven years I Hist, de Louis XII., 
torn. i. p. 457. 



HB RESIGNS TO PHILIP. 



235 



case of her decease witbon*- issue, the moiety of the 
kingdom recognized as b uy the partition treaty with 
Spain was to revert to him. It was further agreed 
that Ferdinand should reimburse Louis the Twelfth 
for the expenses of the Neapolitan war, by the pay- 
ment of one million of gold ducats, in ten yearly instal- 
ments ; and, lastly, that a complete amnesty should 
be granted by him to the lords of the Angevin or 
French party in Naples, who should receive full resti- 
tution of their confiscated honors and estates. A 
mutual treaty of alliance and commerce was to subsist 
henceforth between France and Spain j and the two 
monarchs, holding one another, to quote the words of 
the instrument, "as two souls in one and the same 
body," pledged themselves to the maintenance and 
defence of their respective rights and kingdoms against 
every other power whatever* This treaty was signed 
by the French king at Blois, October 13th, 1505, and 
ratified by Ferdinand the Catholic, at Segovia» on the 
)6th of the same month. ^ 

Such were the disgraceful and most impolitic terms 
of this compact, by which Ferdinand, in order to 
secure the brief possession of a barren authority, and 
perhaps to gratify some unworthy feelings of revenge, 
was content to barter away all those solid advantages, 
flowing from the union of the Spanish monarchic.., 
which had been the great and wise object of his own 
and Isabella's policy. For, in the event of male issue, 
— and that he would have issue was by no means 
improbable, considerirtg he was not yet fifty-four years 
of age, — Aragon and its dependencies must be totally 

»S Dumont, Corps diplomatique, torn. iv. no, 40, pp, 72-74, 
Vol. III. -IS K* 



826 



THE REGENCY OF FERDINAND. 



"I 



I f. 



severed from Castile.'' In the other alternative, the 
splendid Italian conquests, which after such cost of toil 
and treasure he had finally secured to himself, must be 
shared with his unsuccessful competitor. In any event, 
he had pledged himself to such an indemnification of 
the Angevin faction in Naples as must create inextri- 
cable embarrassment, and inflict great injury on his 
loyal partisans, into whose hands their estates had 
already passed. And last, though not least, he dis- 
honored by this unsuitable and precipitate alliance 
his late illustrious queen, the memory of whose tran- 
scendent excellence, if it had faded in any degree from 
his own breast, was too deeply seated in those of her 
subjects to allow them to look on the present union 
otherwise than as a national indignity. 

So, indeed, they did regard it ; although the people 
of Aragon, in whom late events had rekindled their 
ancient jealousy of Castile, viewed the match with 
more complacency, as likely to restore them to that 
political importance which had been somewhat impaired 
by the union with their more powerful neighbor.'' 

The European nations could not comprehend an 
arrangement so irreconcilable with the usual sagacious 
policy of the Catholic king. The petty Italian powers, 
which, since the introduction of France and Spain into 

«• These dependencies did not embrace, however, the half of Gra- 
nada and the West Indies, as supposed by Gaillard, who gravely 
assures us that"les ^tats conquis par Ferdinand ^toient conqufites 
de communaut^, dont la moitid appartenoit au mari, et la moiti^ aux 
enfans." (Rivalit^. torn. iv. p. 306.) Sifch are the gross misconcep- 
tions of fact on which this writer's speculations rest ! 

»7 Zurita, Anales, torn, vi, lib. 6, cap. 19. — Mariana, Hist, de Espafi.i, 
torn, ii. lib. 28, cap. 16. 



HE RESIGNS TO PHILIP. 



327 



their political system, were controlled by them more 
or less in all their movements, viewed this sinister con- 
junction as auspicious of no good to their interests or 
independence. As for the archduke Philip, he could 
scarcely credit the possibility of this desperate act, 
which struck off at a blow so rich a portion of his 
inheritance. He soon received confirmation, however, 
of its truth, by a prohibition from Louis the Twelfth 
to attempt a passage through his dominions into Spain 
until he should come to some amicable understanding 
with his father-in-law.* 

Philip, or rather Manuel, who exercised unbounded 
influence over his counsels, saw the necessity now of 
temporizing. The correspondence was resumed with 
Ferdinand, and an arrangement was at length con- 
cluded between the parties, known as the concord of 
Salamanca, November 24th, 1505. The substance of 
it was, that Castile should be governed in the joint 
names of Ferdinand, Philip, and Joanna, but that the 
first should be entitled, as his share, to one-half of the 



■* Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 15, sec. 8. — Zurita, 
Anales, torn. vi. lib. 6, cap. 21. — Guicciardini, Istoria, lib. 7. He re- 
ceived much more unequivocal intimation in a letter from Ferdi- 
nand, curious as showmg that the latter sensibly felt the nature and 
extent of the sacrifices he was making. " You," says he to Philip, 
" by lending yourself to be the easy dupe of France, have driven me 
most reluctantly into a second marriage; have stripped me of the fair 
fruits of my Neapolitan conquests," etc. He concludes with this 
appeal to him : " Sit satis, fill, pervagatum ; redi in te, si filius, non 
hostis accesseris ; his non obstantibus, mi filius, amplexabere. Magna 
est paternse vis naturae." Philip may have thought his father-in-law's 
late conduct an indifferent commentary on the " paternae vis naturae." 
See the king's letter quoted by Peter Martyr in his correspondence 
with the count of Tendilla, Opus Epist., epist. 293. 



3a8 



THE REGENCY OF FERDINAND. 



public revenue. This treaty, executed in good faith 
by the Catholic king, was only intended by Philip to 
lull the suspicions of the former until he could effect 
a landing in the kingdom, where, he confidently 
believed, nothing but his presence was wanting to 
insure success. He completed the perfidious proceed- 
ing by sending an epistle, well garnished with soft and 
honeyed phrases, to his royal father-in-law. These 
artifices had their effect, and completely imposed, not 
only on Louis, but on the more shrewd and suspicious 
Ferdinand.** 

On the 8th of January, 1506, Philip and Joanna 
embarked on board a splendid and numerous armada, 
and set sail from a port in Zealand. A furious tem- 
pest scattered the fleet soon after leaving the harbor ; 
Philip's ship, which took fire in the storm, narrowly 
escaped foundering, and it was not without great diffi- 
culty that they succeeded in bringing her, a miserable 
wreck, into the English port of Weymouth.** King 

"» Carbajal, Anales, MS., aflo 1506. — Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 6, 
cap. 33. — Mariana, Hist, de Elspaiia, torn. ii. lib. a8, cap. 16. — Peter 
Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 392. — Ztirita has transcribed the whole of 
this dutiful and most loving epistle. Ubi supra.— Guicciardini con- 
siders Philip as only practising the lessons he had learned in Spain, 
"le arti Spagnuole." (Istoria, lib. 7.) The phrase would seem to 
have been proverbial with the Italians, like the " Punica fides," which 
their Roman ancestors fastened on the character of their African 
enemy, — perhaps with equal justice. 

3B Joanna, according to Sandoval, displayed much composure in her 
farming situation. When informed by Philip of their danger, she 
attired herself in her richest dress, securing a considerable sum of 
money to her person, that her body, if found, might be recognized and 
receive the obsequies suited to her rank. Hist del Emp. Carlos V., 
torn. i. p. 10. 



g i! 



HE RESIGNS TO PHJUP. 



»39 



Henry the Seventh, on learning the misfortunes of 
Philip and his consort, was prompt to show every mark 
of respect and consideration for the royal pair, thus 
thrown upon his island. They were escorted in mag- 
nificent style to Windsor, and detained, with dubious 
hospitality, for nearly three months. During this ti' le, 
Henry the Seventh availed himself of the situation 
and inexperience of his young guest so far as to extort 
from him two treaties, not altogether reconcilable, so 
far as the latter was concerned, with sound policy or 
honor. 3* The respect which the English monarch 
entertained for Ferdinand the Catholic, as well as 
their family connection, led him to offer his services 
as a common mediator between the father and son. 
He would have persuaded the latter, says Lord Bacon » 
"to be ruled by the counsel of a prince so prudent, so 
experienced, and so fortunate as King Ferdinand;" 
to which the archduke replied, **If his father-in-law 
would let him govern Castile, he should govern him." 3* 
At length Philip, having reassembled his Flemish 
fleet at Weymouth, embarked with Joanna and his 
numerous suite of courtiers and military retain. 3, md 
reached Corufia, in the northwestern corner of G-iicia, 
after a prosperous voyage, on the 28th of April.* 

3« Bernaldez, Reyes Cat61ico3, MS., cap. 204. — C'Arbajal, Anales. 
MS., aiio 1506. — St. Gelais, Hist, de Louys /'.I., p. 186. — Bacon, 
Hist, of Henry VH., Works, vol. v. pp. 177-179. — Guicciardini, Istoria, 
lib. 7. — Rymer, Foedera, torn. xiii. pp. ;23-i32. — One was a commer- 
cial treaty with Flanders, so disastrous as to be known in that country 
by the name of " malus intercursus ;" the other involved the surrender 
of the unfortunate duke of Suffolk. 

»» Bacon, Hist, of Henry VII., Works, ol. v. p. 179. 

* [In a letter dated CoruAa. April 26th, Philip informs Ferdinand of 



23© 



THE REGENCY OF FERDINAND. 






If ' 



5 r'i: 



A short time previous to this event, the count of 
Cifuentes having passed into France for the purpose, 
the betrothed bride of King Ferdinand quitted that 
country under his escort, attended by a brilliant train 
of French and Neapolitan lords. ^^ On the borders, 
at Fontarabia, she was received by the archbishop of 
Saragossa, Ferdinand's natural son, with a numerous 
retinue, composed chiefly of Aragonese and Catalan 
nobility, and was conducted with much solemnity to 
Duefias, where she was joined by the king. In this 
place, where thirty years before he had been united 
to Isabella, he now, as if to embitter still further the 
recollections of the past, led to the altar her young 
and beautiful successor. (March i8th, 1506.) "It 
seemed hard," says Martyr, in his quiet way, "that 
these nuptials should take place so soon, and that too 
in Isabella's own kingdom of Castile, where she had 
lived without peer, and where her ashes are still held 
in as much veneration as she enjoyed while living." 3« 

33 Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, quinc. 2, dial. 36. — M^moires 
de Bayard, chap. 26. 

34 Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 3CX). — Oviedo, Quincuagenas, 
MS., bat. I, quinc. 2, dial. 36. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., alio 1506. — 
Bemaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 203. — " Some affirmed" says 
Zurita, " that Isabella, before appointing her husband to the regency, 
exacted an oath from him, that he would not marry a second time." 
(Anales, torn. v. lib. 5, cap. 84.) This improbable story, so inconsistent 
with the queen's character, has been transcribed with more or less 
qualification by succeeding historians, from Mariana to Quintana. 
Robertson repeats it without any qualification at all. See History of 
Charles V., vol. ii. p. 6. 

his arrival on the afternoon of that day. He issued a circular to the 
nobles bearing the same date and making the same statement. Col. 
de Doc. ined. para la Hist, de Espafia, torn. viii. — Ed.] 



t 



HE RESIGNS TO PHIL/P. 



23» 



It was less than six weeks after this that Philip and 
Joanna landed at Corufia. Ferdinand, who had ex- 
pected them at some nearer northern port, prepared 
without loss of time to go forward and receive them. 
He sent on an express to arrange the place of meeting 
with Philip, and advanced himself as far as Leon. But 
Philip had no intention of such an interview at present. 
He had purposely landed in a remote corner of the 
country, in order to gain time for his partisans to 
come forward and declare themselves. Missives had 
been despatched to the principal nobles and cavaliers, 
and they were answered by great numbers of all ranks, 
who pressed forward to welcome and pay court to the 
young monarch. 3* Among them were the names of 
most of the considerable Castilian families, and several^ 
as Villena and Najara, were accompanied by large, 
well-appointed retinues of armed followers. The arch- 
duke brought over with him a body of three thou- 
sand German infantry, in complete order. He soon 
mustered an additional force of six thousand native 
Spaniards, which, with the chivalry who thronged to 
meet him, placed him in a condition to dictate terms to 
his father-in-law; and he now openly proclaimed that he 
had no intention of abiding by the concord of Sala- 
manca, and that he would never consent to an arrange- 
ment prejudicing in any degree his and his wife's 
exclusive possession of the crown of Castile.'* 

35 " Quisque enim in spes suas pronut. et expeditus, commodo servi- 
endum,"says Giovio, borrowing the familiar metaphor, "et orientem 
solem potius quam occidentem adorandum esse dictitabat." Vitae 
Illust. Virorum, p. 278. 

3* Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 6, cap. 29, 30. — Gomez, De Rebus 
gestis, fol. 57. — Bernaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 204. — Peter 



11 
■If 

I 

i 



332 



TffS REGENCY OF FERDINAND. 



It was in vain that Ferdinand endeavored to gain 
Don Juan Manuel to his interests by the most liberal 
offers. He could offer nothing to compete with the 
absolute ascendency which the favorite held over his 
young sovereign. It was in vain that Martyr, and 
afterwards Ximenes, were sent to the archduke, to 
settle the grounds of accommodation, or at least the 
place of interview with the king. Philip listened to 
them with courtesy, but would abate not a jot of his 
pretensions y and Manuel did not care to expose his 
royal master to the influence of Ferdinand's superior 
address and sagacity in a personal interview.^ 

Martyr gives a picture, by no means unfavorable, of 
Philip at this time. He had an agreeable person, a 
generous disposition, free and open manners, with a 
certain nobleness of soul, although spurred on by a 
most craving ambition. But he was so ignorant of 
affairs that he became the dupe of artful men, who 
played on him for their own purposes.^* 

Ferdinand, at length, finding that Philip, who had 
now left Coruila, was advancing by a circuitous route 
into the interior on purpose to avoid him, and that 

Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 304, 305. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., ailo 
1506. — Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., torn. i. p. 10. 

V Peter Martyr. Opus I pist, epist. 306, 308, 309. — Gomez, Dc 
Rebus gestis, fol. 59. — Giovio, Vitge Ulust. Virorum, p. 278. 

3B " Nil benignius Philippo in terris, nullus inter orbis principes 
animosior, inter juvenes pulchrior," etc. (Opus Epist., epist. 285.) 
In a subsequent letter he thus describes the unhappy predicament of 
the young prince: "Nescit hie juvenis, nescit quo se vertat, hinc 
avaris, illinc ambitiosis, atque utrimque vafris hominibus circumseptus 
olienigena, bonse naturae, apertique animi. Trahetur in diversa, per- 
turbabitur ipse atque obtundetur. Omnia confundentur, Utinam 
vana praedicem \" Epist. 308. 



HE RESIGNS TO PHILIP. 



a33 



all access to his daughter was absolutely refused, could 
no longer repress his indignation ; and he prepared a 
circular letter, to be sent to the different parts of the 
country, calling on it to rise and aid him in rescuing 
the queen, their sovereign, from her present shameful 
captivity.* It does not appear that he sent it.* He 
probably found that the call would not be answered ; 
for the French match had lost him even that degree of 
favor with which he had been regarded by the com- 
mons : so that the very expedient on which he relied for 
perpetuating his authority in Castile was the chief cause 
of his losing it altogether. 

39 Zurita, Anates, torn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 2. 



* [The momentary flash of desperate resolution aroused in Ferdi- 
nand, on finding how completely he had been outwitted by his- 
antagonist, is described in a letter, without date, addrt^sed by his 
secretary, Almazan, to Ximenes, who, intrusted with the fullest 
powers, was vainly endeavoring to effect a compromise with Philip. 
" His highness," says the writer, " is determined upon making the 
agreement soon, as he has written to you himself; and if it is not 
made soon, he intends to take another way of doing what he sees that 
he ought to do ; and this he will not £ful to do, even if he should be 
left alone, with only his cloak and sword (aungue quedase solo con una 
espada y una capa en la mono). For he thinks that as he has reason 
and justice on his side, and as he has not taken the way of deceit,, 
even if he should be embarrassed at the beginning, in the end God 
will give him victory and forces will be raised from where people do 
not think of it {de do las ^^tes no fiensan). He says that . . . 
every day those about him are stealing off, and if his quarrel had been 
proclaimed and published in the ki> gdom it would have gone differ- 
ently. I beseech your holiness that no one but yourself may know 
of this, for I tell it only for your information, and in order that you 
make haste to come to a settlement, and have it sealed and sworn to 
there without waiting to consult his highness." Col. de Doc. inid. 
para la Hist, de Espaiia, tom. xiv. — Ed.] 



i 



h 






M 



234 



TffH: REGENCY OF FERDLVAND. 



He was doomed to experience still more mortifying 
indignities. By the orders of the marquis of Astorga 
and the count of Benavente, he was actually refused 
admittance into those cities; while proclamation was 
made by the same arrogant lords, prohibiting any of 
their vassals from aiding or harboring his Aragonese 
followers. "A sad spectacle, indeed," exclaims the 
loyal Martyr, " to behold a monarch, yesterday almost 
omnipotent, thus wandering a vagabond in his own 
kingdom, refused even the sight of his own child!"** 

Of all the gay tribe of courtiers who fluttered around 
him in his prosperity, the only Castilians of note who 
now remained true were the duke of Alva and the 
count of Cifuentes;*' for even his son-in-law, the con- 
stable of Castile, had deserted him.* There were 
some, however, at a distance from the scene of opera- 
tions, as the good Talavera, for instance, and the count 

<» Opus Epist, epist. 308. 

" Ayer era Rey de Espaffa, 
oy no I0 soy de una villa ; 
ayer villas y castillos, 
oy ninguno posseya ; 
ayer tenia criados," etc. 

The lament of King Roderic, in this fine old ballad, would seem 
hardly too extravagant in the mouth of his royal descendant. 

4' " Ipsae amicos res optiinx pariunt, adversx probant." 

Pub. Syrus. 



• [When the Constable, who had asked and (necessarily) received 
permission from Ferdinand, was going off, Alva said to him, jestingly, 
" I never supposed you had any honor till now that I see you are 
going to lose it" (nunca pens^ que tenfades honra, sino agora que 
veo que vais a perderla) ; to which the Constable replied, laughing, 
"Do you wish me to be a traitor, lilie you? That your eyes shall 
never see." Cronica de Filipe el Hermoso. — Ed.J 



HE RESIGNS TO PHILIP. 



235 



of Tendilla, who saw with much concern the prospect 
of changing the steady and well-tried hand, which 
had held tlic ' elm for more tl-tn thirty years, for the 
capricious guid ice of Philip and his favorites.*' 

An end was ac length put to this scandalous exhibi- 
tion ; and Manuel, whether from increased confidence 
in his own resources, or the fear of bringing public 
odium on himself, consented to trust his royal charge 
to the peril of an interview.*' The place selected was 
an open plain near Puebla de Senabria, on the bor- 
ders of Leon and Galicia. (June 23d.) But even 
then the precautions taken were of a kind truly ludi- 
crous, considering the forlorn condition of King Fer- 
dinand. The whole military apparatus of the archduke 
was put in motion, as if he expected to win the crown 
by battle. First came the well-appointed German 
spearmen, all in fighting order. Then, the shining 

4" Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 306, 311. — Robles, Vida de 
Ximenez, p. 143. — Mariana, Hist, de Espaiia, torn. ii. lib. 28, cap. 19. 
— Lanuza, Historias, torn. i. lib. i, cap. 19. — Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. 
Carlos v., torn. i. p. 10. 

43 There are several letters of Philip to the Catholic king, written 
soon afte landing, filled with expressions of respect, and affecting a 
great eagei ness for the interview, — which he was so careful to defeat, 
A letter without date — probably written just previous to their meeting 
—concludes in the following manner. The original is somewhat 
damaged. It is signed, as usual, by Philip, El Rey. " Con el y in- 
tyenden en firo concordio y esjjero en iiro seizor q" quando fueres 
llegado a buenavete quedara tan poque q' hazer q* las vistas seran 
como v. al. dicho para ver plazer y no para nego9ios, y asy suplico a 
v. al. q' a*?i se faga, pues suy voluntad no es otra syno de ser . . . 
muy obediente d v. al. y a lo q' v. al. dicho . . . echandolos q' estan 
movidos en estos reynos . . . quant me pesa dello, y es testigo, q' 
. . . muy humyl y obediete hijo q' sus reales manos besa." 
Autografa de Felipe, MS, 



I! 






^36 



THE REGENCY OJf FERDINAND. 



squadrons of the noble Castilian chivalry, and their 
armed retainers. Next followed the archduke, seated 
on his war-horse and encompassed by his body-guard; 
while the rear was closed by the long files of archers 
and light cavalry of the country.** 

Ferdinand, on the other hand, came into the field 
attended by about two hundred nobles and gentlemen, 
chiefly Aragonese and Italians, riding on mules, and 
simply attired in the short black cloak and bonnet of 
the country, with no other weapon than the sword 
usually worn. The king trusted, says Zurita, to the 
majesty of his presence, and the reputation he had 
acquired by his long and able administration.. 

The Castilian nobles, brought into, contact with 
Ferdinand, could not well avoid paying their obei- 
sance to him. He received them in his usual gracious 
and affable manner, making remarks the good humor 
of which was occasionally seasoned with something of 
a more pungent character. To the duke of Najara, 
who was noted for being a vain-glorious person, and 
who came forward with a gallant retinue in all the pan- 
oply of war, he exclaimed, " So, duke, you are mind- 
ful as ever, I see, of the duties of a great captain !" 
Among others was Garcilasso de la Vega, Ferdinand's 
minister formerly at Rome. Like many of the Cas- 
tiUan lords, he wore armor under his dress, the better 
to guard against surprise. The king, embracing him, 
felt the mail beneath, and, tapping him familiarly on 
the shoulder, said, "I congratulate you, Garcilasso; 

44 The only pretext for all this pomp of war was the rumor that the 
king was levying a considerable force, and the duke of Alva mustering 
his followers in Leon, — rumors willingly circulated, no doubt, if not a 
sheer device of the enemy. Zurita, Anales, lib. 7, cap. 2. 



HE RESIGNS TO PHILIP. 



237 



you have gi-own wonderfully luSty since we last met." 
The desertion, however, of one who had received so 
many favors from him touched him more nearly than 
that of all the rest. 

As Philip drew near, it was observed he wore 
an anxious, embarrassed air, while his father-in-law 
maintained the same serene and cheerful aspect as 
usual. After exchanging salutations, the two monarchs 
alighted, and entered a small hermitage in the neigh- 
borhood, attended only by Manuel and Archbishop 
Ximenes. They had no sooner entered than the latter, 
addressing the favorite with an air of authority it was 
not easy to resist, told him it was not meet to intrude 
on the private concerns of their masters, and, taking 
his arm, led him out of the apartment and coolly 
locked the door on him, saying at the same time that 
he would serve as porter. The conference led to no 
result. Philip was well schooled in his part, and re- 
mained, says Martyr, immovable as a rock.* There 
was so little mutual confidence between the parties that 
the name of Joanna, whom Ferdinand desired so much 
to see, was not even mentioned during the interview.** 

But, however reluctant Ferdinand might be to admit 
it, he was no longer in a condition to stand upon 
terms ; and, in addition to the entire loss of influence 

45 " Durior Caucasia rupe, patemum nihil auscultavit." Opus 
Epist., epist. 310. 

4« Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, quinc. 3, dial. 43. — Robles, 
Vida de Ximenez, pp. 146-149. — Mariana, Hist, de E^pafia, torn. ii. 
lib. 28, cap. 20. — Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 5. — Gomez, De 
Rebus gestis, fol. 61, 62. — Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, 
cap. 15. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., afio 1506. — Bernaldez, Reyes Cato- 
licos, MS., cap. 204. 



I 



238 



THE REGENCY OF FERDINAND. 



in Castile, he received siich alarming accounts from 
Naples as made him determine on an immediate visit 
in person to that kingdom. He resolved, therefore, 
to bow his head to the present storm, in hopes that a 
brighter day was in reserve for him. He saw the 
jealousy hourly springing up between the Flemish and 
Castilian courti*.^ ; and he probably anticipated such 
misrule as would afford an opening, perhaps with the 
good will of the nation, for him to resume the reins so 
unceremoniously snatched from his grasp. ♦^ At any 
rate, should force be necessary, he would be better 
able to employ it effectively, with the aid of his ally, 
the French king, after he had adjusted the affairs of 
Naples.^ 

Whatever considerations may have influenced the 
prudent monarch, he authorized the archbishop of 
Toledo, who kept near the person of the archduke, 
to consent to an accommodation on the very grounds 
proposed by the latter. On the 2 7th of June he signed 
and solemnly swore to an agreement by which he sur- 
rendered the entire sovereignty of Castile to Philip 
and Joanna, reserving to himself only the grand-master- 
ships of the military orders, and the revenues secured 
by Isabella's testament.* 



47 Lord Bacon remarks, in allusion to Philip's premature death, 
" There was an observation by the wisest of that court, that, if he had 
lived, his father would have gained upon him in that sort, as he would 
have governed his councils and designs, if not his affections." (Hist, 
of Henry VII., Works, vol. v. p. 180.) The prediction must have been 
suggested by the general estimation of their respective characters ; for 
the parties never met again after Ferdinand withdrew to Aragon. 

48 Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 8. 

49 Bernaldez, Reyes Cat6!icos, MS., cap. 204.— Carbajal, Anales, 



HE RESIGNS TO PHILIP. 



239 



On the following day he executed another instrument 
of most singular import, in which, after avowing in 
unequivocal terms his daughter's incapacity,* he en- 
gages to assist Philip in preventing any interference in 
her behalf, and to maintain him, as far as in his power, 
in the sole, exclusive authority.** 

Before signing these papers, he privately made a 
protest, in the presence of several witnesses, that what 
he was about to do was not of his own free will, but 
from necessity, to extricate himself from his perilous 
situation and shield the country from the impending 
evils of a civil war. He concluded with asserting 
that, far from relinquishing his claims to the regency, 
it was his design to enforce them, as well as to rescue 
his daughter from her captivity, as soon as he was in 
a condition to do so.** Finally, he completed this 
chain of inconsistencies by addressing a circular letter, 
dated July ist, to the different parts of the kingdom, 
announcing his resignation of the government into the 
hands of Philip and Joanna, and declaring the act one 
which, notwithstanding his own right and power to 
the contrary, he had previously determined on exe- 

MS., aflo 1506. — Zurita, Anales, lorn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 7. — Peter Martyr, 
Opus Epist., epist. 210. 

5° Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 8. 

s» Idem, ubi supra. 



* [The language of this part of the document is as follows: "La 
dicha Serenisyma rreyna Nuestra hija en ninguna manera se quiere 
ocupar ni entender en ningun negocio de regimento ni governacion ni 
otra cosa y aunque lo quiese fazer sera [? seria] total destruycion y 
perdimiento destos rreynos segund sus enfermedades e pasiones que 
aqui no se espresan por la onestidad." Bergenroth, ^^etters, Des- 
patches, and State Papers, Supplementary Volume. — En.J 



340 



THE REGENCY OF FERDINAND. 



cuting so soon as his children should set foot in 
Spain.* 

It is not easy to reconcile this monstrous tissue of 
incongruity and dissimulation with any motives of 
necessity or expediency. Why should he, so soon 
after preparing to raise the kingdom in his daughter's 
cause, tiius publicly avow her imbecility, and deposit 
the whole authority in the hands of Philip ? Was it 
to bring odium on the head of the latter, by encour- 
aging him to a measure which he knew must disgust 
the Castilians?*' But Ferdinand by this very act 
shared the responsibility with him. Was it in the 
expectation that uncontrolled and undivided power, 
in the hands of one so rash and improvident, would 
the more speedily work his ruin ? As to his clandes- 
tine protest, its design was obviously to afford a plau- 

5* Zurita, Anales, ubi supra.— Ferdinand's manifesto, as well as the 
instrument declaring his daughter's incapacity, is given at length by 
Zurita. The secret protest rests on the unsupported authority of the 
historian ; and surely a better authority cannot easily be found, con- 
sidering his proximity to the period, his resources as national historio- 
grapher, and the extreme caution and candor with which he discriminates 
between fact and rumor. It is very remarkable, however, that Peter 
Martyr, with every opportunity for information, as a member of 
the royal household apparently high in the king's confidence, should 
have made no allusion to this secret protest in his correspondence with 
Tendilla and Talavera, both attached to the royal party, and to whom he 
appears to have communicated all matters of interest without reserve.* 

S3 This motive is charitably imputed to him by Gaillard. (Rivalit6, 
torn. iv. p. 311.) The same writer commends Ferdinand's habllite, in 
extricating himself from his embarrassments by the treaty " auquel il 
Jit coHsenHr Philippe dans leur entrevue" ! p. 310. 

* [The protest and the agreement are both in the Archives of 
Simancas, and have been published in the Col. de Doc. ined. para la 
Hist, de Espafia, tom. xiv.— ED.] 



JIE RESIGNS TO PHILIP. 



341 



sible pretext at some future time for reasserting his 
claims to the government, on the ground that his con- 
cessions had been the result of force. But, then, why 
neutralize the operation of this by the declaration, 
sjiontaneously made in his manifesto to the people, 
that his abdif-ation was not only a free but most delib- 
erate and premeditated act ? He was led to this last 
avowal, probably, by the desire of covering over the 
mortification of his defeat; a thin varnish, which 
could impose on nobody. The whole of the proceed- 
ings are of so ambiguous a character as to suggest the 
inevitable inference that they flowed from habits of 
dissimulation too strong to be controlled, even when 
there was no occasion for its exercise. We occasionally 
meet with examples of a similar fondness for superfluous 
manoeuvring in the humbler concerns of private life.* 

* fFerdinand's course, tortuous or vacillating as It was, might admit 
of a more favorable explanation than that which is suggested in the 
text, and the imputations on his conduct in regard to his daughter 
seem to be entirely groundless. Far from " encouraging" Philip to 
undertake any " measure" against his wife, Ferdinand, before leaving 
Spain, sent an envoy to his son-in-law to make such representations as 
might induce him to treat her with consideration and kindness. " Tell 
him," says the letter of instructions carried by the envoy, " that I fear 
certain persons will seek to increase the differences between him at d 
the queen my daughter, and that I recommend him to be continually 
on his guard, his best course being to live in perfect harmony with her. 
. . . By kind, gentle, and loving treatment he will do more with 
her than in any other manner; . . . and this is also the way to 
benefit her health, which will be injured by a contrary mode of pro- 
ceeding. I should wish the king my son to make every trial and 
endeavor that he can to ameliorate my daughter 's health ; for if God 
should give her health, as I trust that he will c if aided by proper 
elTorts, the king my son would be freer from cire, and she would 
delight in pleasing him in everything; and tell hir.i that I say this out 
Vol. III.— 16 L 



i 

w 



343 



THE KEGENCY OF FERDINAND. 



\ 



After these events, one more interview took place 
between King Ferdinand and Philip (July 5th), in 

of love for him, and for his good, which is the truth ; and also because 
as a father I wish to see love and agreement between them. Also, 
if anything should be said about putting the queen my daughter 
into a fortress, of which there has already been some talk, and they 
should ask you about my opinion or pleasure in regard to it, you will 
say that, for the love I bear the king my son, I would never give my 
voice or consent to it ; for I regard it as certain that this is the least 
befitting thing to do, and, if my opinion and counsel be followed, for 
no cause in the world should it be done ... By love and good 
treatment he can do more with her than by any other method, and 
this is a safe way, as well as that which God requires, while the other 
is full of inconveniences. ... At the time of my departure I was 
asked on the part of the king my son to write with my own hand to 
the queen my daughter, requesting her to take some women into her 
service [Juana, when coming to Spain, had left her Flemish attendants 
behind], as he thought it very wrong that she should be thus alone : 
tell the king my son, and the archbishop of Toledo, who spoke to me 
about this, that I was on the point of writing to her when I learned 
that she had taken women, and seeing it was done I desisted from 
writing, both because it was unnecessary and lest the sight of my 
letter might have some ill effect on her {le pudiera hacer algvna alte- 
radon)." Instructions to Luis Ferrer, Barcelona, July agth, 1506, 
Papiers d'fetat du Cardinal de Granvelle, tom. i. 

Bergenroth, citing a single passage from this document, that in which 
Philip is urged to treat his wife kindly and lovingly and to live in 
harmony with her, asks if it is " possible to suppose that even a man 
like Ferdinand would have advised Philip to live with her as a good 
husband and to gain her affections, if she had been mad ?" The 
meaning of Ferdinand's language will be clear if we remember that 
the jealousy for which she had undoubted grounds had been repre- 
sented as an instigating cause of Juana's fits of aberration. Her 
father intimates that it is in Philip's power, by a proper line of con- 
duct, to ameliorate her condition. But it is clear from the whole tenor 
of this letter that he was convinced of her incapacity ; and this 
conviction forms his justification both in struggling to retain posses- 
sion of the government, and, when forced to relinquish it, in resigning 
it to Philip exclusively. — Ed.] 



HE RESIGNS TO PHILIP. 



443 



which the former prevailed on his son-in-law to pay 
such attention to decorum, and exhibit such outward 
marks of a cordial reconciliation, as, if they did not 
altogether impose on the public, might at least throw 
a decent veil over the coming separation.* Even at 
this last meeting, however, such was the distrust and 
apprehension entertained of him that the unhappy 
father was not permitted to see and embrace his 
daughter before his departure.^* 

Throughout the whole of these trying scenes, says 
his biographer, the king maintained that propriety and 
entire self-possession which comported with the dig- 
nity of his station and character, and strikingly con- 
trasted with the conduct of his enemies. However 
much he may have been touched with the desertion of 
a people who had enjoyed the blessings of peace and 
security under his government for more than thirty 
years, he manifested no outward sign of discontent. 
On the contrary, he took leave of the assembled 
grandees with many expressions of regard, noticing 
kindly their past services to him, and studying to leave 
such an impression as should efface the recollection of 
recent differences. ** The circumspect monarch looked 

54 Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 10. — Mariana, Hist, de Els- 
pafla, torn. ii. lib. 28, cap. 21. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 64. — 
Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 210. 

ss Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 10. — Oviedo, Quincuagenas, 
MS., bat. I, quinc. 3, dial. 9. 



* [In a letter written on the same day, Ferdinand describes this in- 
terview as lasting an hour and a half, during which the parties were 
alone together, and the elder monarch " instructed and counselled" 
the younger, after which Ximenes was admitted. Col. de Doc. in^d. 
para la Hist, de Espatia, torn. xiv. — Ed.] 



244 



THE REGENCY OF FERDINAND. 



forward, no doubt, to the day of his return. The 
event did not seem very improbable; and there were 
other sagacious persons besides himself, who read in 
the dark signs of the times abundant augury of some 
speedy revolution. s* 



56 Zurita, Aiiales, torn. vi. lib. 7, cap, 10. — See also the melanchvoly 
vaticinations of Martyr (Opus Epist., epist, 311), who seems to echo 
back the sentiments of his friends Tendilla and Talavera. 



The principal authorities for the events of this chapter, as the reader 
may remark, are Martyr and Zurita. The former, not merely a spec- 
tator, but actor in them, had undoubtedly the most intimate opportu- 
nities of observation. He seems to have been sufficiently impartial, 
too, and prompt to do justice to what was really good in Philip's 
character ; although that of his royal master was of course calculated 
to impress the deepest respect on a person of Martyr's uncommon 
penetration and sagacity. The Aragonese chronicler, however, though 
removed to a somewhat further distance as to time, was from that cir- 
cumstance placed in a point of view more favorable for embracing the 
whole field of action than if he had taken part and jostled in the 
crowd as one of it. He has accordingly given much wider scope to 
his survey, exhibiting full details of the alleged grievances, pretensions, 
and policy of the opposite party, and, although condemning them 
himself without reserve, has conveyed impressions of Ferdinand's 
conduct less favorable, on the whole, than Martyr. 

But neither the Aragonese historian, nor Martyr, nor any con- 
temporary writer, native or foreign, whom I have consulted, counte- 
nances the extremely unfavorable portrait which Dr. Robertson has 
given of Ferdinand in his transactions with Philip. It is difficult to 
account for the bias which this eminent historian's mind has received 
in this matter, unless it be that he has taken his impressions from the 
popular notions entertained of the character of the parties, rather than 
from the circumstances of the particular case under review ; a mode 
of proceeding extremely objectionable in the present instance, where 
Pliilip, however good his natural qualities, was obviously a mere tool 
in the hands of corrupt and artful men, working exclusively for their 
own selfish purpose;. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

COLUMBUS. — HIS RETURN TO SPAIN. — HIS DEATH. 

1504-1506. 

Return of Columbus from his Fourth Voyage. — His Illness. — Neg- 
lected by Ferdinand. — His Death. — His Person and Character. 

While the events were passing which occupy the 
beginning of the preceding chapter, Christopher 
Columbus returned from his fourth and last voyage. 
It had been one unbroken series of disappointments 
and disasters. After quitting Hispaniola, and being 
driven by storms nearly to the island of Cuba, he trav- 
ersed the gulf of Honduras, and coasted along the 
margin of the golden region which had so long flitted 
before his fancy. The natives in vain invited him to 
strike into its western depths, and he pressed forward 
to the south, now solely occupied with the grand 
object of discovering a passage into the Indian Ocean. 
At length, after having with great difficulty advanced 
somewhat beyond the point of Nombre de Dios, he 
was compelled, by the fury of the elements and the 
murmurs of his men, to abandon the enterprise and 
retrace his steps. He was subsequently defeated in 
an attempt to establish a colony on terra firma, by the 
ferocity of the natives j was wrecked on the island of 
Jamaica, where he was permitted to linger more than 

( 245 ) • 



946 



RETURN OF COLUMBUS. 






a year, through the malice of Ovando, the new gov- 
ernor of St. Domingo; and finally, having re-embarked 
with his shattered crew in a vessel freighted at his own 
expense, was driven by a succession of terrible tem- 
pests across the ocean, until, on the 7th of November, 
1504, he anchored in the little port of St. Lucar, 
twelve leagues from Seville.' 

In this quiet haven, Columbus hoped to find the 
repose his broken constitution and wounded spirit so 
much needed, and to obtain a speedy restitution of his 
honors and emoluments from the hand of Isabella. 
But here he was to experience his bitterest disappoint- 
ment. At the time of his arrival, the queen was on 
her death-bed \ and in a very few days Columbus 
received the afflicting intelligence that the friend on 
whose steady support he had so confidently relied was 
no more. It was a heavy blow to his hopes, for " he 
had always experienced favor and protection from 
her," says his son Ferdinand, "while the king had 
not only been indifferent, but positively unfriendly, to 
his interests." ' We may readily credit that a man of 
the cold and prudiiit character of the Spanish mon- 



11 il 



;S 11 



* Martyr, De Rebus Oceanicis, dec. 3, lib. 4. — Benzoni, Novi Orbis 
Hist., lib. I, cap. 14. — Fernando Colon, Hist, del Almirante, cap. 88 • 
108. — Herrera, Indias occidentales, dec. i, lib. 5, cap. 2-12; lib. 6, 
cap. 1-13. — Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, torn. i. pp. 282-325. — 
The best authorities for the fourth voyage are the relations of Mendez 
and Porras, both engaged in it, and, above all, the admiral's own 
letter to tise sovereigns from Jamaic.".. They are all collected in the 
first volume of Navarrete. (Ubi supra.) Whatever cloud may be 
thrown over the early part of Columbus's career, there is abundant 
light on every step of his path after the commencement of his great 
enterprise. 

• Hist, del Almirante, cap. 108. 



1 1' 



HIS DEATH. 



247 



arch would not be very likely to comprehend one so 
ardent and aspiring as that of Columbus, nor to make 
allowance for his extravagant sallies ; and, if nothing 
has hitherto met our eye to warrant the strong lan- 
guage of the son, yet we have seen that the king, from 
the first, distrusted the admiral's projects, as having 
something unsound and chimerical in them. 

The affliction of the latter at the tidings of Isabella's 
death is strongly depicted in a letter written imme- 
diately after to his son Diego. " It is our chief duty," 
he says, ** to commend to God most affectionately and 
devoutly the soul of our deceased lady tlie queen. 
Her life was always Catholic and virtuous, and prompt 
to whatever could redound to his holy service; where- 
fore we may trust she now rests in glory, far from all 
concern for this rough and weary world." ^ 

Columbus, at this time, was so much crippled by the 
gout, to which he had been long subject, thr?i be was 
unable to undertake a journey to Segovic^, vliere tiJv 
court was, during the winter. He lost no ti i.e, hov/ 
ever, in laying his situation before the \.^'\\g through 
his son Diego, who was attached to the : n>yal house- 
hold. He urged his past services, the origi a^' terms 
of the capitulation made with him, their infringement 
in almost every particular, and his own necessitous 
condition. But y»;rdinand was too busily occupied 
with his own concerns, at this crisis, to give much 
heed to those of Columbus, who repeatedly complain" 
of the inattention shown to his applicat'on.'' At 



3 Cartas de Colon, apuu Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, torn. i. p. 

341. 

4 See his interesting correspondence with his son Diego, now printed 



248 



RETURN OP COLUMBUS. 



II ;i 



length, on the approach of a milder season, the ad- 
miral, having obtained a dispensation in his favov from 
the ordinance prohibiting the use of rrules, was able 
by easy journeys to reach Segovia and present himself 
before the monarch.' (May, 1505.) 

He was received with all the outward marks of 
courtesy and regard by Ferdinand, who assured him 
that " he fully estimated his important services, and, 
far from stinting his reco* '^ense to the precise terms 
of the capitulation, intended to confer more ample 
favors on him in Castile."* 

These fair words, however, were not seconded by 
actions. The king probably had no serious thoughts 
of reinstating the admiral in his government-. His 
successor, Ovando, was high in the royal favor. His 
rule, however objectionable as regards the Indians, was 
every way acceptable to the Spanish colonists;' and 
even his oppression of the poor natives was so far 
favorable to his cause that it enabled him to pour 
much larger sums into the royal coffers than had been 
gleaned by his more humane predecessor.* 

The events of the last voyage, moreover, had prob- 
ably not tended to dispel any distrust which the king 
had previously entertained of the admiral's capacity 

for the first time by Seiior Navarrete from the original MSS. in the 
duke of Veragua's possession. Coleccion de Viages, torn. i. p. 338 
et seq. 

s Herrera, Indias occidenules, dec. i, lib. 6, cap. 14. — Fernando 
Colon, Hist, del Almiranie, cap. 108. — For an account of this ordi- 
nance see Part II. chapter 3, note 12, of this History. 

*> Herrera, Indias occidentales, dec. i, lib. 6, cap. 14. 

7 Ibid., dec. i, lib. 5, cap. 12. 

* Ibid., dec. i, lib. 5, cap. 12; lib. 6, cap. 16-18. — Garibay, Coin- 
pendio, torn. ii. lib. 19, cap. 14. 



HIS DEATH. 



249 



for government. His men had been in a state of per- 
petual insubordination ; while his letter to the sover- 
eigns, written under distressing circumstanjes, indeed, 
from Jamaica, exhibited such a deep coloring of de- 
spondency, and occasionally such wild and visionary 
projects, as might almost suggest the suspicion of a 
temporary alienation of mind.' 

But, whatever reasons may have operated to post- 
pone Columbus's restoration to power, it was the 
grossest injustice to withhold from him the revenues 
secured by the original contract with the crown. 
According to his own statement, he was so far from 
receiving his share of the remittances made by Ovando, 
that he was obliged to borrow money, and had actually 
incurred a heavy debt for his necessary expenses.'" 
The truth was, that, as the resources of the new coun- 
tries began to develop themselves more abundantly, 
Ferdinand felt greater reluctance to comply with the 
letter of the original capitulation ; he now considered 
the compensation as too vast and altogether dispropor- 
tioned to ! he services of any subject ; and at length 
was so ungenerous as to propose that the admiral 
should relinquish his claims, in consideration of other 



f 



if 



9 This document exhibits a medley, in which sober narrative and 
sound reasoning are strangely blended with 'jrazy drefms, doleful 
lamentation, and wild schemes for the recovery of Jerusalem, the con- 
version of the Grand Khan, etc. Vagaries like these, which come 
occasionally like clouds over his soul, to shut out the light of reasc:, 
'lannot fail to fill the mind of the reader, as they doubtless did those 
of the soverei{;p.s at the time, with mingled sentiments of wonder and 
compassion. See Cartas de Colon, apud Navarrete, Coleccion dc 
Viages, tom. i. p. 296. 

«o Ibid., p. 338. 



250 



RETURN OF COLUMBUS. 



estates and dignities to be assigned him in Castile." 
It argued less knowledge of character than the king 
usually showed, that he should have thought the man 
who had broken off all negotiations on the threshold 
of a dubious enterprise, rather than abate one tittle of 
J ir> demands, would consent to such abatement when 
the success of that enterprise was so gloriously estab- 
ii'hed. 

- What assistance Columbus actually received from the 
crown at this time, or whether he received any, does 
rot appear. He continued to reside with the court, 
and accompanied it on its removal to Valladolid. He 
no doubt enjoyed the public consideration due to his 
high repute and extraordinary achievements; though 
by the monarch he might be regarded in the unwel- 
come light of a creditor whose claims were too just 
to be disavowed and too large to be satisfied. 

With spirits broken by this unthankful requital of 
his services, and with a constitution impaired by a 
life of unmitigated hardship, Columbus's health now 
rapidly sank under the severe and reiterated attacks of 
his disorder. On the arrival of Philip and Joanna, he 
addresse*:: a letter to them, through his brother Bar- 
tholomew, in which he lamented the infirmities which 
prevented him from payi ig hib resperts in person, and 
made a tender of his f ;tore services. i'he communi- 
cation was graciously received, but Columbus did not 
survive to behold the young sovereigns." 

»' Fernando Colon, Hist, del Almirante, cap. io8. — Herrera, Indias 
occidentales, lib. 6, cap. 14. 

M Navarrete has given the letter, Coleccion de Viages, torn. iii. p. 
530. — Herrera, Indias occidentales, ubi supra. 



HIS DEATH. 



851 



His mental vigor, however, was not impaired by the 
ravages of disease, and on the 19th of May, 1506, he 
executed a codicil, confirming certain testamentary 
dispositions formerly made, with special reference to 
the entail of his estates and dignities ; manifesting in 
his latest act the same solicitude he had shown through 
life, to perpetuate an honorable name. Having com- 
pleted these arrangements with perfect composure, he 
expired on the following day, being that of our Lord's 
ascension (May 20th, 1506), with little apparent suffer- 
ing, and in the most Christian spirit of resignation. '^ 
His remains, first deposited in the convent of St. 
Francis at Valladolid, were, six years later, removed 
to the Carthusian monastery of Las Cuevas at Seville, 
where a costly monument was raised over them by 
King Ferdinand, with the memorable inscription, 

" A Castilla y 4 Leon 
Niievo II I undo di6 Colon ;" 

"the like of which," says his son Ferdinand, with as 
much truth as simplicity, **was never recorded of any 
man in ancient or modern times." '* From this spot bis 
body was transported, in the year 1536, to the island 
of St. Domingo, the proper theatre of his discoveries, 

»3 Zuniga, Annales de Sevilla, p. 429. — Fernando Colon, Hist, del 
Almirante, cap. 108. — Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 131. — 
Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, torn, i'., Doc. dipl. 158. 

'4 Hist, del Almirante, ubi supra. — The following eulogium of Paolo 
Giovio is a pleasing tribute to the deserts of the great navigator, show- 
ing the high estimation in which he was held, abroad as well as at 
home, by the enlightened of his own day : " Incomparabilis Liguribus 
honos, eximiuin Italiae decus, et praefulgidum jubar seculo nostio nas- 
ccretur, quod priscorum heroum, Herculis, et Liberi patris famam ob- 
scuraret. Quorum memoriam grata olim mortalitas aeternis literarum 
njonumentis coolo consecrarit." I'-logia Viroruni Ulust., lib. 4, p. 123. 






^'i^e%^':'.i< 



%P 



'tj 



252 



RETURN OF COLUMBUS. 



and, on the cession of that island to the French, in 
1795, w^ again removed to Cuba, where his ashes now 
quietly repose in the cathedral church of its capital.** 

There is considerable uncertainty as to Columbus's 
age, though it seems probable it was not far from sev- 
enty at the time of his death.'* His person has been 
minutely described by his son. He was tall and well 
made, his head large, with an aquiline nose, small 
light-blue or grayish eyes, a fresh complexion and red 
hair, though incessant toil and exposure had bronzed 
the former, and bleached the latter, before the age of 
thirty. He had a majestic presence, with much dig- 
nity and at the same time affability of manner. He 
was fluent, even eloquent, in discourse ; generally tem- 
perate in deportment, but sometimes hurried by a too 
lively sensibility into a sally of passion.'' He was 
abstemious in his diet, indulged little in amusements 
of any kind, and, in truth, seemed too much absorbed 
by the great cause to which he had consecrated his life 



'S Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, torn, ii., Doc. dipl. 177. — On the 
left of the grand altar of this stately edifice is a bust of Columbus, 
placed in a niche in the wall, and near it a silver urn, containing all 
that now remains of the illustrious voyager. See Abbot's " Letters 
from Cuba," a work of much interest and information, with the requi- 
site allowance for the inaccuracies of a posthumous publication. 

16 The various theories respecting the date of Columbus's birth cover 
a range of twenty years, from 1436 to 1456. There are sturdy objec- 
tions to either of the hypotheses ; and the historian will find it easier 
to cut the knot than to unravel it. Comp. Navarrete, Coleccion de 
Viages, tom. i., Introd., sec. 54. — Mufioz, Hist, del Nuevo-Mundo, lib. 
2, sec. 12. — Spotorno, Memorials of Columbus, pp. 12, 25. — Irving, 
Life of Columbus, vol. iv. book 18, chap. 4. 

•7 Fernando Colon, Hist, del Almirante, cap. 3. — Novi Orbis Hist., 
lib. I, cap. 14. — Herrera, Indias occidentales, dec. i, lib. 6, cap. 15. 



ms DEATH. 



nz 



to allow scope for the lower pursuits and pleasures 
which engage ordinary men. Indeed, his imagination, 
by feeding too exclusively on this lofty theme, ac- 
quired an unnatural exaltation, which raised him too 
much above the sober realities of existence, leading 
him to spurn at difficulties which in the end proved 
insurmountable, and to color the future with those 
rainbow tints which too often melted into air. 

This exalted state of the imagination was the result 
in part, no doubt, of the peculiar circumstances of his 
life ', for the glorious enterprise which he had achieved 
almost justified the conviction of his acting under the 
influence of some higher inspiration than mere human 
reason, and led his devout mind to discern intimations 
respecting himself in the dark and mysterious annun- 
ciations of sacred prophecy.'* 

That the romantic coloring of his mind, however, 
was natural to him, and not purely the growth of 
circumstances, is evident from the chimerical specu- 
lations in which he seriously indulged before the 
accomplishment of his great discoveries. His scheme 
of a crusade for the recovery of the Holy Sepul- 
chre was most deliberately meditated, and strenuously 
avowed from the very first date of his proposals to the 
Spanish government. His enthusiastic communica- 
tions on the subject must have provoked a smile from a 
pontiff like Alexander the Sixth ; '' and may suggest 

»8 See the extracts from Columbus's book of Prophecies (apud 
Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, torn, ii., Doc. dipl. no. 140), as still 
existing in theBibliotheca Colombina at Seville. 

'9 See his epistle to ihe most selfish and sensual of the successors 
of St. Peter, in Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, torn, ii., Doc. dipl. 
no. 145. 




254 



RETURN OF COLUMBUS. 



some apology for the tardiness with which his more 
rational projects were accredited by the Castilian gov- 
ernment. But these visionary fancies never clouded 
his judgment in matters relating to his great inder- 
taking; and it is curious to observe the prophetic 
accuracy with which he discerned not only the exist- 
ence but the eventual resources of the western world ; 
as is sufficiently evinced b) his precautions, to the 
very last, to secure the full fruits of them, unimpaired, 
to his posterity. 

Whatever were the defects of his mental constitu- 
tion, the finger of the historian will find it difficult to 
point to a single blemish in his moral character. His 
correspondence breathes the sentiment of devoted 
loyalty to his sovereigns. His conduct habitually dis- 
played the utmost solicitude for the interests of his 
followers. He expended almost his last maravedi in 
restoring his unfortunate crew to their native land. 
His dealings were regulated by the nicest principles 
of honor and justice. His last communication to the 
sovereigns from the Indies remonstrates against the 
use of violent measures in order to extract gold from 
the natives, as a thing equally scandalous and im- 
politic* The grand object to which he dedicated 
himself seemed to expand his whole soul, and raised 
it above the petty shifts and artifices by which great 
ends are sometimes sought to be compassed. There 
are some men in whom rare virtues have been closely 

«• " El oro, bien que segun informacion el sea mucho, no me pares- 
ci6 bien ni servicio de vuestras Altezas de se le tomar por via de robo. 
La buena orden evitard escAndolo y mala fama," etc. Cartas de 
Colon, apud Navarrete, Coieccion de Viages, torn. i. p. 310. 



niS DEATH. 



255 



allied, if not to positive vice, to degrading weakness. 
Columbus's character presented no such humiliating 
incongruity. Whether we contemplate it in its public 
or private relations, in all its features it wears the same 
noble aspect. It was in perfect harmm v with the 
grandeur of his plans, and their results e stupen- 
dous than those which Heaven has permuted any other 
mortal to achieve.'* 

■« Columbus left two sons, Fernando and Diego. The former, ille- 
gitimate, inherited his father's genius, says a Castilian writer, and thn 
latter, his honors and estates. (Zufiiga, Annales de Sevilla, aflo 1506.) 
Fernando, besides other works now lost, left a valuable memoir of his 
father, often cited m this history. He was a person of rather un- 
common literary attainments, and amassed a library, in his extensive 
travels, of 20,000 volumes, perhaps the largest private collection in 
Europe at that day. (Ibid., aflo 1539.) Diego did not succeed to his 
fiither's dignities till he had obtained a judgment in his favor against 
the crown from the Council of the Indies ; an act highly honorable to 
that tribunal, and showing that the independence of the courts of 
justice, the greatest bulwark of civil liberty, was well maintained under 
King Ferdinand. (Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, torn, ii., Doc. 
dipl. nos. 163, 164; tom. iii., Supl. Col. dipl. no. 69.) The young 
admiral subsequently married a lady of the great Toledo family, niece 
of the duke of Alva. (Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, quinc. 2, 
dial. 8.) This alliance with one of the most ancient branches of the 
haughty aristocracy of Castile proves the extraordinary consideration 
which Columbus must have attained during his own lifetime. A new 
opposition was made by Charles V. to the succession of Diego's son ; 
and the Itrtter, discouraged by the prospect of this interminable litiga- 
tion with the crown, prudently consented to commute his claims, too 
vast and indefinite for any subject to enforce, for specific honors and 
revenues in Castile. The titles of Duke of Veragua and Marquis of 
Jamaica, derived from the places visited by the admiral in his last 
voyage, still distinguish the family, whose proudest title, above all that 
monarchs can confer, is to have descended from Columbus. Spotorno, 
Memorials of Columbus, p. 123. 



^ ^ 

#*^. 




IMAGE EVALUATION 
TEST TARGET (MT-3) 








1.0 



1.1 



b£|2^ 12.5 
itt Uii i2.2 

L£ 12.0 



us 

lit 

u 



I 







Photographic 

Sdences 

Corporation 







23 WEST MAIN STREET 

WEBSTER, N.Y. 14S80 

.(716)872-4503 



CHAPTER XIX. 

REIGN AND DEATH OF PHILIP I. — PROCEEDINGS IN 
CASTILE. — FERDINAND VISITS NAPLES. 

1506. 



Philip and Joanna. — Their reckless Administration. — Ferdinand dis- 
trusts Gonsalvo. — He sails for Naples.— Philip's Death and Charac- 
ter. — ^The Provisional Government. — ^Joanna's Condition. — Ferdi- 
nand's Entry into Naples. — Discontent caiised by his Measures 
there. 

King Ferdinand had no sooner concluded the 
arrangement with Philip, and withdrawn into his 
hereditary dominions, than the archduke and his wife 
proceeded towards Valladolid, to receive the homage 
of the estates convened in that city. Joanna, oppressed 
with an habitual melancholy, and clad in the sable 
habiliments better suited to a season of mourning than 
rejoicing, refused the splendid ceremonial and festivi- 
ties with which the city was prepared to welcome her. 
Her dissipated husband, who had long since ceased to 
treat her not merely with affection, but even decency, 
would fain have persuaded the cortes to authorize the 
confinement of his wife, as disordered in intellect, and 
to devolve on him the whole charge of the govern- 
ment. In this he was supported by the archbishop 
of Toledo, and some of the principal nobility. But 

(256) 



FERDINAND VISITS NAPLES. 



«57 



the thing was distasteful to the commons, who could 
not brook such an indignity to their own "natural 
sovereign;" and they were so staunchly supported by 
the admiral Enriquez, a grandee of the highest author- 
ity from his connection with the crown, that Philip 
was at length induced to abandon his purpose, and to 
content himself with an act of recognition similar to 
that made at Toro.* No notice whatever was taken 
of the Catholic king, or of his recent arrangement 
transferring the regency to Philip. (July 12th, 1506.) 
The usual oaths of allegiance were tendered to Joanna 
as queen and lady proprietor of the kingdom, and to 
Philip as her husband, and finally to their eldest son, 
prince Charles, as heir apparent and lawful successor 
on the demise of his mother." 

By the tenor of these acts the royal authority would 
seem to have been virtually vested in Joanna. From 
this moment, however, Philip assumed the government 
into his own hands. The effects were soon visible in 
the thorough revolution introduced into every depart- 
ment. Old incumbents in office were ejected without 
ceremony, to make way for new favorites. The Flem- 
ings, in particular, were placed in every considerable 



» Marina tells an anecdote, too long for insertion here, in relation to 
this cortes, showing the sturdy stuff of which a Castilian commoner 
in that day was made. (Teoria, part. 2, cap. 7,) It will scarcely gain 
credit without a better voucher than the anonymous scribbler from 
whom he has borrowed it. 

» Mariana, Hist, de Espafia, torn. ii. lib. 28, cap. 22. — Zurita, Anales, 
torn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 11. — Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 
15. — Joanna on this occasion was careful to inspect the powers of the 
deputies herself, to see that they were all regularly authenticated. 
Singular astuteness for a mad woman ! 
Vol. III.— 17 



i! 



*58 



REIGN AND DEATH OF PHILIP. 



post, and the principal fortresses of the kingdom 
intrusted to their keeping. No length or degree of 
service was allowed to plead in behalf of the ancient 
occupant. The marquis and marchioness of Moya, 
who had been the personal friends of the late queen, 
and particularly recommended by her to her daughter's 
favor, were forcibly expelled from Segovia, whose 
strong citadel was given to Don Juan Manuel. There 
were no limits to the estates and honors lavished on 
this crafty minion.' 

The style of living at the court was on the most 
thoughtless scale of wasteful expenditure. The public 
revenues, notwithstanding liberal appropriations by the 
late cortes, were wholly unequal to it. To supply the 
deficit, offices were sold to the highest bidder. The 
income drawn from the silk manufactures of Granada, 
which had been appropriated to defray King Ferdi- 
nand's pension, was assigned by Philip to one of the 
royal treasurers. Fortunately, Ximenes obtained pos- 
session of the order and had the boldness to tear it in 
pieces. He then waited on the young monarch, and 
remonstrated with him on the recklessness of measures 
which must infallibly ruin his credit with the people. 
Philip yielded in this instance; but, although he 
treated the archbishop with the greatest outward defer- 
ence, it is not easy to discern the habitual influence 
over his counsels claimed for the prelate by his adula- 
tory biographers.* 

3 Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 312. — Mariana, Hist, de Espafia, 
torn. ii. lib. 28, cap. 22. — Lanuza, Historias, torn. i. lib. i, cap. 21.— 
Guinez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 65, — Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, 
quinc. i, dial. 23. 

4 Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 17.— Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 



FERDINAND VISITS NAPLES. 



259 



All this could not fail to excite disgust and dis- 
quietude throughout the nation. The most alarming 
symptoms of insubordination began to appear in dif- 
ferent parts of the kingdom. In Andalusia, in partic- 
ular, a confederation of the nobles was organized, with 
the avowed purpose of rescuing the queen from the 
duress in which it was said she was held by her hus- 
band. At the same time the most tumultuous scenes 
were exhibited in Cordova, in consequence of the high 
hand with which the Inquisition was carrying matters 
there. Members of many of the principal families, 
including persons of both sexes, had been arrested on 
the charge of heresy. This sweeping proscription 
provoked an insurrection, countenanced by the mar- 
quis of Priego, in which the prisons were broken open, 
and Lucero, ar inquisitor who had made himself de- 
servedly odious by his cruelties, narrowly escaped 
falling into the hands of the infuriated populace.^ 

65. — Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, rey 30, cap. 16. — Quintanilla, Arche- 
typo, lib. 3, cap. 14. 

5 Lucero (whom honest Martyr, with a sort of backhanded puu, 
usually nicknames Tenebrero) resumed his inquisitorial functions on 
Philip's death. Among his subsequent victims was the good arch- 
bishop Talavera, whose last days were embittered by his persecution. 
His insane violence at length provoked again the interference of gov- 
ernment. His case was referred to a special commission, with Ximenes 
at its head. Sentence was pronounced against him. The prisons he 
had filled were emptied. His judgments were reversed, as founded 
on insufficient and frivolous grounds. But alas ! what was this to the 
hundreds he had consigned to the stake, and the thousands he had 
plunged in misery? He was in the end sentenced, — not to be roasted 
alive, — but to retire to his own benefice and confine himself to the 
duties of a Christian minister ! Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 77. — 
Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 333, 334, et al. — Llorente, .Hist, de 
rinquisition, torn. i. chap. lo, art. 3, 4. — Oviedo, Quincaagenas, MS., 
dial, de Deza. 



a6o 



REIGN AND DEATH OF PHILIP. 



The grand inquisitor, Deza, archbishop of Seville, the 
steady friend of Columbus, though his name is un- 
happily registered on some of the darkest pages of the 
tribunal, was so intimidated as to resign his office.' 
The whole affair was referred to the royal council by 
Philip, whose Flemish education had not predisposed 
him to any reverence for the institution; a circum- 
stance which operated quite as much to his prejudice, 
with the more bigoted part of the nation, as his really 
exceptionable acts.' 

The minds of the wise and the good were filled with 
sadness, as they listened to the low murmurs of pop- 
ular discontent, which seemed to be gradually swelling 
into strength for some terrible convulsion ; and they 
looked back with fond regret to the halcyon days 
which they had enjoyed under the temperate rule of 
Ferdinand and Isabella. 

• Oviedo has given an ample notice of this prelate, Ferdinand's con- 
fessor, in one of his dialogues. He mentions a singular taste, in one 
respect, quite worthy of an inquisitor. The archbishop kept a tame 
lion in his palace, which used to accompany him when he went 
abroad, and lie down at his feet when he said mass in the church. 
The monster had been stripped of his teeth and claws when young, 
but he was " espantable en su vista k aspeto," says Oviedo, who 
records two or three of his gambols, lion's play, at best. Quincuage- 
nas, MS. 

7 Llorente, Hist, de I'lnquisition, tom. i. chap. lo, art. 3, 4, — Abarca, 
Reyes de Aragon, rey 30, cap. 16. — Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS. — 
Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., tpist. 333, 334, et al. — " Toda la gente," 
says Zurita, in reference to this affair, " noble y de limpia sangre se 
avia escandalizado dello" (Anales, tom. vi. lib. 7, cap. 11); and he 
plainly intimates his conviction that Philip's profane interference 
brought Heaven's vengeance on his head in the shape of a premature 
death. Zurita was secretary of the Holy Office in the early part of 
the sixteenth century. Had he lived in the nineteenth, he might have 
acted the part of a Llorente. He was certainly not born for a bigot. 



FERDINAND VISITS NAPLES. 



261 



The Catholic king, in the mean time, was pursuing 
his voyage to Naples. Soon after the conquest he 
had been earnestly pressed by the Neapolitans to visit 
his new dominions.' He now went, less, however, in 
compliance with that request, than to relieve his own 
mind by assuring himself of the fidelity of his viceroy, 
Gonsalvo de Cordova. That illustrious man had not 
escaped the usual lot of humanity; his brilliant suc- 
cesses had brought on him a full measure of the envy 
which seems to wait on merit like its shadow. Even 
men like Rojas, the Castilian ambassador at Rome, 
and Prospero Colonna, the distinguished Italian com- 
mander, condescended to employ their influence at 
court to depreciate the Great Captain's services and 
raise suspicions of his loyalty. His courteous man- 
ners, bountiful largesses, and magnificent style of 
living were represented as politic arts to seduce the 
affections of the soldiery and the people. His services 
were in the market for the highest bidder. He had 
received the most splendid offers from the king of 
France and the pope. He had carried on a corre- 
spondence with Maximilian and Philip, who would 
purchase his adhesion, if possible, to the latter, at any 
price ; and, if he had not hitherto committed himself 
by any overt act, it seemed probable he was only 
waiting to be determined in his future course by the 
result of King Ferdinand's struggle with his son-in- 
law.' 

8 Summonte, Hist, di Napoli, torn. iv. lib. 6, cap. 5. 

9 Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, p. 376. — Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, 
torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 16. — Zurita, Analcs, torn. vi. lib. 6, cap. 5, 11, 17, 
27, 31 ; lib. 7, cap. 14. — Buonaccorsi, Diririo, p. 123. — Ulloa, Vita di 
Carlo v., fol. 36. — Mariana, Hist, de lispaiia, toin. ii. lib. 28, cap. 23. — 



262 



REIGN AND DEATH OF PHILIP. 



These suggestions, in which some truth, as usual, 
was mingled with a large infusion of error, gradually 

Gonoalvo, in one of his letters to the king, notices these imputations so 
prejudicial to his honor. He implores his master to take no precipi- 
tate measures in ccnsequencc, and concludes with the most vehement 
protestations of loyalty and devotion to his service. The document is 
so curious, that I will lay the whole of it before the reader, and it may 
serve as a sample of the Great Captain's style of composition and 
orthography, which last, as with some other great captains of a more 
modem date, will hardly stand a comparison with his military science. 
" Al muy alto y muy poderoso y catolyco princype Rei y Setlor el 
Rey despaila y de las dos 9e9ilias, mi Seftor. Muy alto muy poderoso 
y catolyco Rey y Sefior. Por algunas letras e dado avyso a v. m'* de 
las causas que man detenydo y asy por no saber que v. al. las aya 
re9ebydo como por satisfa9er a la 9ertyfica9ion que deve tener de my 
any mo y devo dar de my servytud a v. m*' syntiendo que alia y en 
otras partes algunas synyfycan tener alguna yntiligen9ia e platyca 
comigo a su proposyto y en gran perjuy9io de mi onrra y de vuestro 
servycio de lo cual dios quito su poder y my voluntad como ellos bien 
saben y syntiendo que algunos dalla escriven a rroma y otras partes 
no estan sus hyjos con v. al. en tanto acuerdo como al byen dellos y 
destos rreynos convernya delybre enbyar albornos presona propya con 
lo presente creyendo que mas presto navegara por las portas el que yo 
por golfos a suplycalle y asy se lo suplyco y sus rreales pies y manos 
beso por ello ny my tardan9a pues a sydo por aver myrado su servycio 
my duda que de my se le ponga no le haga baser cosa que no con- 
venga si su estado y servy9io que por esta letra de my mano y propia 
voluntad escryta certyfico y prometo &. v. Mt» que no tyene presona 
mas suya ni cyerta para bevyr y morir en vuestra fe y servy9io que yo 
y aunque v. al. se redusyere a un cavallo solo y en el mayor estrenio 
que mala fortuna pudiese abrar y en my mano estuvyere la potestad 
del mundo con el auturidad y libertad que pudiese desear afyrmo que 
no e de rreconoser en mys dlas otro rey ni seiior syno a v. alteza cuanto 
me querra por su syervo y vasallo en fyrmesa de lo cusl por esta lo 
jura a dyos y a santa mxiria y a los santos cuatro evangelos como crys- 
tiano y hago pleyto omenaje dello & vra. alteza como cavallero y en 
fe dello pongo aqui my nombre y sello con el sello de mys armas y la 
embyo a v. m*" porque de my tenga lo que asta agora no tyene aunque 
creo que para con v. al. ny para mas oblygarme de lo que yo lo este 



FERDINAND VISITS NAPLES. 



263 



excited more and more uneasiness in the breast of the 
cautious and naturally distrustful Ferdinand. He at 
first endeavored to abridge the powers of the Great 
Captain by recalling half the troops in his service, 
notwithstanding the unsettled state of the kingdom."* 
He then took the decisive step of ordering his return 
to Castile, on pretence of employing him in affairs 
of great importance at home. To allure him more 
effectually, he solemnly pledged himself, by an oath, to 
transfer to him, on his landing in Spain, the grand- 
mastership of St. Jago, with all its princely depend- 
encies and emoluments, the noblest gift in the pos- 
session of the crown. Finding all this ineffectual, and 
that Gonsalvo still procrastinated his return on various 
pretexts, the king's uneasiness increased to such a de- 
gree that he determined to press his own departure for 
Naples, and bring back, if not too late, his too power- 
ful vassal." 

y por my voluntad y devda no sea ne9esario mas porque se habla en 
lo escusado rrespondo con parte de lo que devo y con ayf'a de dios 
my presona sera muy presto con v. al. por satysfazer a mas o_, cnverna 
y esta la acabo pidiendo a nuestro Senor que la rrcal presona j estaclo 
de V. al. con vitoria prospere. de Napoles en Castilnovo escrita a dos 
dias de Julyo de DVi afios. 

de V. al 

muy umyl servydor que sus 

rreales pies y inanos beso 

Gon9alo Hernandez Duque de 

Terranova." 

10 Mariana, Hist, de Espafta, lib. 23, cap. 12. — Zurita, Anales, torn. 

vi. lib. 6, cap. 5. 

" Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 6. — Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. 
iv. p. 13, ed. di Milano, 1803.— Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, lib. 30, 
cap. I. — Giovio, Vitae lilust. Virorum, p. 280. — Oviedo, Quincuagenas. 
MS., bat. I, quinc. 3, dial. 9. 



264 



KEIGN AND DEATH OF PHIL /P. 



On the 4th of September, 1506, Ferdinand em- 
barked at Barcelona, on board a well-armed squadron 
of Catalan galleys, taking with him his young and 
beautiful bride and a numerous train of Aragonese 
nobles. On the 24th of the month, after a boisterous 
and tedious passage, he reached the port of Genoa. 
Here, to his astonishment, he was joined by the Great 
Captain, who, advised of the king's movements, had 
come from Naples with a small fleet to meet him. This 
frank conduct of his general, if it did not disarm Fer- 
dinand of his suspicions, showed him the policy of 
concealing them ; and he treated Gonsalvo with all 
the consideration and show of confidence which might 
impose, not merely on the public, but on the imme- 
diate subject of them." 

The Italian writers of the time express their aston- 
ishment that the Spanish general should have so blindly 
trusted himself into the hands of his suspicious mas- 
ter.'' But he, doubtless, felt strong in the conscious- 
ness of his own integrity. There appears to have 
been no good reason for impeaching, this. His most 
equivocal act was his delay to obey the royal sum- 
mons ; but much weight is reasonably due to his own 
explanation, that he was deterred by the distracted 
state of the country, arising from the proposed transfer 

» Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, ubi supra. — Sutnmonte, Hist, di 
Napoli, torn. iv. lib. 6, cap. 5.— L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 
187. — Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 123. — Capmany, Mem. de Barcelona, 
torn. i. p. 152. — " Este," says Capmany of the squadron which bore 
the king from Barcelona, " se puede decir fu6 el ultimo armamento 
que sali6 de aquella capital." 

»3 Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. iv. p. 30. — Machiavelli, Legazione 
secunda a Rouia, let. 23. — Giannune, Istoria di Napoli, lib. 30, cap. i. 



FERDINAND VISITS NAPLES. 



265 



of property to the Angevin barons, as well as from the 
precipitate disbanding of the army, which it required 
all his authority to prevent from breaking into open 
mutiny. »♦ To these motives may be probably added 
the natural though perhaps unconscious reluctance to 
relinquish the exalted station, little short of absolute 
sovereignty, which he had so long and so gloriously 
filled. 

He had, indeed, lorded it over his viceroyalty with 
most princely sway. But he had assumed no powers 
to which he was not entitled by his services and pecu- 
liar situation. His public operations in Italy had been 
uniformly conducted for the advantage of his country, 
and, until the late final treaty with France, were mainly 
directed to the expulsion of that power beyond the 
Alps." Since that event, he had busily occupied him- 
self with the internal affairs of Naples, for which he 
made many excellent provisions, contriving by his 
consummate address to reconcile the most conflicting 
interests and parties. Although the idol of the army 



lone 

[>. I. 



«4 Zurita, Anales, lib. 6, cap. 31. — There are several letters from 
Gonsalvo, in the year 1506, announcing his speedy return, and ex- 
plaining the postponement of it by the unsettled state of the kingdom, 
which, indeed, forms the burden of his correspondence at this time. 
See in particular his letter to the king, dated Oct. 31st, 1505, and an- 
other of his duchess to the same, written Jan. 17th, 1506, MS. 

>s My limits will not allow room for the complex politics and feuds 
of Italy, into which Gonsalvo entered with all the freedom of an in- 
dependent potentate. See the details, apud Chr6nica del Gran 
Capitan, lib. 2, cap. 112-127. — Sismondi, R^publiques Italiennes, torn, 
xiii. chap. 103. — Guicciardini, Istoria, tom. iii. p. 235 et alibi. — Zurita, 
Anales, tom. vi. lib. 6, cap. 7, 9. — Mariana, Hist, de Espatia, tom. ii. 
lib. 28, cap. 7. — Carta del Gran Capitan d los Reyes, de Napoles, 25 
de Agosto, 1503, MS. 



366 



KE/CN AND DEATH OF PHILIP. 



and of the people, there is not the slightest evidence 
of an attempt to pervert his popularity to an unworthy 
purpose. There is no appearance of his having been 
corrupted, or even dazzled, by the splendid offers 
repeatedly made him by the different potentates of 
Europe. On the contrary, the proud answer recorded 
of him, to Pope Julius the Second, breathes a spirit of 
determined loyalty, perfectly irreconcilable with any- 
thing sinister or selfish in his motives." The Italian 
writers of the time, who affect to speak of these mo- 
tives with some distrust, were little accustomed to such 
examples of steady devotion ; •' but the historian who 
reviews all the circumstances must admit that there 
was nothing to justify such distrust, and that the only 
exceptionable acts in Gonsalvo's administration were 
performed, not to advance his own interests, but those 
of his master, and in too strict obedience to his com- 
mands. King Ferdinand was the last person who had 
cause to complain of them. 

After quitting Genoa, the royal squadron was driven 
by contrary winds into the neighboring harbor of 
Portofino, where Ferdinand received intelligence which 
promised to change his destination altogether. This 
was the death of his son-in-law, the young king of 
Castile. 

'* Zurita, Anales, lib. 6, cap. ii. 

«7 " II Gran Capitan," says Guicciardini, " conscio Ar . sospetti, i 
quali il reforse non vanamente aveva avuti di lui," etc. (Istoria, torn, 
iv. p. 30.) This way of damning a character by surmise is very common 
with Italian writers of this age, who uniformly resort to the very worst 
motive as the key of whatever is dubious or inexplicable in conduct. 
Not a sudden death, for example, occurs, without at least a sospetto 
of poison from some hand or other. What a fearful commentary on 
the morals of the land ! 



i! 



FERDINAND VISITS NAPLES. 



267 



This event, so unexpected and awfully sudden, was 
occasioned by a fever, brought on by too violent exer* 
cise at a game of ball, at an entertainment made for 
Philip by his favorite, Manuel, in Burgos, where the 
court was then held. Through the unskilfulness of his 
physicians, as it was said, who neglected to bleed him, 
the disorder rapidly gained ground,'* and on the sixth 
day after his attack, being the 25th of September, 
1506, he breathed his last.'» He was but twenty-eight 

«8 Philip's disorder was lightly regarded at first by his Ficriish phy- 
sicians, whose practice and predictions were alike condemned by thcic. 
coadjutor Lodovico Marliano, an Italian doctor, highly commended 
by Martyr as " inter philosophos et medicos lucida lampKts." He was 
at least the better prophet on this occasion. Peter Martyr, Opus 
Epist., epist. 313. — Zurita, Analcs, torn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 14. 

'9 Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, quinc. 3, dial. 9. — Fortunately 
for Ferdinand's reputation, Philip's death was attended by too un- 
equivocal circumstances, and recorded by too many eyewitnesses, to 
admit the suggestion of poison.* It seems he drank freely of cold 



• [According to Bergenroth, however, " the general opinion was 
that he had been poisoned," and he insinuates that Luis Ferrer, Fer- 
dinand's envoy to Philip, was the person who rendered his master this 
service, (Letters, Despatches, and State Papers, Supplementary Vol., 
Introduction.) But the suspicion is unsupported by a p>article of 
evidence, and seems to be sufficiently refuted by a description of the 
symptoms and course of the disease, to be found in a letter addressed to 
Ferdinand by a Dr. Parra, one of the consulting physicians. According 
to this statement, Philip, having played ball for two or three hours and 
allowed himself to cool off suddenly, was feverish on Sept. 17th, but 
ate as usual, and said nothing to his medical attendants until the 
evening of the next day, Saturday, when he was seized with a chill. 
On Sunday fever came on, with a pain in the side, and he spit blood. 
He was bled on the other side {de la parte contraria), which relieved 
the pain ; but in the evening the chill returned and was followed by an 
access of fever. He rose on Monday, though the fever still continued, 
and his tongue and palate, but especially the uvula, were so swollen 



!ij ' I 






I 



VI ' 



26S 



REIGN AND DEATH OF PHILIP. 



years old, of which brief period he had enjoyed, or 
endured, the "golden caies" of sovereignty but little 
more than two months, dating from his recognition by 
the cortes. His body, after being embalmed, lay in 
state for two days, decorated with the insignia, — the 
mockery of royalty, as it had proved to him, — and 
was then deposited in the convent of Miraflores near 
Burgos, to await its final removal to Granada, agree- 
ably to his last request.* 

Philip was of the middle height ; he had a fair, 

water while very hot. The fever he brought on was an epidemic 
which at that time afflicted Castile. Machiavelli, Legazione seconda 
a Roma, let. 29. — Zuiiiga, Anales de Sevilla, alio 1506. 

«> Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 313, 316. — Bemaldez, Reyes 
Cat61icos, MS.iCap. 206. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 66. — Carbajal, 
Anales, MS., afio 1506. — L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 187. — 
Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 11. 



that he could scarcely speak or swallow the saliva. He said he had 
no other pain, and if they cured him of that he should be well. Cap- 
ping-glasses were applied to his shoulders and neck, and purgatives 
were administered with effect. On Wednesday the writer and other 
doctors were summoned. All agreed on the necessity of bleeding. 
The blood came " thick and bad." The chill returned, followed by a 
sweat, which lasted six hours, and was thought to augur an improve- 
ment ; but the patient grew very weak, and all his senses and his 
speech were confused {turbadas), what he said being scarcely under- 
stood, till he fell into a lethargy, from which it was hard to wake him, 
and which continued till his death. Parra was told that the sweat 
brought out small black spots on the body, which " our physicians," 
he says, meaning apparently those of his own province, which was 
perhaps Catalonia, " call blattas," — a word related, no doubt, to the 
German blatUrn. It was subsequently reported that herbs had been 
given to Philip ; but Parra saw no signs of this, nor did the doctors 
suspect anything. " La verdad es," he concludes, " que la materia fu^ 
mi. 'ha, y por su callar mal socorrida, y de mucha se hizo maliciosa." 
Col. de Doc. ined. para la Hist, de Espafia, tom. viii. — Ed.] 



FERDINAND VISITS NAPLES. 



269 



florid complexion, regular features, long flowing locks, 
and a well-made, symmetrical figure. Indeed, he was 
so distinguished for comeliness both of person and 
countenance, that he is designated on the roll of 
Spanish sovereigns as Felipe el Hermoso, or the 
Handsome." His mental endowments were not so 
extraordinary. The father of Charles the Fifth pos- 
sessed scarcely a single quality in common with his 
remarkable son. He was rash and impetuous in his 
temper, frank, and careless. He was born to great ex- 
pectations, and early accustomed to command, which 
seemed to fill him with a crude, intemperate ambition, 
impatient alike of control or counsel. He was not 
without generous and even magnanimous 'sentiments; 
but he abandoned himself to the impulse of the mo- 
ment, whether for good or evil ; and, as he was natu- 
rally indolent and fond of pleasure, he willingly reposed 
the burden of government on others, who, as usual, 
thought more of their own interests than those of 
the public. His early education exempted him from 
the bigotry characteristic of the Spaniards ; and, had 
he lived, he might have done much to mitigate the 
grievous abuses of the Inquisition.* As it was, his 

« L. Marineo, Cosas tnemorables, fol. 187, 188. — Sandoval, Hist, 
del Emp. Carlos V., ubi supra. — Martyr, touched with the melancholy 
fate of his young sovereign, pays the following not inelegant ^nd 
certainly not parsimonious tribute to his memory, in a letter written a 
few days after bis death, which, it may be noticed, he makes a day 
earlier than other contemporary accounts : " Octavo Calendas Octo- 
bris animam emisit ille juvenis, formosus, pulcher, elegans; animo 
pollens et ingenio, procerse validaeque naturae, uti flos vemus evanuit." 
Opus Epist., epist. 316. 

• [How little real ground there was for any hopes of this kind may b» 



270 



A'E/GN' AND DEATH OF PHILIP. 



premature death deprived him of the opportunity of 
compensating, by this single good act, the manifold 
mischiefs of his administration. 

This event, too improbable to have formed any part 
of the calculations of the most far-sighted politician, 
spread general consternation throughout the country. 
The old adherents of Ferdinand, with Ximenes at 
their head, now looked forward with confidence to his 
re-establishment in the regency. Many others, how- 
ever, like Garcilasso de la Vega, whose loyalty to their 
old master had not been proof against the times, 
viewed this with some apprehension."" Others, again, 
who had openly from the first linked their fortunes to 
those of his rival, — ^as the duke of Najara, the marquis 
of Villena, and, above all, Don Juan Manuel, — saw in 
it their certain ruin, and turned their thoughts towards 
Maximilian, or the king of Portugal, or any other 
monarch whose connection with the royal family might 
afford a plausible pretext for interference in the gov- 

"o Garcilasso de la Vega appears to have been one of those dubious 
politicians who, to make use of a modern phrase, are always " on the 
fence." The wags of his day applied to him a coarse saying of the 
old duke of Alva in Henry IV. 's time, " Que era como e perro de 
ventero, que ladra a los de fuera, y muerde a los de dentro." Zurita, 
Anales, torn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 39. 



inferred from the language of the letters patent of Sept. 30th. 1505, 
suspending the proceedings of the Inquisition until the arrival in Spain 
of Philip and Juana. " No es nuestra voluntad," the missive con- 
cludes, " que por ello sea visto ni entendido ni se entienda que Nos 
queremos alzar, remover ni quitar la dicha Inquisicion de los dichos 
nuestros reinos ^ seAorias, antes la queremos favorescer, ayudar i mul- 
Hplicar, i si necesarh fuese ponerla en todo el mundo" Col. de Doc, 
in6d. para la Hist, de EspaQa, torn. viii. — Ed.] 



FERDINAND VISITS NAPLES. 



ayi 



eminent. On Philip's Flemish followers the tidings 
fell like a thunderbolt; and in their bewilderment 
they seemed like so many famished birds of prey, still 
hovering round the half-devoured carcass from which 
they had been unceremoniously scared. '^ 

The weight of talent and popular consideration was 
undoubtedly on the king's side. The most formidable 
of the opposition, Manuel, had declined greatly in 
credit with the nation during the short, disastrous 
period of his administration; while the archbishop of 
Toledo, who might be considered as the leader of Fer- 
dinand's party, possessed talents, energy, and reputed 
sanctity of character, which, combined with the au- 
thority of his station, gave him unbounded influence 
over all classes of the Castilians. It was fortunate for 
the land, in this emergency, that the primacy was in 
such able hands. It justified the wisdom of Isabella's 
choice, made in opposition, it may be remembered, to 
the wishes of Ferdinand, who was now to reap the 
greatest benefit from it. 

That prelate, foreseeing the anarchy likely to arise 
on Philip's death, assembled the nobility present at 
the court, in his own palace, the day before this event 
took place. It was there agreed to name a provisional 
council, or regency, who should carry on the govern- 
ment and provide for the tranquillity of the kingdom. 
It consisted of seven members, with the archbishop of 
Toledo at its head, the duke of Infantado, the grand 
constable and the admiral of Castile, both connected 



S3 .Mariana, Hist, de E^pafia, torn. ii. lib. 29, cap. 2. — Bernaldez, 
Reyes Catoiicos, MS., cap. 206. — Zurita, Anales, torn, vi. lib. 7, 
cap. 22. 



:l 



I 



I 



273 



REIGN AND DEATH OF nil LIP. 



with the royal family, the duke of Najara, a principal 
leader of the opposite faction, and two Flemish lords. 
No mention was made of Manuel."* 

The nobles, in a subsequent convention on the ist 
of October, ratified these proceedings, and bound 
themselves not to carry on private war, or attempt to 
possess themselves of the queen's person, and to em- 
ploy all their authority in supporting the provisional 
government, whose term was limited to the end of 
December, "s 

A meeting of cortes was wanting to give validity 
to their acts, as well as to express the popular will in 
reference to a permanent settlement of the govern- 
ment. There was some difference of opinion, even 
among the king's friends, as to the expediency of 
summoning that body at this crisis ; but the greatest 
impediment arose from the queen's refusal to sign the 
writs."* 

»4 Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 15. — Mariana, Hist, de Es- 
paiia, torn. ii. lib. 29, cap. i. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 317. 
— Zuiiiga, Annales de Sevilla, afio 1506. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, 
fol. 67. 

'^ Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 16. — I find no authority for the 
statement made by Alvaro Gomez (De Rebus gestis, fol. 68), and 
faithfully echoed by Robles (Vida de Ximenez, cap. 17) and Quin- 
tanilla (Archetypo, lib. 3, cap. 14), that Ximenes filled the office of 
sole regent at this juncture. It is not warranted by Martyr (Opus 
Epist., epist. 317), and is contradicted by the words of the original 
instrument cited as usual by Zurita (ubi supra). The archbishop's 
biographers, one and all, claim as many merits and services for their 
hero as if, like Quintanilla, they were working expressly for his beati- 
fication. 

=* The duke of Alva, the staunch supporter of King Ferdinand in 
all his difficulties, objected to calling the cortes together, on the grounds 
that the summonses, not being by the proper authority, would be in- 



FERDINAND VISITS NAPLES, 



273 



This unhappy lady's condition had become truly 
deplorable. During her husband's illness, she had 
never left his bedside,* but neither then, nor since his 
death, had been seen to shed a tear. She remained in 
a state of stupid insensibility, sitting in a darkened 
apartment, her head resting on her hand, and her lips 
closed, as mute and immovable as a statue. When 
applied to, for issuing the necessary summons for the 
cortes, or to make appointments to office, or for any 
other pressing business which required her signature, 
she replied, " My father will attend to all this when 
he returns ; he is much more conversant with business 
than I am ; I have no other duties now but to pray for 
the soul of my departed husband." The only orders 
she was known to sign were for paying the salaries of 

formal ; that many cities might consequently refuse to obey them, and 
the acts of the remainder be open to objection, as not those of the 
nation ; that, after all, should cortes assemble, it was quite uncertain 
under what influences it might be made to act, and whether It would 
pursue the course most expedient for Ferdinand's interests; and 
finally, that if the intention was to procure the app>ointment of a re- 
gency, this had already been done by the nomination of King Ferdi- 
nand at Toro, in 1505, and to start the question anew was unnecessarily 
to bring that act into doubt. The duke does not seem to have con- 
sidered that Ferdinand had forfeited his original claim to the regency 
by his abdication ; perhaps on the ground that it had never been 
formally accepted by the commons. I shall have occasion to return 
to this hereafter. See the discussion in extenso, apud Zurita, Anales, 
lib. 7, cap. 26. 



* [Dr. Parra, whose watchfulness seems to have been excited by 
what he had heard of Juana's condition, says that during the five 
hours he was in attendance, she was constantly present, doing or order- 
ing what was to be done, speaking to her husband and the physicians, 
and attending upon Philip " con el major semblante, y tiento, y aire 
y gracia, que en mi vida vi muger de ningun estado." — Ed.] 
Vol. III. - 18 M* 



"74 



REIGN AND DEATH OF PHILIP. 



her Flemish musicians; for in her abject state she 
S found some consolation in music, of which she had 
been passionately fond from childhood. The few re- 
marks which she uttered were discreet and sensible, 
forming a singular contrast with the general extrava- 
gance of her actions. On the whole, however, her 
pertinacity in refusing to sign anything was attended 
with as much good as evil, since it prevented her name 
from being used, as it would undoubtedly have often 
been, in the existing state of things, for pernicious and 
party purposes."' 

Finding it impossible to obtain the queen's co-opera- 
tion, the council at length resolved to issue the writs 
of summons in their own name, as a measure justified 
by necessity. The place of meeting was fixed at 
Burgos in the ensuing month of November ; and great 
pains were taken that the different cities should in- 
struct their representatives in their views respecting 
the ultimate disposition of the government.* 

Long before this, indeed immediately after Philip's 
death, letters had been despatched by Ximenes and his 
friends to the Catholic king, acquainting him with the 
state of affairs, and urging his immediate return to 
Castile. He received them at Portofino. He deter- 
mined, however, to continue his voyage, in which he 
had already advanced so far, to Naples. The wary 
monarch perhaps thought that the Castilians, whose 
attachment to his own person he might with some rea- 
son distrust, would not be the less inclined to his rule 

■7 Peter Martyr, Opus Eplst., epist. 318. — Mariana, Hist, de Espafia. 
torn. ii. lib. 29, cap. 2. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 71-73. 
^ Zurila, Anales, lib. 7, cap. 22. 



FERDINAND VISITS NAPLES. 



275 



after having tasted the bitterness of anarchy. In his 
reply, therefore, after briefly expressing a decent regret 
at 4he untimely death of his son-in-law, and his un- 
doubting confidence in the loyalty of the Castilians to 
their queen, his daughter, he prudently intimates that 
he retains nothing but kindly recollections of his an- 
cient subjects, and promises to use all possible despatch 
in adjusting the affairs of Naples, that he may again 
return to them."' 

After this, the king resumed his voyage, and having 
touched at several places on the coast, in all which he 
was received with great enthusiasm, arrived before the 
capital of his new dominions in the latter part of 
October. All were anxious, says the great Tuscan 
historian of the time, to behold th« prince who had 
acquired a mighty reputation throughout Europe for 
his victories over both Christian and infidel, and whose 
name was everywhere revered for the wisdom and 
equity with which he had ruled in his own kingdom. 
They looked to his coming, therefore, as an event 
fraught with importance, not merely to Naples, but to 
all Italy, where his personal presence and authority 
might do so much to heal existing feuds and establish 

»» L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 187. — Zufiiga, Annales de 
Sevilla, afio 1506. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 317. — Gomez, 
De Rebus gestis, fol. 68, 6g, 71. — Shall we wrong Ferdinand much by 
applying to him the pertinent verses of Lucan, on a somewhat similar 
occasion ? — 

" Tutumque putavit 
Jam bonus esse socer ; lacrymas non s|x>nte cadentes 
EfTudit, geniitusque expressit pectore laeto, 
Non aliter manifesta piitans abscondere mentis 
Gaudia, quam lacrymis. " 

Pharsalia, lib. 9. 



'i 
m 






876 



REIGN AND DEATH OF PHILIP, 



permanent tranquillity.^* The Neapolitans, in partic- 
ular, were intoxicated with joy at his arrival. The 
most splendid preparations were made for his recep- 
tion. A fleet of twenty vessels of war came out to 
meet him and conduct him into port; and, as he 
touched the shores of his new dominions, the air was 
rent with acclamations of the people, and with the 
thunders of artillery from the fortresses which crowned 
the heights of the city, and from the gallant navy which 
rode in her waters.'* 

The faithful chronicler of Los Palacios, who gen- 
erally officiates as the master of ceremonies on these 
occasions, dilates with great complacency on all the 
circumstances of the celebration, even to the minutest 
details of the costume worn by the king and his no- 
bility. According to him, the monarch was arrayed 
in a long, flowing mantle of crimson velvet, lined with 
satin of the same color. On his head was a black 
velvet bonnet, garnished with a resplendent ruby and 
a pearl of inestimable price. He rode a noble white 
charger, whose burnished caparisons dazzled the eye 
with their splendor. By his side was his young queen, 
mounted on a milk-white palfrey, and wearing a skirt, 
or under-garment, of rich brocade, and a French robe, 



if' IF 
\ 



3c " Un re glorioso per tante vittorie avute contro gl' Infedeli, e 
contro i Cristiani, venerabile per opinione di prudenza, e del quale 
risonava fama Cristianissima, che avesse con singolare giustizia e 
tranquillity govemato i reami suoi." Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. iv. p. 
31. — ^Also Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 124. — Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, 
lib. 30, cap. I. 

3» Summonte, Hist, di Napoli, torn. iv. lib. 6, cap. $. — Guicciardini, 
Istoria, torn. iv. p. 31. — Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, pp. 378, 279. — 
Bembo, Istoria Viniziana, lib. 7. 



FERDINAND VISITS NAPLES. 



277 



simply fastened with clasps, or loops of fine wrought 
gold. 

On the mole they were received by the Great Cap- 
tain, who, surrounded by his guard of halberdiers and 
his silken array of pages wearing his device, displayed 
all the pomp and magnificence of his household. 
After passing under a triumphal arch, where Ferdinand 
swore to respect the liberties and privileges of Naples, 
the royal pair moved forward under a gorgeous can- 
opy, borne by the members of the municipality, while 
the reins of their steeds were held by some of the 
principal nobles. After them followed the other lords 
and cavaliers of the kingdom, with the clergy, and 
ambassadors assembled from every part of Italy and 
Europe, bearing congratulations and presents from 
their respective courts. As the procession halted in 
the various quarters of the city, it was greeted with 
joyous bursts of music from a brilliant assemblage of 
knights and ladies, who did homage by kneeling down 
and saluting the hands of their new sovereigns. At 
length, after defiling through the principal streets and 
squares, it reached the great cathedral, where the day was 
devoutly closed with solemn prayer and thanksgiving.^ 

Ferdinand was too severe an economist of time to 
waste it willingly on idle pomp and ceremonial. His 
heart swelled with satisfaction, however, as he gazed 
on the magnificent capital thus laid at his feet and 
pouring forth the most lively expressions of a loyalty 
which of late he had been led to distrust. With all 



3» Beraaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 210. — Zurita, Anales, torn, 
vi. lib. 7, cap. 20. — Giovio, Vitne IHust. Viroriim, ubi supra. — Garibay, 
Compendio, lib. 20, cap. 9. 



87$ 



REIGN AND DEATH OF PHILIP. 



•f > 



I 

I 



his impatience, therefore, he was not disposed to re- 
buke this spirit, by abridging the season of hilarity. 
But, after allowing sufficient scope for its indulgence, 
he devoted himself assiduously to the great purposes of 
his visit. 

He summoned a parliament general of the kingdom, 
where, after his own recognition, oaths of allegiance 
were tendered to his daughter Joanna and her pos- 
terity, as his successors, without any allusion being 
made to the rights of his wife. This was a clear eva- 
sion of the treaty with France ; but Ferdinand, though 
late, was too sensible of the folly of that stipulation 
which secured the reversion of his wife's dower to the 
latter crown, to allow it to receive any sanction from 
the Neapolitans.'' 

Another and scarcely less disastrous provision of the 
treaty he complied with in better faith. This was the 
re-establishment of the Angevin proprietors in their 
ancient estates, the greater part of which, as already 
noticed, had been parcelled out among his own fol- 
lowers, both Spaniards and Italians. It was, of course, 
a work of extraordinary difficulty and vexation. When 
any flaw or impediment could be raised in the Angevin 
title, the transfer was evaded. When it could not, 
a grant of other land or money was substituted, if 
possible. More frequently, however, the equivalent, 
which probably was not very scrupulously meted out, 
was obliged to be taken by the Aragonese proprietor. 
To accomplish this, the king was compelled to draw 
largely on the royal patrimony in Naples, as well as to 

33 Zurita, Anales, ubi supra. — Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. iv. pp. 72, 
73- 



18 



I 



FERDINAND VISITS NAPLES. 



879 



make liberal appropriations of land and rents in his 
native dominions. As ail this proved insufficient, 
he was driven to the expedient of replenishing the 
exchequer by draughts on his new subjects.'* 

The result, although effected without violence or 
disorder, was unsatisfactory to all parties. The An- 
gevins rarely received the full extent of their demands. 
The loyal partisans of Aragon saw the fruits of many 
a hard-fought battle snatched froiTi their grasp, to 
be given back again to their enemies. '* Lastly, the 
wretched Neapolitans, instead of the favors and immu- 
nities incident to a new reign, found themselves bur- 
dened with additional imposts, which, in the exhausted 
state of the country, were perfectly intolerable. So 
soon were the fair expectations formed of Ferdinand's 
coming, like most other indefinite expectations, 
clouded over by disappointment ; and such were some 
of the bitter fruits of the disgraceful treaty with Louis 
the Twelfth. 3« 



94 Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, lib. 30, cap. i. — Summonte, Hist, di 
Napoli, torn. iv. lib. 6, cap. S- — Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. lag. — Guic- 
ciardini, Istoria, torn. iv. p. 71. 

38 Such, for example, was the fate of the doughty little cavalier, 
Pedro de la Paz, the gallant Leyva, so celebrated in the subsequent 
wars of Charles V., the ambassador Rojas, the Quixotic Paredes, and 
others. The last of these adventurers, according to Mariana, en- 
deavored to repair his broken fortunes by driving the trade of a corsair 
in the Levant. Hist, de Espana, tom. ii. lib. 29, cap. 4. 

3* If any one would see a perfect specimen of the triumph of style, 
let him compare the interminable prolixities of Zurita with Mariana, 
who in this portion of his narrative has embodied the facts and 
opinions of his predecessor, with scarcely any alteration, save that of 
greater condensation, in his own transparent and harmonious diction. 
It is quite as great a miracle in its way as the rifacimento of Berni. 



I 



CHAPTER XX. 

Ferdinand's return and regency.—gonsalvo's 
honors and retirement. 



XSO6-X509. 

Joanna's mad Conduct. — She changes her Ministers. — Disorders in 
Castile. — Ferdinand's politic Behavior. — He leaves Naples. — His 
brilliant Reception by Louis XII. — Honors to Gonsalvo. — Ferdi- 
nand's Return to Castile. — His excessive Severity. — Neglect of the 
Great Captain. — His honorable Retirement. 

While Ferdinand was thus occupied in Naples, the 
representatives of most of the cities, summoned by 
the provisional government, had assembled in Burgos 
(Nov. 1506). Before entering on business, they were 
desirous to obtain the queen's sanction to their pro- 
ceedings. A committee waited on her for that pur- 
pose, but she obstinately refused to give them audience.' 

She still continued plunged in moody melancholy, 
exhibiting, however, occasionally the wildest freaks of 
insanity. Towards the latter end of December, she 
determined to leave Burgos and remove her husband's 
remains to their final resting-place in Granada. She 
insisted on seeing them herself, before her departure. 
The remonstrances of her counsellors, and of the holy 
men of the monastery of Miraflores, proved equally 

* Mariana, Hist, de EspaRa, torn. ii. lib. 29, cap. a. — Zurita, Anales, 
torn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 29. 
(280) 



RETIRIMENT of QONSALVO, 



•8i 



fruitless. Opposition only roused her passions into 
frenzy, and they were obliged to comply with her mad 
humors. The corpse was removed from the vault ; the 
two coffins of lead and wood were opened, and such 
as chose gazed on the mouldering relics, which, not- 
withstanding their having been embalmed, exhibited 
scarcely a trace of humanity. The queen was not 
satisfied till she touched them with her own hand, 
which she did without shedding a tear or testifying the 
least emotion. The unfortunate lady, indeed, was said 
never to have been seen to weep since she detected her 
husband's intrigue with the Flemish courtesan. 

The body was then placed on a magnificent car, or 
hearse, drawn by four horses. It was accompanied by 
a long train of ecclesiastics and nobles, who, together 
with the queen, left the city on the night of the aoth 
of December. She made her journeys by night, say- 
ing that ** a widow, who had lost the sun of her own 
soul, should never expose herself to the light of day." 
When she halted, the body was deposited in some 
church or monastery^ where the funeral services were 
performed, as if her husband had just died ; and a 
corps of armed men kept constant guard, chiefly, as it 
would seem, with the view of preventing any female 
from profaning the place by her presence. For Joanna 
still retained the same jealousy of her sex which she 
had unhappily had so much cause to feel during Philip's 
lifetime.' 



• Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 324, 33a, 339, 363.— Mariana, 
Hist, de Elspaiia, torn. ii. lib. 29, cap. 3. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., afio 
1506. — Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 206. — Robles, Vida de 
Ximenez, cap. 17. — " Childish as was the affection," says Dr. Dunham. 



If 



ll 



282 FERDINAND'S RETURN AND REGENCY. 

In a subsequent journey, when at a short distance 
from Torquemada, she ordered the corpse to be carried 
into the court-yard of a convent, occupied, as she 
supposed, by monks. She was filled with horror, how- 
ever, on finding it a nunnery, and immediately com- 
manded the body to be removed into the open fields. 
Here she encamped with her whole party at dead of 
night ; not., however, until she had caused the coffins 
to be unsealed, that she might satisfy herself of the 
safety of her husband's relics; although it was very 
difficult to keep the torches, during the time, from 
being extinguished by the violence of the wind, and 
leaving the company in total darkness. ' 

" of Joanna for her husband, she did not, as Robertson relates, cause 
the body to be removed from the sepulchre after it was buried, and 
brought to her apartment. She once visited the sepulchre, and, after 
affectionately gazing on the corpse, was persuaded to retire. Robert- 
son seems not to have read, at least not with care, the authorities for 
the reign of Fernando." (History of Spain and Portugal, vol. ii. p. 
287, note.) Whoever will take the trouble to examine these authori- 
ties will probably not find Dr. Dunham much more accurate in the 
matter than his predecessor. Robertson, indeed, draws largely from 
the Epistles of Peter Martyr, the best voucher for this period, which 
his critic apparently has not consulted. In the very page preceding 
that in which he thus taxes Robertson with inaccuracy, we find him 
speaking of Charles VIII. as the reigning monarch of France; an 
error not merely clerical, since it is repeated no less than three times. 
Such mistakes would be too trivial for notice in any but an author 
who has made similar ones the ground for unsparing condemnation 
of others. 

3 Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 339. — A foolish Carthusian monk, 
" laevi sicco folio levior," to borrow Martyr's words, though more 
knave than fool probably, filled Joanna with absurd hopes of her hus- 
band's returning to life, which, he assured her, had happened, as he 
had read, to a certain prince, after he had been dead fourteen years. 
As Philip was disembowelled, he was hardly in a condition for such 



RETIREMENT OF GO N SALVO. 



283 



These mad pranks, savoring of absolute idiocy, were 
occasionally checkered by other acts of more intelli- 
gence, but not less startling. She had early shown a 
disgust to her father's old counsellors, and especially to 
Ximenes, who, she thought, interfered too authorita- 
tively in her domestic concerns. Before leaving Bur- 
gos, however, she electrified her husband's adherents 
by revoking all grants made by the crown since Isa- 
bella's death. This, almost the only act she was ever 
known to sign, was a severe blow to the courtly tribe 
of sycophants on whom the golden favors of the late 
reign had been so prodigally showered. At the same 
time she reformed her privy council, by dismissing the 
present members and reinstating those appointed by 
her royal mother, sarcastically telling one of the ejected 
counsellors that "he might go and complete his studies 
at Salamanca." The remark had a biting edge to it, 
as the worthy jurist was reputed somewhat low in his 
scholarship.* 

These partial gleams of intelligence, directed in this 
peculiar way, led many to discern the secret influ- 
ence of her father. She still, however, pertinaciously 

an auspicious event. The queen, however, seems to have been caught 
with the idea. (Opus Epist., epist. 32b.) Martyr loses all patience at 
the inventions of this "blactero cucullatus," as he calls him in his 
abominable Latin, as well as at the mad pranks of the queen, and the 
ridiculous figure which he and the otlier grave personages of the 
court were compelled to make on the occasion. It is impossible to 
read his Jeremiads on the subject without a smile. See, in particular, 
his whimsical epistle to his old friend the archbishop of Granada, 
Opus Epist., epist. 333. 

4 Mariana, Hist, de EspaRa, torn. ii. lib. 29, cap. 3. — Zurita, Anales, 
torn, vi. lib. 7, cap. 26, 38, 54. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 72. — 
Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., torn, i, p. n. 



liill 



284 FERDINAND'S RETURN AND REGENCY, 

refused to sanction any measures of cortes for his re- 
call;* and, when pressed by that body on this and 
other matters, at an audience which she granted before 
leaving Burgos, she plainly told them •* to return to 
their quarters, and not to meddle further in the public 
business without her express commands." Not long 
after this, the legislature was prorogued by the royal 
council for four months. 

The term assigned for the provisional government 
expired in December, and was not renewed. No other 
regency was appointed by the nobles ; and the king- 
dom, without even the shadow of protection afforded 
by its cortes, and with no other guide but its crazy 
sovereign, was left to drift at random amidst the winds 
and waves of faction. This was not slow in brewing in 
every quarter, with the aid especially of the overgrown 
nobles, whose license, on such occasions as this, proved 
too plainly that public tranquillity was not founded 
so much on the stability of law as on the personal 
character of the reigning sovereign.* 

5 Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 16. — Peter Martyr, 
Opus Epist., epist. 346. — Zurita, Anales, lib. 7, cap. 36-38. — Zufliga, 
Annates de Sevilla, afio 1507. — Bemaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 
206. — The duke of Medina Sidonia, son of the nobleman who bore so 
honorable a part in the Granadine war, mustered a large force by land 
and sea for the recovery of his ancient patrimony of Gibraltar. — Isa- 
bella's high-spirited friend, the marchioness of Moya, put herself at 
the head of a body of troops with bettc- success, during her husband's 
illness, and re-established herself in the strong fortress of Segovia, 
which Philip had transferred to Manuel. (Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., 



II: 

111 



• [In a letter to the princess of Wales, dated March isth, 1507, Fer- 
dinand states that Juana is continually sending to him and begging 
him very pressingly to return. Bergenroth, Letters, Despatches, ana 
State Papers, Supplementary Vol.— Ed.] 



mW. 



RETIREMENT OF GONSALVO. 



285 



,Fer- 



The king's enemies, in the mean time, were press- 
ing their correspondence with the emperor Maximilian, 
and urging his immediate presence in Spain. Others 
devised schemes for marrying the poor queen to the 
young duke of Calabria, or some other prince whose 
years or incapacity might enable them to act over 
again the farce of King Philip.* To add to the 
troubles occasioned by this mesh of intrigue and fac- 
tion, the country, which of late years had suffered from 
scarcity, was visited by a pestilence, that fell most 
heavily on the south. In Seville alone, Bernaldez 
reports the incredible number of thirty thousand per- 
sons to have fallen victims to it.* 

But, although the storm was thus darkening from 
every quarter, there was no general explosion, to shake 
the state to its foundations, as in the time of Henry 
the Fourth. Orderly habits, if not principles, had 
been gradually formed under the long reign of Isabella. 
The great mass of the people had learned to respect 

epist. 343. — Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 207.) "No one 
lamented the circumstance," says Oviedo. The marchioness closed 
her life not long after this, at about sixty years of age. Her husband, 
though much older, survived her. Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, quinc. 
I, dial. 23. 

* Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 208. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 
71. — Mariana, Hist, de Espaiia, torn. ii. lib. 29, cap. 2. — The worthy 
Curate of Los Palacios does not vouch for this exact amount from his 
own knowledge. He states, however, that 170 died, out of his own 
little parish of 500 persons, and he narrowly escaped with life himself, 
after a severe attack. Ubi supra. 



* [The only direct suitor for Juana's hand seems to have been 
Henry VH. of England, who, according to Bergenroth, was re.ifly to 
marry her " sane or insane." Letters, Despatches, and State Papers, 
vol. i.— Ed.] 



286 FERDINAND'S RETURN AND REGENCY. 

the operation and appreciate the benefits of law ; and 
notwithstanding the menacing attitude, the bustle, and 
transitory ebullitions of the rival factions, there seemed 
a manifest reluctance to break up the established order 
of things, and, by deeds of violence and bloodshed, to 
renew the days of ancient anarchy. 

Much of this g;ood result was undoubtedly to be 
attributed to the vigorous counsels and conduct of 
Ximenes,' who, together with the grand constable and 
the duke of Alva, had received full powers from Ferdi- 
nand to act in his name. Much is also to be ascribed 
to the politic conduct of the king. Far from an in- 
temperate zeal to resume the sceptre of Castile, he had 
shown throughout a discreet forbearance. He used 
the most courteous and condescending style in his 
communications to the nobles and the municipalities, 
expressing his entire confidence in their patriotism, and 
in their loyalty to the queen, his daughter. Through the 
archbishop, and other important agents, he had taken 
effectual measures to soften the opposition of the more 
considerable lords; until, at length, not only such 
accommodating statesmen as Garcilasso de la Vega, 

7 Ximenes equipped and paid out of his own funds a strong corps, 
for the ostensible purpose of protecting the queen's person, but quite 
as much to enforce order by checicing the turbulent spirit of the 
grandees ; a stretch of authority which this haughty body could ill 
brook. (Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 17.) Zurita, indeed, who 
thinks the archbishop had a strong relish for sovereign power, accuses 
him of being " at heart much more of a king than a friar." (Anales, 
torn. vi. lib. 7^ cap. 29.) Gomez, on the contrary, traces every political 
act of his to the purest patriotism. (De Rebus gestis, fol. 70, et al.) 
In the mixed motives of action, Ximenes might probably have been 
puzzled himself to determine how much belonged to the one principle 
and how much to the other. 



RETIREMENT OF GONSALVO. 



287 



but more sturdy opponents, asVillena, Benavente, and 
Bejar, were brought to give in their adhesion to their 
old master. Liberal promises, indeed, had been made 
by the emperor, in the name of his grandson Charles, 
who had already been made to assume the title of King 
of Castile. But the promises of the imperial braggart 
passed lightly with the more considerate Castilians, 
who knew how far they usually outstripped his per- 
formance, and who felt, on the other hand, that their 
true interests were connected with those of a prince 
whose superior talents and personal relations all con- 
curred to recommend him to the seat which he had 
once so honorably occupied. The great mass of the 
common people, too, notwithstanding the temporary 
alienation of their feelings from the Catholic king by 
his recent marriage, were driven by the evils they 
actually suffered, and the vague apprehension of greater, 
to participate in the same sentiments ; so that, in less 
than eight m.onths from Philip's death, the whole 
nation may be said to have returned to its allegiance 
to its ancient sovereign. The only considerable ex- 
ceptions were Don Juan Manuel and the duke of 
Najara. The former had gone too far to recede, and 
the latter possessed too chivalrous, or too stubborn, a 
temper to do so.' 

At length, the Catholic monarch, having completed 
his arrangements at Naples, and waited until the affairs 
of Castile were fully ripe for his return, set sail from 

' Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 351. — L. Marineo, Cosas memora- 
bles, fol. 187. — Lanuza, Historias, torn. i. lib. i, cap. 21. — Zunta, 
Anales, torn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 19, 22, 25, 30, 39. — Guicciardini, Istoria, 
torn. iv. p. 76, ed. Milano, 1803. — Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 17. 
— Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., torn. i. p. 12. 



288 FERDINAND'S RETURN AND REGENCY. 






^ 



\ 



his Italian capital, June 4th, 1507. He proposed to 
touch at the Genoese port of Savona, where an inter- 
view had been arranged between him and Louis the 
Twelfth. During his residence in Naples, he had 
assiduously devoted himself to the affairs of the king- 
dom. He had avoided entering into the local politics 
of Italy, refusing all treaties and alliances proposed 
to him by its various states, whether offensive or de- 
fensive. He had evaded the importunate solicitations 
and remonstrances of Maximilian in regard to the 
Castilian regency, and had declined, moreover, a 
personal conference proposed to him by the emperor 
during his stay in Italy. After the great work of re-, 
storing the Angevins to their estates, he had thoroughly 
reorganized the interior administration of the king- 
dom ; creating new offices, and entirely new departs 
ments. He made large reforms, moreover, in the 
courts of law, and prepared the way for the new sys- 
tem demanded by its relations as a dependency of the 
Spanish monarchy. Lastly, before leaving the city, he 
acceded to the request of the inhabitants for the 
re-establishment of their ancient university.' 

In all these sagacious measures he had been ably 
assisted by his viceroy, Gonsalvo de Cordova. Ferdi- 
nand's deportment towards the latter had been studied, 
as I have said, to efface every uncomfortable impression 
from his mind. On his first arrival, indeed, the king 

9 Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, lib. 30, cap. 1-5. — Summonte, Hist, 
di Napoli, torn. iv. lib. 6, cap. 5. — L. Marineo, Cosas memr. .1 ^es, fol. 
187, — Buonaccorsi, Diario, p. 129. — Bernaldez, Reyes Ca^vl.ijjs, MS., 
cap. 210. — Signorelli, Coltura nelle Sicilie, torn. iv. p. 84. — The learned 
Neapolitan civilian, Giannone, bears emphatic testimony to the general 
e.xcellcncc of the Spanish legislation for Naples. Ubi supra. 



RETIREMENT OF GOMSALVO. 



289 



had condescended to listen to complaints, made by 
certain officers of the exchequer, of Gonsalvo's waste 
and misapplication of the public moneys. The gen- 
eral simply asked leave to produce his own accounts in 
his defence. The first item, which he read aloud, was 
two hundred thousand seven hundred and thirty-six 
ducats, given in alms to the monasteries and the poor, 
to secure their prayers for the success of the king's 
enterprise. The second was seven hundred thousand 
four hundred and ninety-four ducats to the spies em- 
ployed in his service. Other charges equally prepos- 
terous followed ; while some of the audience stared 
incredulous, others laughed, and the king himself, 
ashamed of the paltry part he was playing, dismissed 
the whole affair as a jest. The common saying of 
cuentas del Gran Capitxriy at this day, attests at least 
the popular faith in the anecdote." 

From this moment, Ferdinand continued to show 
Gonsalvo unbounded marks of confidence; advising 
with him on all important matters, and making him 
the only channel of royal favor. He again renewed, 
in the most emphatic manner, his promise to resign 
the grand -mastership of St. Jago in his favor, on their 
return to Spain, and made formal application to the 
pope to confirm it." In addition to the princely 

1° Giovio, Vitae lUust. Virorum, p. loa. — Chr6nica del Gran Capitan, 
lib. 3. 

»' Machiavelli expresses his astonishment that Gon "70 should have 
been the dupe of promises, the very magnitude of which made them 
suspicious! " Ho sentito ragionare di questo accordo fra Consalvo c 
il Re, e maravigliarsi ciascuno che Consalvo se ne fidi ; e quanto quel 
Re e stato piit liberale verso di lui, anto p'm ne insospeUisce la brigata, 
peusando che il Re abbi falto per assicurarlo.e per poterne meglio dis- 
VOL. III. -19 N 



290 



FERDINAND'S RETURN AND REGENCY. 



honors already conferred on the Great Captain, he 
granted him the noble duchy of Sessa, by an instru- 
ment which, after a pompous recapitulation of his 
stately titles and manifold services, declares that these 
latter were too great for recompense." Unfortunately 
fur both king and subject, this was too true.'' 

Gonsalvo remained a day or two behind his royal 
master in Naples, to settle his private affairs. In addi- 
tion to the heavy debts incurred by his own generous 
style of living, he had assumed those of many of his old 
companions-in-arms, with whom the world had gone 

[>orre sotto questa sicurtk." (Legazione seconda a Roma, let 23, Oct. 
6th.) But what alternative had he, unless indeed that of open rebel- 
lion, for which he seems to have had no relish ? And, if he had, it was 
too late after Ferdinand was in Naples. 

*' Chr6nica del Gran Capitan, lib. 3, cap. 3. — Zurita, Anales, torn, 
vi. lib. 7, cap. 6, 49. — Giovio, Vitae lUust. Virorum, p. 279. — " Vos el 
ilustre Don Gonzalo Hernandez de Cordoba," begins the instrument, 
" Duque de Terra Nova, Marques de Santangelo y Vitonto, y mi 
Condestable del reyno de Ndpoles, nuestro muy charo y muy amado 
primo, y uno del nuestro secreto Consejo," etc. (See the document 
apud Quintana, ElspaAoles celebres, torn. i. Apend. no. i.) The 
revenues from his various estates amounted to 40,000 ducats. Zurita 
speaks of another instrument, a public manifesto of the Catholic king, 
proclaiming to the world his sense of his general's exalted services and 
unimpeachable loyalty. (Anales, tom. vi. lib. 8, cap. 3.) This sort 
of testimony seems to contain an implication not very flattering, and, 
on the whole, is so improbable that I cannot but think the Aragonese 
historian has confounded it with the grant of Sessa, bearing precisely 
the same date, February 25th, and containing also, though incidentally, 
and as a thing of course, the most ample tribute to the Great Captain. 
— Comp. also Pulgar, Sumario, p. 138. 

'3 Tacitus may explain why : " Beneficia ed usque laeta sunt, dum 
videntur exsolvi posse; ubi multum antevenere, pro gratia odium 
redditur." (Annales, lib. 4, sec. 18.) " II n'est pas si dangereux," says 
Rochefoucault, in a more caustic vein, " de faire du mal \ la plupart 
des hommes, (jue de leur faire trop de bien." 



H 



RETIREMENT OF GONSALVO, 



291 



less prosperously than with himself. The claims of his 
creditors, therefore, had swollen to such an amount 
that, in order to satisfy them fully, he was driven to 
sacrifice part of the domains lately granted him. 
Having discharged all the obligations of a man of 
honor, he prepared to quit the land over which he had 
ruled with so much splendor and renown for nearly 
four years. The Neapolitans in a body followed him 
to the vessel; and nobles, cavaliers, and even ladies 
of the highest rank lingered on the shore to bid him a 
last adieu. Not a dry eye, says the historian, was to 
be seen. So completely had he dazzled their imagina- 
tions and captivated their hearts by his brilliant and 
popular manners, his munificent spirit, and the equity 
of his administration, — qualities more useful, and prob- 
ably more rare in those turbulent times, than military 
talent. He was succeeded in the office of grand con- 
stable of the kingdom by Prospero Colonna, and in 
that of viceroy by the count of Ribagorza, Ferdinand's 
nephew.** 

On the '28th of June, the royal fleet of Aragon 
entered the little port of Savona, where the king of 
France had already been waiting for it several days. 
The French navy was ordered out to receive the Cath- 
olic monarch, and the vessels on either side, gayly 
decorated with the national flags and ensigns, rivalled 
each other in the beauty and magnificence of their 
equipments. King Ferdinand's galleys were spread 



»4 Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, pp. 280, 281. — Garibay, Compendio, 
torn, ii. lib. 20, cap. 9. — Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, lib. 30, cap. 1.— • 
Summonte, Hist di Napoli, torn. iv. lib. 6, cap. 5. — Giiicciardini, 
Istoria, torn. iv. p. 72. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, lib. 3, cap. 4. 



m 






993 



FERDINAND'S RETURN AND REGENCY. 



with rich carpets and awnings of yellow and scarlet, 
and every sailor in the fleet exhibited the same gaudy- 
colored livery of the royal house of Aragon. Louis 
the Twelfth came to welcome his illustrious guests, 
attended by a gallant train of his nobility and chivalry ; 
and, in order to reciprocate as far as possible the con- 
fidence reposed in him by the monarch with whom he 
had been so recently at deadly feud, immediately went 
on board the vessel of the latter.'* Horses and mules 
richly caparisoned awaited them at the landing. The 
French king, mounting his steed, gallantly placed the 
young queen of Aragon behind him. His cavalieis did 
the same with the ladies of her suite, most of them 
Frenchwomen, though attired, as an old chronicler 
of the nation rather peevishly complains, after the 
Spanish fashion ; and the whole paity, with the ladies 
en croupe^ galloped off to the ro)'?.i quarters in Sa- 



vona 



x6 



»s " Spettacolo certamente memorabile, vedere insieme due Re 
potentissimi tra tutti i Principi Cristiani, stati poco innanzi si acerbis- 
simi inimici, non solo riconciliati, e congiunti di parentado, tna deposti 
i segni dell' odio, e della memoria delle oiTese, commettere ciascuno di 
loro ia vita propria in nrbitrio dell' altro con non minore confidenza, 
che se sempre fossero stati concordissimi fratelli." (Guicciardini. 
Istoria, torn. iv. p. 75.) This astonishment of the. Italian is an in- 
different tribute to the habitual good faith of the times. 

»* D'Auton, Hist, de Louys XII., part, 3, chap. 38. — Buonaccorsi, 
Diario, p. 132. — St. Gelais, Hist, de Louys XII., p. 204. — Germaine 
appears to have been no great favorite with the French chroniclers. 
" Et y estoit sa femme Germaine de Fouez, qui tenoit une marveil- 
leuse cudace. EUe fist peu de compte de tous les Fran9ois, mesme- 
ment de son frfere, le gentil due de Nemours." (M^moires de Bayard, 
chap. 27, apud Petitot, Collection des Mdmoires, tom. xv.) See also 
Fleurange (Mdmoires, ch;\p. 19. apud Petitot, Collection des Mimoires, 
torn, xvi.), who notices the same arrogant bearing 



RETIREMENT OF GONSALVO, 



293 



Blithe and jocund were the revels which rung through 
the halls of this fair city during the brief residence of 
its royal visitors. Abundance of good cheer had been 
provided by Louis's orders, writes an old cavalier'' 
who was there to profit by it ; and the larders of Sa- 
vona were filled with the choicest game, and its cellars 
well stored with the delicious wines of Corsica, Lan- 
guedoc, and Provence. Among the followers of Louis 
were the marquis of Mantua, the brave La Palice, the 
veteran D'Aubigny, and many others of renown, who 
had so lately measured swords with the Spaniards on 
the fields of Italy, and who now vied with each other 
in rendering them these more grateful, and no less 
honorable, offices of chivalry.'* 

As the gallant D'Aubigny was confined to his apart- 
ment by the gout, Ferdinand, who had always held his 
talents and conduct in high esteem, complimented him 
by a visit in person. But no one excited such general 
interest and attention as Gonsalvo de Cordova, who 
was emphatically the hero of the day. At least, such 
is the testimony of Guicciardini, who will not be 
suspected of undue partiality. Many a Frenchman 
there had had bitter experience of his military prowess. 

'7 For fighting, and feasting, and all the generous pastimes of chiv- 
alry, none of the French chroniclers of this time rivals D'Auton. 
He is the very Froissart of the sixteenth century. A part of his 
works still remains in manuscript. That which is printed retains the 
same form, I believe, in which it was given to the public by Godefroy, 
in the beginning of the seventeenth century ; while many an inferior 
chronicler and memoir-monger has been published and republished, 
with all the lights of editorial erudition. 

«8 D'Auton, Hist, de Louys XII., part. 3, chap. 38. — Bernaldez, 
Reyes Cat61ioos, MS., ubi supra. — Bembo, Istoria Viniziana, lib. 7.— 
St. Gelais, Hist, de Louys XII., p. :04. 



394 



i'ERDmAND'S RETURN AND REGENCY. 



Many others had grown familiar with his exploits in 
the exaggerated reports of their countrymen. They 
had been taught to regard him with mingled feelings 
of fear and hatred, and could scarcely credit their 
senses, as they beheld the bugbear of their imagina- 
tions distinguished above all others for " the majesty 
of his presence, the polished elegance of his discourse, 
and manners in which dignity was blended with 



grace. 



I* 19 



But none were so open in their admiration as King 
Louis. At his request, Gonsalvo was admitted to sup 
at the same table with the Aragonese sovereigns and 
himself. During the repast he surveyed his illustrious 
guest with the deepest interest, asking him various par- 
ticulars respecting those memorable campaigns which 
had proved so fatal to France. To all these the Great 
Captain responded with becoming gravity, says the 
chronicler; and the French monarch testified his satis- 
faction, at parting, by taking a massive chain of ex- 
quisite workmanship from his own neck, and throwing 
it round Gonsalvo's. The historians of the event 
appear to be entirely overwhelmed with the magnitude 
of the honor conferred on the Great Captain by thus 

«» Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. iv. pp. 76, 77. — Giovio, Vitae Illust. 
Virorum, p. 282. — Chr6nica del Gran Capitan, lib. 3, cap. 4. — " Ma 
non dava minore materia ai ragionamenti it Gran Capitano, al quftile 
non erano meno volti gli occhi degli uomini per la fama del suo valore, 
e per la memoria di tante vittorie, la quale faceva, che i Franzesi, 
ancora che vinti tante volte di lui, e che solevano avere in sommo 
odio e orrore 11 suo nome, non si saziassero di contemplarlo e onorarlo. 
. . . E accresceva Tammirazione degli uomini la maestk eccellente 
della presenza sua, la magnificenza delle parole, i gesti, e la maniera 
plena di gravitk condita di grazia : ma sopra tutti il Re di Francia," 
etc. Guicciardini, ubi supra. 



RETIREMENT OF GONSALVO, 



895 



adnutting him to the same tabic with three crowned 
heads ; and Guicciardini dues not hesitate to pro- 
nounce it a more glorious epoch in his life than even 
that of his triumphal entry into the capital of Naples." 

During this interview, the monarchs held repeated 
conferences, at which none were present but the papal 
envoy, and Louis's favorite minister, D'Amboise. The 
subject of discussion can only be conjectured by the 
subsequent proceedings, which make it probable that 
it related to Italy ; and that it was in this season of 
idle dalliance and festivity that the two princes who 
held the destinies of that country in their hands ma- 
tured the famous league of Cambray, so disastrous to 
Venice, and reflecting little credit on its projectors, 
either on the score of good faith or sound policy. Put 
to this we shall have occasion to return hereafter." 

At length, after enjoying for four days the splendid 
hospitality of their royal entertainer, the king and 
queen of Aragon re-embarked, and reached their own 
port of Valencia, after various detentions, on the 20th 
of July, 1507. Ferdinand, having rested a short time 
in his beautiful capital, pressed forward to Castile, 
where his presence was eagerly expected. On the 
borders he was met by the dukes of Albuquerque and 
Medina Celi, his faithful follower the count of Cifu- 



«> Brantdme, Vies des Hommes illustres, disc. 6. — Chr6nica del 
Gran Capitan, lib. 3, cap. 4. — Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. iv. pp. 77, 78. 
— D'Auton, Hist, de Louys XII., ubi supra. — Quintana, Espaiioles 
c^lebres, torn. i. p. 319. — Mf^rroires de Bayard, chap. 27, apud Petitot, 
Collection des Memoires, Inn. xv. — Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., 
cap. 210. — Pulgar, Sumario, p. 195. 

« D'Auton, Hist, de I.ouys XII., part. 3, chap. 38. — Buonaccorsi, 
Diario, p. 133. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 36. 



296 FERDINANL'S RETURN AND REGENCY. 



v> 5 



Ml 



entes, and many other nobles and cavaliers. He was 
soon after joined by deputies from many of the prin- 
cipal cities in the kingdom, and, thus escorted, made 
his entry into it by the way of Monteagudo, on the 
2ist of August. How different from the forlorn and 
outcast condition in which he had quitted the country 
a short year before ! He intimated the change in his 
own circumstances by the greater state and show of 
authority which he now assumed. The residue of the 
old Italian army, just arrived under the celebrated 
Pedro Navarro, count of Oliveto,'" preceded him on the 
march ; and he was personally attended by his alcaldes, 
alguazils, and kings-at-arms, with all the appropriate 
insignia of royal supremacy.'' 

At Tortoles he was met by the queen, his daughter, 
accompanied by Archbishop Ximenes. The interview 
between them had more of pain than pleasure in it. 
The king was greatly shocked by Joanna's appearance; 
for her wild and haggard features, emaciated figure, 
and the mean, squalid attire in which she was dressed, 
made it difficult to recognize any trace of the daughter 
from whom he had been so long separated. She dis- 
covered more sensibility on seeing him than she had 
shown since her husband's death, and henceforth re- 
signed herself to her father's will with little opposition. 
She was soon after induced by him to change her 

" King Ferdinand had granted him the title and territory of Olivelo 
in the kingdom of Naples, in recompense for his eminent services in 
the Itah'nn wars. Aleson, Annales de Navarra, torn. v. p. 178. — 
Giovio, Vitae Illust. Vironim, p. 190. 

n Bemaldez, Reyes Catoiicos, MS., cap. 210. — Zurita, Anales, torn. 
vi. lib. 8, cap. 4, 7. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 358. — Gomez, 
Dc Rebus gestis, fol. 74. — Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS. 



RETIREMENT OF GONSALVO. 



891 



unsuitable residence for more commodious quarters at 
Tordesillas. Her husband's remains were laid in the 
monastery of Santa Clara, adjoining the palace, from 
whose windows she could behold his sepulchre. From 
this period, although she survived forty-seven years, 
she never quitted the walls of her habitation ; and, 
although her name appeared jointly with that of her 
son, Charles the Fifth, in all public acts, she never 
afterwards could be induced to sign a paper, or take 
part in any transactions of a public nature. She lin- 
gered out a half-century of dreary existence, as com- 
pletely dead to the world as the remains which slept in 
the monastery of Santa Clara beside her.^* * 

"4 Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 75. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., 
epist. 363. — Zurita, Anales, lib. 8, cap. 49. — Sandoval. Hist, del Emp. 
Carlos v., torn. i. p. 13, — Philip's remains were afterwards removed to 
the cathedral church of Granada ; where they were deposited, together 
with those of his wife Joanna, in a magnificent sepulchre erected by 
Charles V., near that of Ferdinand and Isabella. Pedraza, Antigiie- 
dad de Granada, lib. 3, cap. 7. — Colmenar, D^lices de I'EUpagne et du 
Portugal (Leide, 1715), torn. iii. p. 490. 



"• [Herr Bergenroth, whose researches in the Archives of Simancas 
have thrown a strong light on some portions of Juana's unhappy 
career, argues very strenuously that " the story of her madness must 
be abandoned, and replaced by another drawn in strong hard lines, 
and colored with the strongest tints." According to this theory she 
was perfectly sane down to the closing years of her life, when her 
reason gave way under the effects of a long confinement, which had 
originally no other motive than the statecraft and personal ambition 
of three successive rulers, her father, her husband, and her son. Her 
right to the Spanish inheritance was incompatible, we are told, with 
the " plans" of Ferdinand, the " greediness" of Philip, and the notions 
entertained by Charles of " his duties towards God and the world." 
" In the very clearness of her title, which could not be explained away, 
consisted her greatest danger. Her death, however, would not have 

N» 



liM' 



i ! 



M 



!;l 



298 FERDINAND'S RETURN AND REGENCY. 

From this time the Catholic king exercised an au- 
thority nearly as undisputed, and far less limited and 

benefited either King Ferdinand or King Philip. Had she died, her 
son, and not her father, would have been her successor in Castile, 
whilst her husband would have lost even the pretext he had for med- 
dling in the affairs of Spain. Both could, therefore, gain only if she 
continued to live and yet was prevented fVom exercising her royal 
prerogatives. . . . The madness of Juana was, as it were, the founda- 
tion-stone of the political edifice of Ferdinand and of Charles, which 
would have immediately crumbled to pieces if she had been permitted 
to exercise her hereditary right." (Letters, Despatches, and State 
Papers, Supplementary Vol.) 

There is something almost ludicrous in this reasoning, which pro- 
ceeds on the assumption that the clearness of J uana's title made it 
inevitable that she should be got rid of in some way, the means to be 
employed being the only point on which a question can have arisen. 
Nor is it correct to say that her death would have been a bar to that 
ambition which attained its object by the pretence of her insanity. Fer- 
dinand's claim — which Herr Bergenroth so strangely confounds with 
that of a " successor" to the crown — was limited to the minority of his 
grandson, and, like Philip's during the same period, it would have 
been equally good whether Juana was insane or dead. But it is idle 
to discuss the possible motives of a crime in the absence of proof that it 
has been committed. The evidence in the present case has no direct 
bearing on the persons accused. It relates exclusively to Juana. It 
shows — what has never been a matter of dispute — that her state was 
not one of absolute imbecility or of raving madness. It furnishes in- 
stances of her carrying on connected conversations and exhibiting a 
rational demeanor, of the consequent denial of her insanity by persons 
who had occasional intercourse with her, and of reports to the same 
effect spread among the populace. Many indications of an opposite char- 
acter which incidentally appear are considered by Herr Bergenroth as 
sufficiently accounted for by the treatment to which she was subjected. 

If an inquiry were to be instituted on grounds like these, it would 
be proper to take the opinion of authorities competent to decide on 
questions of mental pathology. But this is unnecessary : the incom- 
petency of Juana is established by historical facts. At two periods of 
her life — in the interval between her husband's death and her father s 
return to Spain, and during the insurrection of the Comunidadcs in 



RETIREMENT OF GONSALVO, 



299 



defined than in the days of Isabella. So firm did he 
feel in his seat, indeed, that he omitted to obtain the 



1520 — she was at full liberty " to exercise her hereditary right," and 
was surrounded by people who urged and implored her to do so. 
These, on the first occasion, were the nobles of Castile, whose deser- 
tion of Ferdinand had compelled him to lay down the sceptre a few 
months before, and some of whom had just cause for apprehension 
if he were allowed to resume it. On the second occasion it was 
the people of the towns, who, driven to revolt by the exactions of the 
government and by feudal oppression, flocked around the queen, freed 
her from confinement, and wished to replace her on the throne. On 
these two occasions the conduct of Juana was the same. She would 
make no decisions, give no commands, sign no decrees. Neither en- 
treaties nor threats could induce her to perform a single act pertaining 
to the attributes of sovereignty. On both occasions those who had 
staked their hopes on her capacity ceased to assert it. On both occa- 
sions she willingly resigned herself to the control of those who declared 
her incapable of reigning. 

There is still another point in Herr Bergenroth's disciission of this 
subject which cannot be passed over in silence. To account for Isa- 
bella's participation in setting aside her daughter under a false pre- 
tence, he discovers, on the evidence of some letters showing that 
Juana, while in Flanders, was as eccentric in regard to religious obser- 
vances as in most other matters, that she had become " a heretic," and 
as such could not be allowed to ascend the Castilian throne. Con- 
cluding that this " deviation from the true faith" must have had its 
origin in a revolt of her better nature against corrupting doctrines and 
practices inculcated upon her in early life, he draws an imaginary 
picture of her education, and winds up with the assertion that " her 
mother forced her by severe punishment, and even by the application 
of torture, to comply outwardly with the dictates of religion and duty, 
as religion and duty were understood by her." As proof of this 
statement he refers to the following passage from a letter written to 
Charles V., in 1522, by the Marquis of Denia, who had charge of 
Juana : " In truth, if your Majesty would apply the torture it would 
in many respects be a service and a good thing rendered to God and 
to her Highness. Persons who are in her frame of mind require it, 
and the Queen your grandmolher served and treated in this way tiie 
Queen our lady, her daughter." But even if we admit that the authority 



300 



FERDINAND'S RETURN AND RECENCY. 



constitutional warrant of cortes. He had greatly de- 
sired this at the late irregular meeting of that body. 
But it broke up, as we have seen, without effecting 
anything; and, indeed, the disaffection of Burgos and 
some other principal cities at that time must have made 
the success of such an application very doubtful. But 
the general cordiality with which Ferdinand was greeted 
gave no ground for apprehending such a result at present. 

Many, indeed, of his partisans objected to any in- 
tervention of the legislature in this matter, as super- 
fluous; alleging that he held the regency as natural 
guardian of his daughter, nominated, moreover, by 
the queen's will, and confirmed by the cortes at Toro. 
These rights, they argued, were not disturbed by his 
resignation, which was a compulsory act, and had 
never received any express legislative sanction, and 
which, in any event, must be considered as intended 
only for Philip's lifetime, and to be necessarily deter- 
mined with that. 

But, however plausible these views, the irregularity 

is sufRcien*, — which Herr Bergenroth, who regards the marquis as a 
persistent liar, should hardly have done, — and that the word premia 
means here not simply compulsion, but torture, the inference must be 
rejected, since the context shows that no reference was intended to 
matters of religion or to Juana's early life. The subject of the letter is 
her proposed removal from Tordesillas to Arevalo, and the marquis 
expresses a fear that the same untractablc disposition which she mani- 
fested in other things — refusing to eat or to go to bed, to be washed or 
dressed — would prove an obstacle in tlie present instance. He probably 
recollected her obstinate attempt, in 1503, to leave Medina del Campo, 
which gave the first decided token of her insanity and the first occasion 
for subjecting her to restraint. (Ante, p. 94.) That his allusion is to 
something that had occurred after she became insane is clear from 
his citing it as a proof of the treatment necessary for " persons in her 
state of mind," — " las persuiias que estatt en su dispusicion" — Ed.] 



RETIREMENT OF CONSALFO. 



301 



of Ferdinand's proceedings furnished an argument for 
disobedience on the part of discontented nobles, who 
maintained that they knew no supreme authority but 
that of their queen, Joanna, till some other had been 
sanctioned by the legislature. The whole affair was 
finally settled, with more attention to constitutional 
forms, in the cortes held at Madrid, October 6th, 
1 5 10, when the king took the regular oaths as admin- 
istrator of the realm in his daughter's name, and as 
guardian of her son."* 

Ferdinand's deportment, on his first return, was dis- 
tinguished by a most gracious clemency, evinced, not 
so much, indeed, by any excessive remuneration of 
services, as by the politic oblivion of injuries. If he 
ever alluded to these, it was in a sportive way, im- 
plying that there was no rancor or ill will at heart. 
** Who would have thought," he exclaimed one day to 
a courtier near him, "that you could so easily abandon 

^ Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 7, cap. 26, 34 ; lib. 9, cap. so. — Sec 
the bold language of the protest of the marquis of Priego against this 
assumption of the regency by the Catholic king. " En caso tan 
grande," he says, " que se trata de gobemacion de grandes reinos ^ 
seilorios justa € razonable cosa fuera, € seria que fueramos llamados € 
certificados de ello, porque yo 6 los otros caballeros grandes € las 
ciudades ^ alcaldes mayores vieramos lo que debiamos hacer 6 con- 
sentir como vasallos & leales servidorcs de la reina nuestra sefSora, 
porque la administracion i gobemacion destos reinos se diera 6 con- 
cediera d quien las leyes destos reynos mandan que se den 6 encomi- 
enden en caso," etc. (MS. de la Biblioteca de la Real Acad, de Hist., 
apud Marina, Teorfa, tom. ii. part. 2, cap. 18.) Marina, however, is 
not justified in regarding Ferdinand's subsequent convocation of cortes 
for this purpose as a concession to the demands of the nation. (Teoria, 
ubi supra.) It was the result of the treaty of Blois, with Maximilian, 
guaranteed by Louis XII., the object of which was to secure the suc- 
cession to the archduke Charles. Zurita, Anales, lib. 8, cap. 47. 



302 



FERDINAND'S RETURN AND RECENCY. 



your old master for one so young and inexperienced?" 
"Who would have thought," replied the other, with 
equal bluntness, ** that my old master would have 
outlived my young one?" * 

With all this complaisance, however, the king did 
not neglect precautions for placing his authority on 
a sure basis, and fencing it round so as to screen 
it effectually from the insults to which it had been 
formerly exposed. He retained in pay most of the 
old Italian levies, with the ostensible purpose of an 
African expedition. He took good care that the 
military orders should hold their troops in constant 
readiness, and that the militia of the kingdom should 
be in condition for instant service. He formed a 
body-guard to attend the royal person on all occa- 
sions. It consisted at first of only two hundred men, 
armed and drilled after the fashion of the Swiss, and 
placed under the command of his chronicler Ayora, 
an experienced martinet who made some figure at the 
defence of Salsas. This institution probably was im- 
mediately suggested by the garde du corps of Louis 
the Twelfth, at Savona, which, altogether on a more 
formidable scale indeed, had excited his admiration by 
the magnificence of its appointments and its thorough 
discipline.'' 



•6 Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, p. 282. — Chr6nica del Gran Capitan, 
lib. 3, cap. 4. 

a? Zurita, Anales, torn, vi, lib. 8, cap. 10. — MSS, de Torres y de 
Oviedo, apud Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., torn. vi. Ilust. 6. — D'Auton, 
Hist, de Louys XII., part. 3, chap. 38. — The Catholic king was very 
minute in his inquiries, according to Auton, " du faict et de I'estat des 
gardes du Roy, et de ses Gentilshommes, qu'il r^putoit k grande 
chose, et triompiiale ordonnance." Ubi supra. 



RETIREMENT OF GONSALVO. 



303 



Not^"ithstanding the king's general popularity, there 
were still a few considerable persons who regarded his 
resumption of authority with an evil eye. Of these, 
Don Juan Manuel had fled the kingdom before his 
approach, and taken refuge at the court of Maximilian, 
where the counsellors of that monarch took good care 
that he should not acquire the ascendency he had ob- 
tained over Philip. The duke of Najara, however, 
still remained in Castile, shutting himself up in his 
fortresses, and refusing all compromise or obedience. 
The king without hesitation commanded Navarro to 
march against him with his whole force. Najara was 
persuaded by his friends to tender his submission, with- 
out awaiting the encounter; and he surrendered his 
strongholds to the king, who, after detaining them some 
time in his keeping, delivered them over to the duke's 
eldest son."* 

With another offender he dealt more sternly. This 
was Don Pedro de Cordova, marquis of Priego, who, 
the reader may remember, when quite a boy, nar- 
rowly escaped the bloody fate of his father, Alonso 
de Aguilar, in the fatal slaughter of the Sierra Vermeja. 
This nobleman, in common with some other Andalu- 
sian lords, had taken umbrage at the little estimation 
and favor shown them, as they conceived, by Ferdi- 
nand, in comparison with the nobles of the north ; and 
his temerity went so far as not only to obstruct the 
proceedings of one of the royal officers, sent to Cor- 
dova to inquire into recent disturbances there, but to 

* Bemaldez, Reyes Cctolicos, MS., cap. 210. — Peter Martyr, Opus 
Epist., epist. 363. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 75. — Zurita, Anales, 
torn. vi. lib. 8, cap. 15. 



304 



FERDINAND'S RETURN AND REGENCY. 



imprison him in the dungeons of his castle of Mon- 
tilla. 

This outrage on the person of his own servant exas- 
perated the king beyond all bounds. He resolved 
at once to make such an example of the offender as 
should strike terror into the disaffected nobles and 
shield the royal authority from the repetition of similar 
indigniticti. As the marquis was one of the most po- 
tent and extensively allied grandees in the kingdom, 
Ferdinand made his preparations on a formidable scale ; 
ordering, in addition to the regular troops, a levy of 
all between the ages of twenty and seventy throughout 
Andalusia. Priego's friends, alarmed at these signs of 
the gathering tempest, besought him to avert it, if pos- 
sible, by instant concession ; and his uncle, the Great 
Captain, urged this most emphatically, as the only way 
of escaping utter ruin. 

The rash young man, finding himself likely to re- 
ceive no support in the unequal contest, accepted the 
counsel, and hastened to Toledo, to throw himself at 
the king's feet. The indignant monarch, however, 
would not admit him into his presence, but ordered 
him to deliver up his fortresses, and to remove to the 
distance of five leagues from the court. The Great 
Captain soon after sent the king an inventory of his 
nephew's castles and estates, at the same time depre- 
cating his wrath, in consideration of the youth and 
inexperience of the offender. 

Ferdinand, however, without heeding this, went on 
with his preparations, and, having completed them, 
advanced rapidly to the south. When arrived at Cor- 
dova, he ordered the imprisonment of the marquis. 



RETIREMENT OF GONSALVO. 



305 



(Sept. 1508.) A formal process was then instituted 
against him before the royal council, on the charge of 
high treason. He made no defence, but threw himself 
on the mercy of his sovereign. The court declared 
that he had incurred the penalty of death, but that 
the king, in consideration of his submission, was gra- 
ciously pleased to commute this for a fine of twenty 
millions of maravedis, perpetual banishment from Cor- 
dova and its district, and the delivery of his fortresses 
into the royal keeping, with the entire demolition of the 
offending castle of Montilla. This last, famous as the 
birthplace of the Great Captain, was one of the strong- 
est and most beautiful buildings in all Andalusia."^ 
Sentence of death was at the same time pronounced 
against several cavaliers and other inferior persons 
concerned in t!ie affair, and was immediately executed. 
The Castilian aristocracy, alarmed and disgusted by 
the severity of a sentence which struck down one of 
the most considerable of their order, were open in 
their remonstrances to the king, beseeching him, if no 
other consideration moved him in favor of the young 
nobleman, to grant something to the distinguished 
services of his father and his uncle. The latter, as 
well as the grand constable, Velasco, who enjoyed 
the highest consideration at court, was equally pressing 
in his solicitations. Ferdinand, however, was inex- 



"9 " Montiliana," writes Peter Martyr, " ilia atria, quae vidisti ali- 
quando, multo auro, multoque ebore compta ornataque, proh dolor 1 
funditus dirui sunt jussa." (Opus Epist.. epist. 405.) He was well 
acquainted with the lordly halls of Montilla, for he had been preceptor 
to their young master, who was a favorite pupil, to judge from the 
bitter wailings of the kind-hearted pedagogue over his fate. See 
epist. 404, 405. 
Vol. III. — 20 



3o6 FERDINAND'S RETURN AND REGENCY. 



orable; and the sentence was executed. The nobles 
chafed in vain ; although the constable expostulated 
with the king in a tone which no subject in Europe but 
a Castilian grandee would have ventured to assume. 
Gonsalvo coolly remarked, "It was crime enough in 
Don Pedro to be related to me." * 

This illustrious man had had good reason to feel, 
before this, that his credit at court was on the wane. 
On his return to Sppin, he was received with un- 
bounded enthusiasm by the nation. He was detained 
by illness a few days behind the court, and his journey 
towards Burgos to rejoin it, on his recovery, was 
a triumphal procession the whole way. The roads 
were thronged with multitudes so numerous that ac- 
commodations could scarcely be found for them in the 
towns on the route ; ^ for they came from the remotest 
parts of the country, all eager to catch a glimpse of 
the hero whose name and exploits, the theme of story 
and of song, were familiar to the meanest peasant in 
Castile. In this way he made his entry into Burgos, 
amid the cheering acclamations of the people, and 
attended by a cortige of officers, who pompously dis- 
played on their own persons, and the caparisons of 
their steeds, the rich spoils of Italian conquests. The 
old count of Urefia, his friend, who with the whole court 
came out by Ferdinand's orders to receive him, ex- 

3° Beraaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 315. — Peter Martyr, Opus 
Epist., epist. 39a, 393, 405. — Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, p. 384. — 
Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 8, cap. ao, ai, aa. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., 
aflo 1507. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. ii. lib. ao, cap. lo. — Chronica 
del Gran Capitan, lib. 3, cap. 6. — Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V. 
torn. i. p. 13. 

3« Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, p. a8a. — Pulgar, Sumario, p. 197. 



RETIREMENT OF GONSALVO. 



307 



claimed, with a prophetic sigh, as he saw the splendid 
pageant come sweeping by, "This gallant ship, I fear, 
will require deeper water to ride in than she will find 
in Castile!"'* 

Ferdinand showed his usual gracious manners in his 
reception of Gonsalvo. It was not long, however, 
before the latter found that this was all he was to ex- 
pect. No allusion was made to the grand-mastership. 
When it was at length brought before the king, and he 
was reminded of his promises, he contrived to defer 
their performance under various pretexts; until at 
length it became too apparent that it was his intention 
to evade them altogether. 

While the Great Captain and his friends were filled 
with an indignation at this duplicity which they could 
ill suppress, a circumstance occurred to increase the 
coldness arising in Ferdinand's mind towards his in- 
jured subject. This was the proposed marriage (a 
marriage which, from whatever cause, never took 
place 33) of Gonsalvo's daughter Elvira to his friend 
the constable of Castile. 3* Ferdinand had designed to 

3» Bemaldez, Reyes Catdlicos, MS., cap. 210. — Giovjo, Vitae lUust. 
Virorum, ubi supra. — Chr6nica del Gran Capitan, lib. 3, cap. 5. 

33 Quintana errs in stating that Doiia Elvira married the constable. 
(Espailoles c^lebres, torn. i. p. 321.) He had two wives, Dofia Blanca 
de Herrera, and Dotia Juana de Aragon, and at his death was laid by 
their side in the church of Santa Clara de Medina del Pomar, (Sala- 
zar de Mendoza, Dignidades, lib. 3, cap. 21.) Elvira married the 
count of Cabra. Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 42. 

3* Bernardino de Velasco, grand constable of Castile, as he was 
called, par excellence, succeeded in 1492 to that dignity, which became 
hereditary in his family. He was third count of Haro, and was cre- 
ated by the Catholic sovereigns, for his distinguished services, duke of 
Frias. He had large estates, chiefly in Old Castile, with a yearly 



3o8 FERDINAND'S RETURN AND REGENCY. 



<■ \ m 

n 



i i 






; 

( ,; 

I '^ 

i ■ 
t 

ii 



secure her large inheritance to his own family, by an 
alliance with his grandson, Juan de Aragon, son of the 
archbishop of Saragossa. His displeasure at finding 
himself crossed in this was further sharpened by the 
petulant spirit of his young queen. The constable, 
now a widower, had been formerly married to a nat- 
ural daughter of Ferdinand. Queen Germaine, ad- 
verting to his intended union with the lady Elvira, 
unceremoniously asked him, "If he did not feel it a 
degradation to accept the hand of a subject, after hav- 
ing wedded the daughter of a king?" " How can I 
feel it so," he replied, alluding to the king's marriage 
with her, " when so illustrious an example has been 
set me?" Germaine, who certainly could not boast 
the magnanimity of her predecessor, was so stung with 
the retort that she not only never forgave the con- 
stable, but extended her petty resentment to Gonsalvo, 
who saw the duke of Alva from this time installed in 
the honors he had before exclusively enjoyed, of imme- 
diate attendance on her person whenever she appeared 
in public's 

However indifferent Gonsalvo may have been to 
the little mortifications inflicted by female spleen, he 
could no longer endure his residence at a court where 
he had lost all consideration with the sovereign and 
experienced nothing but duplicity and base ingrati- 

revenue, according to L. Marineo, of 60,000 ducats. He appears to 
have possessed many noble and brilliant qualities, accompanied, how- 
ever, with a haughtiness which made him feared, rather than loved. 
He died in February, 15 12, after a few hours' illness, as appears by a 
letter of Peter Martyr. Opus Epist., epist. 479. — Salazar de Mendoza, 
Dignidades, ubi supra. — L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 23. 
35 Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, pp. 282, 283. 



RETIREMENT OF GONSALVO. 



309 



tude. He obtained leave, without difficulty, to with- 
draw to his own estates; where, not long after, the 
king, as if to make some amends for the gross viola* 
tion of his promises, granted him the royal city of 
Loja, not many leagues from Granada. It was given 
to him for life, and Ferdinand had the effrontery to 
])ropose, as a condition of making the grant perpetual 
to his heirs, that Gonsalvo should relinquish his claim 
to the grand-mastership of St. Jago. But the latter 
haughtily answered, " He would not give up the right 
of complaining of the injustice done him, for the finest 
city in the king's dominions." * 

From this time he remained on his estates in the 
south, chiefly at I^oja, with an occasional residence in 
Granada, where he enjoyed the society of his old friend 
and military instructor, the count of Tendilla. He 
found abundant occupation in schemes for improving 
the condition of his tenantry and of the neighboring 
districts. He took great interest in the fate of the 
unfortunate Moriscos, numerous in this quarter, whom 
he shielded as far as possible from the merciless grasp 
of the Inquisition, while he supplied teachers and other 
enlightened means for converting them, or confirming 
them in a pure faith. He displayed the same magnifi- 
cence and profuse hospitality in his living that he had 
always done. His house was visited by such intelli- 
gent foreigners as came to Spain, and by the most dis- 
tinguished of his countrymen, especially the younger 
nobility and cavaliers, who resorted to it as the best 
school of high-bred and knightly courtesy. He showed 

3*Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, pp. 284, 285. — Chronica del Gran 
Capitan, lib. 3, cap. 6. — I'ulgur, Suiiiario, p. 208. 






f 

I 



310 



FERDINAND'S RETURN AND REGENCY. 



a lively curiosity in all that was going on abroad, 
keeping up his information by an extensive correspond- 
ence with agents, whom he regularly employed for the 
purpose, in the principal European courts. When the 
league of Cambray was adjusted, the king of France 
and the pope were desirous of giving him the com- 
mand of the allied armies. But Ferdinand had in- 
jured him too sensibly to care to see him again at the 
head of a military force in Italy. He was as little 
desirous of employing him in public affairs at home, 
and suffered the remainder of his days to pass away in 
distant seclusion ; a seclusion, however, not unpleasing 
to himself, nor unprofitable to others.'' The world 
called it disgrace; and the old count of Urefia ex- 
claimed, ** The good ship is stranded at last, as I pre- 
dicted!" "Not so," said Gonsalvo, to whom the 
observation was reported; "she is still in excellent 
trim, and waits only the rising of the tide to bear 
away as bravely as ever." * 

37 The inscription on Guicciardini's monument might have been 
written on Gonsalvo's : 

" Cujus negotium, an otium gloriosius incertum." 
See Pignotti, Storia della Toscana (Pisa, 1813), torn. ix. p. 153. 

38 Quintana, Espanoles c^lebres, torn. i. pp. 322-334. — Giovio, Vitae 
Illust. Virorum, p. 286. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, lib. 3, cap. 7-9. 
— Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 560. — Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. iv. 
pp. 7T, 78. 



il '! 
I 



fl 



CHAPTER XXI. 

XIMENES. — CONQUESTS IN AFRICA. — UNIVERSITY OF 
ALCALA. — POLYGLOT BIBLE. 



1508-15 ID. 

Enthusiasm of Ximenes. — His warlike Preparations. — He sends an 
Army to Africa. — Storms Oran. — His triumphant Entry. — The 
King's Distrust of him. — He returns to Spain. — Navarro's African 
Conquests. — Magnificent Endowments of Ximenes. — University of 
Alcald. — Complutensian Polyglot 

The high-handed measures of Ferdinand, in regard 
to the marquis of Priego and some other nobles, ex- 
cited general disgust among the jealous aristocracy of 
Castile. But they appear to have found more favor 
with the c-ommons, who were probably not unwilling 
to see that haughty body humbled which had so often 
trampled on the rights of its inferiors.' As a matter 
of policy, however, even with the nobles, this course 
does not seem to have been miscalculated ; since it 

» On his return from Cordova Ferdinand experienced a most loyal 
and enthusiastic reception from the ancient capital of Andalusia. The 
most interesting part of the pageant was the troops of children, gayly 
dressed, who came out to meet him, presenting the keys of the city 
and an imperial crown ; after which the whole procession moved under 
thirteen triumphal arches, each inscribed with the name of one of his 
victories. For a description of these civic honors, see Bcnialdez, 
Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 216, and Zufiiga, Annales de Sevilla, afio 
1508. 

(311) 



312 



AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XIMENES. 



showed that the king, whose talents they had always 
respected, was now possessed of power to enforce 
obedience, and was fully resolved to exert it. 

Indeed, notwithstanding a few deviations, it must be 
allowed that Ferdinand's conduct on his return was 
extremely lenient and liberal ; more especially con- 
sidering the subjects of provocation he had sustained 
in the personal insults and desertion of those on whom 
he had heaped so many favors. History affords few 
examples of similar moderation on the restoration of 
a banished prince or party. In fact, a violent and 
tyrannical course would not have been agreeable to his 
character, in which passion, however strong by nature, 
was h?ibitually subjected to reason. The present, as it 
would seem, excessive acts of severity are to be re- 
garded, therefore, not as the sallies of personal resent- 
ment, but as the dictates of a calculating policy, 
intended to strike terror into the turbulent spirits 
whom fear only could hold in check. 

To this energetic course he was stimulated,, as was 
said, by the counsels of Ximenes. This eminent prel- 
ate had now reached the highest ecclesiastical honors 
short of the papacy. Soon after Ferdinand's restora- 
tion, he received a cardinal's hat from Pope Julius the 
Second ;■ and this was followed by his appointment to 
the office of inquisitor-general of Castile, in the place 
of Deza, archbishop of Seville. The important func- 
tions devolved on him by these offices, in conjunction 
with the primacy of Spain, might be supposed to fur- 



• He obtained this dignity at the king's solicitation, during his visit 
to Naples. See Ferdinand's letter, apud Quintanilla, copied from the 
archives of Alcald. Archetypo, Apend. no. 15. 



UNIVERSITY OF AI.CALA. 



313 



nish abundant subject and scope for his aspiring spirit. 
But his views, on the contrary, expanded with every 
step of his elevation, and now fell little short of those 
of an independent monarch. His zeal glowed fiercer 
than ever for the propagation of the Catholic faith. 
Had he lived in the age of the crusades, he would 
indubitably have headed one of those expeditions him- 
self; for the spirit of the soldier burned strong and 
bright under his monastic weeds.' Indeed, like Colum- 
bus, he had formed plans for the recovery of the Holy 
Sepulchre, even at this late day.* But his zeal found 
a better direction in a crusade against the neighboring 
Moslems of Africa, who had retaliated the wrongs of 
Granada by repeated descents on the southern coasts 
of the Peninsula, calling in vain for the interference 
of government. At the instigation and with the aid 
of Ximenes, an expedition had been fitted out soon 
after Isabella's death, which resulted in the capture of 
Mazarquivir, an important port, and formidable nest 
of pirates, on the Barbary coast, nearly opposite Car- 



3 " Ego tamen dum universas ejus actiones comparo," says Alvaro 
Gomez, " magis ad bellica exercitia a natura effictum esse judico. 
Erat enim vir animi invicti ei sublimis, omniaque in melius asserere 
conantis." De Rebus gestis, fol. 95. 

4 From a letter of king Emanuel of Portugal, it appears that Ximenes 
had endeavored to interest him, together with the kings of Aragon and 
England, in a crusade to the Holy Land. There was much method 
in his madness, if we may judge from the careful survey he had pro- 
cured of the coast, as well as his plan of operations. The Portuguese 
monarch praises in round terms the edifying zeal of the primate, but 
wisely confined himself to his own crusades in India, which were 
likely to make better returns, at least in this world, than those to 
Palestine. The letter is still preserved in the arcliivcs of Alcald; see 
a copy in Quintanilla, Archetype, Apend. no. 16. 

o 



314 



AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XIMENES. 



thagena. (Sept. 13th, 1505.) He now meditated a 
more difficult enterprise, the conquest of Oran.' 

This place, situated about a league from the former, 
was one of the most considerable of the Moslem pos- 
sessions in the Mediterranean, being a principal mart 
for the trade of the Levant. It contained about 
twenty thousand inhabitants, was strongly fortified, 
and had acquired a degree of opulence by its exten- 
sive commerce which enabled it to maintain a swarm 
of cruisers, that swept this inland sea and made fearful 
depredations on its populous borders.* 

No sooner was Ferdinand quietly established again 
in the government, than Ximenes urged him to under- 
take this new conquest. The king saw its importance, 
but objected the want of funds. The cardinal, who 
was prepared for this, replied that "he was ready to 
lend whatever sums were necessary, and to take sole 
charge of the expedition, leading it, if the king pleased, 
in person." Ferdinand, who had no objection to this 
mode of making acquisitions, more especially as it 
would open a vent for the turbulent spirits of his sub- 
jects, readily acquiesced in the proposition. 

The enterprise, however disproportionate it might 
seem to the resources of a private individual, was not 
beyond those of the cardinal. He had been carefully 
husbanding his revenues for some time past, with a 
view to this object ; although he had occasionally 



S Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 6, cap. 15. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, 
fol. 77. — Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 17. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., 
aRo 1507. — Mariana, Hist, de Espafia, torn. ii. lib. 28, cap. 15 ; lib. 39, 
cap. 9. 

* Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 418. 



UNIVERSITY OF ALCALA. 



l^S 



broken in upon his appropriations, to redeem unfortu- 
nate Spaniards who had been swept into slavery. He 
had obtained accurate surveys of the Barbary coast 
from an Italian engineer named Vianelli. He had 
advised, as to the best mode of conducting operations, 
with his friend Gonsalvo de Cordova, to whom, if it 
had been the king's pleasure, he would gladly have 
intrusted the conduct of the expedition. At his sug- 
gestion, that post was now assigned to the celebrated 
engineer, Count Pedro Navarro.' 

No time was lost in completing the requisite prep- 
arations. Besides the Italian veterans, levies were 
drawn from all quarters of the country, especially from 
the cardinal's own diocese. The chapter of Toledo 
entered heartily into his views, furnishing liberal sup- 
plies, and offering to accompany the expedition in 
person. An ample train of ordnance was procured, 
with provisions and military stores for the maintenance 
of an army four months. Before the close of spring, 
in 1509, all was in readiness, and a fleet of ten galleys 
and eighty smaller vessels rode in the harbor of Car- 
thagena, having on board a force amounting in all to 
four t'housand horse and ten thotisand foot. Such 
were the resources, activity, and energy displayed by 
a man whose life, until within a very few years, had 
been spent in cloistered solitudes and in the quiet 
practices of religion, and who now, oppressed with 
infirmities more than usual, had passed the seventieth 
year of his age. 



7 Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 96-100. — Beraaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, 
MS., cap. 218. — Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 17. — Peter Martyr, 
Opus Epist., epist. 413. — Chronica del Gran Capitan, lib. 3, cap. 7, 



3i6 



AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XJMENES. 












I : 



In accomplishing all this, the cardinal had expe- 
rienced greater obstacles than those arising from bodily 
infirmity or age. His plans had been constantly dis- 
couraged and thwarted by the nobles, who derided the 
idea of "a monk fighting the battles of Spain, while 
the Great Captain was left to stay at home and count 
his beads like a hermit." The soldiers, especially 
those of Italy, as well as their commander Navarro, 
trained under the banners of Gonsalvo, showed little 
inclination to serve under their spiritual leader. The 
king himself was cooled by these various manifesta- 
tions of discontent. But the storm which prostrates 
the weaker spirit serves only to root the stronger more 
firmly in its purpose; and the genius of Ximenes, 
rising with the obstacles it had to encounter, finally 
succeeded in triumphing over all, in reconciling the 
king, disappointing the nobles, and restoring obedience 
and discipline to the army." 

On the i6th of May, 1509, the fleet weighed anchor, 
and on the following day reached the African port of 
Mazarquivir. No time was lost in disembarking ; for 
the fires on the hill-tops showed that the country was 
already in alarm. It was proposed to '^''rect the 
main attack against a lofty height, or i gc >i land, 
rising between Mazarquivir and Oran, so n*. 't the 
latter as entirely to command it. At the same ti r , 
the fleet was to drop down before the Moorish city, 
and, by opening a brisk cannonade, divert the attention 
of the inhabitants from the principal point of assault. 



j 



8 Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 100-102. — Robles, Vida de Ximenez, 
ubi supra. — Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 3, cap. 19. — Bernaldez, Reyes 
Catolicos, MS., cap. 218. 



UNIVERSITY OF ALCALA. 



3«7 



. As soon as the Spanish army had landed and formed 
in order of battle, Ximenes mounted his mule and 
rode along the ranks. He was dressed in his pontifical 
robes, with a belted sword at his a « A Franciscan 
friar rode before him, bearing aloft the massive silver 
cross, the archiepiscopal standard of Toledo. Around 
him were other brethren of the order, wearing their 
monastic frocks, with scimitars hanging from their 
girdles. As the ghostly cavalcade advanced, they 
raised the triumphant hymn of Vexilla regis, until at 
length the cardinal, ascending a rising ground, imposed 
silence, and made a brief but animated harangue to his 
soldiers. He reminded them of the wrongs they had 
suffered from the Moslems, the devastation of their 
coasts, and their brethren dragged into merciless 
slavery. When he had sufficiently roused their re- 
sentment against the enemies of their country and 
religion, he stimulated their cupidity by dwelling on 
the golden spoil which awaited them in the opulent 
city of Oran ; and he concluded his discourse by de- 
claring that he had come to peril his own life in 
the good cause of the Cross, and to lead them on to 
battle, as his predecessors had often done before 
him.' 

The venerable aspect and heart-stirring eloquence of 
the primate kindled a deep, reverential enthusiasm in 
the bosoms of his martial audience, which showed itself 
by the profoundest silence. The officers, however, 
closed around him at the conclusion of the address. 



9 Bemaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., ubi supra. — Zurita, Anales, torn, 
vi. lib. 8, cap. 30.— Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 108. — Oviedo, Quin- 
cuagenas, MS., dial, de Ximenez. 



318 



AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XIMENES. 



i A 



: 



and besought him not to ..ipose his sacred person to 
the hazard of the fight; reminding him that his pres- 
ence would probably do more harm than good, by 
drawing off the attention of the men to his personal 
safety. This last consideration moved the cardinal, 
who, though reluctantly, consented to lelinquish the 
command to Navarro ; and, after uttering his parting 
benediction over the prostrate ranks, he withdrew to 
the neighboring fortress of Mazarquivir. 

The day was now far spent, and dark clouds of the 
enemy were seen gathering along the tops of the sierra, 
which it was proposed first to attack. Navarro, seeing 
this post so strongly occupied, doubted whether his 
men would be able to carry it before nightfall, if in- 
deed at all, without previous rest and refreshment, 
after the exhausting labors of the day. He returned, 
therefore, to Mazarquivir, to take counsel of Xime- 
nes. The latter, whom he found at his devotions, 
besought him **not to falter at this hour, but to go for- 
ward in God's name, since both the blessed Saviour 
and the false prophet Mahomet conspired to deliver 
the enemy into his hands." The soldier's scruples 
vanished before the intrepid bearing of the prelate, 
and, returning to the army, he gave instant orders to 
advance." 

Slowly and silently the Spanish troops began their 
ascent up the steep sides of the sierra, under the 
friendly cover of a thick mist, which, rolling heavily 
down the skirts of the hills, shielded them for a time 
from the eye of the enemy. As soon as they emerged 

«> Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. io8-iio. — Quintanilla, Archetypo, 
lib. 3, cap. 19. — Zurita, Anales, lib. 8, cap. 30. 



UNIVERSITY OF ALCALA. 



319 



from it, ^'^'vever, they were saluted with showers of 
balls, ar ts, and other deadly missiles, followed by 
the desperate charges of the Moors, who, rushing 
down, endeavored to drive back the assailants. But 
they made no impression on the long pikes and deep 
ranks of the latter, which remained unshaken as a rock. 
Still, the numbers of the enemy, fully equal to those 
of the Spaniards, and the advantages of their position, 
enabled them to dispute the ground with fearful obsti- 
nacy. At length, Navarro got a small battery of heavy 
guns to operate on the flank of the Moors. The effect 
of this movement was soon visible. The exposed sides 
of the Moslem column, finding no shelter from the 
deadly volleys, were shaken and thrown into disorder. 
The confusion extended to the leading files, which 
now, pressed heavily by the iron array of spearmen in 
the Christian van, began to give ground. Retreat was 
soon quickened into a disorderly flight. The Span- 
iards pursued ; many of them, especially the raw levies, 
breaking their ranks, and following up the flying foe 
without the least regrrd to the commands or menaces 
of their oificers ; a circumstance which might have 
proved fatal, had the Moors had strength or discipline 
to rally. As it was, the scattered numbers of the 
Christians, magnifying to the eye their real force, 
served only to increase the panic ?nd accelerate the 
speed of the fugitives." 

While this was going on, the fleet had anchored 
before the city, and opened a very heavy cannonade, 

»» Peter Martyr, Opus Epist.,epist.4i8.— Bemaldez, Reyes Cat6Iicos, 
MS., cap. 218. — Gomez. De Rebus gestis, fol. iio-iii. — Abarca, Reyes 
de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. i3. 



320 



AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XIAIENES, 



which was answered with equal spirit from sixty pieces 
of artillery which garnished the fortifications. The 
troops on board, however, made good their landing, 
and soon joined themselves to their victorious country- 
men descending from the sierra. They then pushed 
forward in all haste towards Oran, proposing to carry 
the place by escalade. They were poorly provided 
with ladders, but the desperate energy of the moment 
overleaped every obstacle ; and, planting their long 
pikes against the walls or thrusting them into the 
crevices of the stones, they clambered up with in- 
credible dexterity, although they were utterly unable 
to repeat the feat the next day in cold blood. The 
first who gained the summit was Sousa, captain of the 
cardinal's guard, who, shouting forth ** St. Jago and 
Ximenes," unfurled his colors, emblazoned with the 
primate's arms on one side and the Cross on the other, 
and planted them on the battlements. Six other ban- 
ners were soon seen streaming from the ramparts ; and 
the soldiers leaping into the town got possession of the 
gates, and threw them open to their comrades. The 
whole army now rushed in, sweeping everything before 
it. Some few of the Moors endeavored to make head 
against the tide, but most fled into the houses and 
mosques for protection. Resistance and flight were 
alike unavailing. No mercy was shown ; no respect 
for age or sex ; and the soldiery abandoned themselves 
to all the brutal license and ferocity which seem to 
stain religious wars above every other. It was in vain 
Navarro called them off. They returned like blood- 
hounds to the slaughter, and never slackened, till at 
last, wearied with butchery, and gorged with the food 



UNIVERSITY OF ALCALA. 



321 



and wine found in the houses, they sank down to sleep 
promiscuously in the streets and public squares." 

The sun, which on the preceding morning had shed 
its rays on Oran, flourishing in all the pride of com- 
mercial opulence and teeming with a free and indus- 
trious population, next rose on it a captive city, with 
its ferocious conquerors stretched in slumber on the 
heaps of their slaughtered victims. '^ No less than four 
thousand Moors were said to have fallen in the battle, 
and from five to eight thousand were made prisoners. 
The loss of the Christians was inconsiderable. As 
soon as the Spanish commander had taken the neces- 
sary measures for cleansing the place from its foul and 
dismal impurities, he sent to the cardinal, and invited 
him to take possession of it. The latter embarked on 
boaid his galley, and, as he coasted along the margin 
of the city, and saw its gay pavilions and sparkling 
minarets reflected in the waters, his soul swelled with 
satisfaction at the glorious acquisition he had made for 
Christian Spain. It seemed incredible that a. town so 
strongly manned and fortified should have been carried 
so easily. 

As Ximenes landed and entered the gates, attended 
by his train of monkish brethren, he was hailed with 
thundering acclamations by the army as the true victor 

w Gomez, De Rebus gestis, ubi supra. — Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, 
MS., cap. 218. — Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap, 22. — Peter Martyr, 
Opus Epist., ubi supra. — Quintanilla, Archetype, lib. 3I cap. 19. — 
Carbajal, Anales, MS., afio 1509. — Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS. — 
Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., torn. i. p. 15. 

»3 " Sed tandem somnus ex labore et vino obortus eos oppressit, et 
cruentis hostium cadaveribus tanta securitate et fiducia indormierunt, 
lit permulti in Oranis urbis plateis ad multam diem stertuerint." 
Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. iii. 
Vol. III. — 21 o* 



3aa 



AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XIMENES. 



of Oran, in whose behalf Heaven had condescended to 
repeat the stupendous miracle of Joshua, by stopping 
the sun in his career.*^ But the cardinal, humbly dis- 
claiming all merits of his own, was heard to repeat 
aloud the sublime language of the Psalmist, " Non 
nobis, Domine, non nobis," while he gave his bene- 
dictions to the soldiery. He was then conducted to the 
alcazar, and the keys of the fortress were put into his 
hand. The spoil of the captured city, amounting, as 
was said, to half a million of gold ducats, the fruit of 
long successful trade and piracy, was placed at his dis- 
posal for distribution. But that which gave most joy 
to his heart was the liberation of three hundred Chris- 
tian captives, languishing in the dungeons of Oran. A 
few hours after the surrender, the mezuar of Tremecen 
arrived with a powerful reinforcement to its relief, but 
instantly retreated on learning the tidings. Fortunate 
indeed was it that the battle had not been deferred 
till the succeeding day. This, which must be wholly 
ascribed to Ximenes, was by most referred to direct 

u To accommodate the Christians, as the day was far advanced 
when the action began, the sun was permitted to stand still several 
hours: there is some discrepancy as to the precise number; most 
authorities, however, make it four. There is no miracle in the whole 
Roman Catholic budget better vouched than this. It is recorded by 
four eyewitnesses, men of learning and character. It is attested, 
moreover, by a cloud of witnesses, who depose to have received it, some 
from tradition, others from direct communication with their ancestors 
present in the action ; and who all agree that it was matter of public 
notoriety and belief at the time. See the whole formidable array of 
evidence set forth by Quintanilla. (Archetypo, pp. 236 et seq., and 
Apend. p. 103.) It was scarcely to have been expected that so 
astounding a miracle should escape the notice of all Europe, where it 
must have been as apparent as at Oran. This universal silence nuiy 
be thought, indeed, the greater minacle of the two. 



UNIVERSITY OF ALCALA. 



323 



inspiration. Quite as probable an explanation may be 
found in the boldness and impetuous entliusiasm of the 
cardinal's character.'* 

The conquest of Oran opened unbounded scope to 
the ambition of Ximenes ; who saw in imagination the 
banner of the Cross floating triumpliant from the w^lls 
of every Moslem city on the Medit .rranean. He ex- 
perienced, however, serious impediments to his further 
progress. Navarro, accustomed to an indt^jendent 
command, chafed in his present subor linate aituatioi, 
especially under a spiritual leader whose military «(. 1 
ence he justly held in contempt. He was a rude, 
unlettered soldier, and bluntly spoke his risr.' to the 
primate. He told him "his commission under him 
terminated with the capture of Oran ; that two gen- 
erals were too many in one army; that the cardinal 
should rest contented with the laurels he had already 
won, and, instead of playing the king, go iiume to his 
flock, and leave flghting to those to whom the trade 
belonged." •« 

But what troubled the prelate more than this inso- 
lence of his general was a letter which fell into his 
hands, addressed by the king i<\ Count Navarro, in 
which he requested him to be sure 10 find some pretenc e 
for detaining the cardinal in Africa as long as his pres- 
ence could be made in any svay serviceable. Ximenes 
had before had good ros on to feel that the royal favor 

'5 Beraaldez, Reyes Catdlicos, MS., cap. 218.— Robles, Vitla de 
Ximenez, cap. 22.- -Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 113. — Lanuza, Ilis- 
torias, torn. i. lib. i, cap. 22. — Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS. — Sandoval, 
Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., lom. i. p. 15. 

«6 Flechier, Histoire de Ximenes, pp. 308, 309.— Abarca. Reyes de 
Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 18. 



3*4 



AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XIMENES. 



l; 'i 



V A 



\. \ is 



to him flowed from selfishness, rather than from any 
personal regard. The king had always wished the 
archbishopric of Toledo for his favorite, and natural 
son, Alfonso of Aragon. After his return from Naples, 
he importuned Ximenes to resign his see, and exchange 
it for that of Saragossa, held by Alfonso ; till at length 
the indignant prelate replied ** that he would never 
consent to barter away the dignities of the church; 
that, if his Highness pressed him any further, he would 
indeed throw up the primacy, but it should be to bury 
himself in the friar's cell from which the queen had 
originally called him." Ferdinand, who, independ- 
ently of the odium of such a proceeding, could ill 
afford to part with so able a minister, knew his inflex- 
ible temper too well ever to resume the subject.'' 

With some reason, therefore, for distrusting the 
good will of his sovereign, Ximenes put the worst 
possible construction on the expressions in his letter. 
He saw himself a mere tool in Ferdinand's hands, to 
be used so long as occasion might serve, with the 
utmost indifference to his own interests or conve- 
nience. These humiliating suspicions, together with 
the arrogant bearing of his general, disgusted him 
with the further prosecution of the expedition ; while 
he was confirmed in his purpose of returning to Spain, 
and found an obvious apology for it in the state of his 
own health, too infirm to encounter with safety the 
wasting heats of an African summer. 

'7 Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, lib. 3, p. 107. — Gomez, De Rebus 
gestis, fol. 117. — Sandoval. Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., torn. i. p. 16. — 
"The worthy brother," says Sandoval of the prelate, "thought liis 
arclibishopric worth more than the good graces of a covetous old 
monarch." 



UNIVERSITY OF ALCALA. 



3*5 



Before his departure, he summoned Navarro and his 
officers about him, and, after giving them much good 
counsel respecting the government and defence of their 
new acquisitions, he placed at their disposal an ample 
supply of funds and stores, for the maintenance of the 
army several months. He then embarked (May 2 2d), 
not with the pompous array and circumstance of a hero 
returning from his conquests, but with a few domestics 
only, in an unarmed galley; showing, as it were, by 
this very act, the good effects of his enterprise, in the 
security which it brought to the before perilous navi- 
gation of these inland seas." 

Splendid preparations were made for his reception 
in Spain, and he was invited to visit the court at Val- 
ladolid, to receive the homage and public testimonials 
due to his eminent services. But his ambition was of 
too noble a kind to be dazzled by the false lights of 
an ephemeral popularity. He had too much pride of 
character, indeed, to allow room for the indulgence of 
vanity. He declined these compliments, and hastened 
without loss of time to his favorite city of Alcala. 
There, too, the citizens, anxious to do him honor, 
turned out under arms to receive him, and made a 
breach in the walls, that he might make his entry in a 
style worthy of a conqueror. But this also he declined, 
choosing to pass into the town by the regular avenue, 
with no peculiar circumstance attending his entrance, 
save only a small train of camels led by African slaves 
and laden with gold and silver plate from the mosques 
of Oran, and a precious collection of Arabian manu- 

'8 Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 420. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, 
fol. 118. — Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 3, cap. 20. 



Ill 
i i 



I' 






i 



i 



326 AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XIMENES. 

scripts, for the library of his infant university of 
Alcala. 

He showed similar modesty and simplicity in his 
deportment and conversation. He made no allusion 
to the stirring scenes in which he had been so glo- 
riously engaged ; and, if others made any, turned the 
discourse into some other channel, particularly to the 
condition of his college, its discipline and literary 
progress, which, with the great project for the publica- 
tion of his famous Polyglot Bible, seemed now almost 
wholly to absorb his attention. '* 

His first care, however, was to visit the families in 
his diocese, and minister consolation and relief, which 
he did in the most benevolent manner, to those who 
were suffering from the loss of friends, whether by 
death or absence, in the late campaign. Nor did he 
in his academical retreat lose sight of the great object 
which had so deeply interested him, of extending the 
empire of the Cross over Africa. From time to time 
he remitted supplies for the maintenance of Oran ; and 
he lost no opportunity of stimulating Ferdinand to 
prosecute his conquests. 

The Catholic king, however, felt too sensibly the 
importance of his new possessions to require such 
admonition ; and Count Pedro Navarro was furnished 
with ample resources of every kind, and, above all, 
with the veterans formed under the eye of Gonsalvo 
de Cordova. Thus placed on an independent field of 
conquest, the Spanish general was not slow in pushing 

»9 Quintanilla, Archetype, lib. 3, cap. 20. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, 
fol. 119, 120. — Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 8, cap. 30. — Rubles, Vida de 
Ximenez, cap. 22. 



* n 



UNIVERSITY OF ALCALA, 



3*7 



his advantages. His first enterprise was against Bugia 
(Jan. 13th, 1 5 10), whose king, at the head of a power- 
ful army, he routed in two pitched battles, and got 
possession of his flourishing capital (Jan. 31st). Al- 
giers, Tennis, Tremecen, and other cities on the Bar- 
bary coast, submitted one after another to the Spanish 
arms. The inhabitants were received as vassals of the 
Catholic king, engaging to pay the taxes usually im- 
posed by their Moslem princes, and to serve him in 
war, with the addition of the whimsical provision, so 
often found in the old Granadine treaties, to attend 
him iii cortes. They guaranteed, moreover, the libera- 
tion of all Christian captives in their dominions ; for 
which the Algerines, however, took care to indemnify 
themselves, by extorting the full ransom from their 
Jewish residents. It was of little moment to the 
wretched Israelite which party won the day. Christian 
or Mussulman; he was sure to be stripped in either 
case." 

On the 26th of July, 1510, the ancient city of 
Tripoli, after a most bloody and desperate defence, 
surrendered to the arms of the victorious general, 
whose name had now become terrible along the whole 
northern borders of Africa. In the following month, 
however (Aug. 28th), he met with a serious discom- 
fiture in the island of Gelves, where four thousand of 
his men were slain or made prisoners." This check 

w Zurlta, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 9, cap. i, 2, 4, 13.— Peter Martyr, Opus 
Epist., epist. 435-437. — Quintanilla, Archetype, lib. 3, cap. 20. — 
Mariana, Hist, de Espana, lib. 29, cap. 22. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, 
fol. 122-124. — Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 222. — Zurita 
gives at length the capitulation with Algiers, lib. 9, cap. 13. 

« Ch^nier, Recherches sur les Maures, torn. ii. pp. 355, 356. — It is 



>( ; I' 



328 



AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XIMENES. 



iN 



in the brilliant career of Count Navarro put a final 
stop to the progress of the Castilian arms in Africa 
under Ferdinand." 

but just to state that this disaster was imputable to Don Garcia de 
Toledo, who had charge of the expedition, and who expiated his 
temerity with his life. He was eldest son of the old duke of Alva, 
and father of that nobleman who subsequently acquired such gloomy 
celebrity by his conquests and cruelties in the Netherlands. The 
tender poet, Garcilasso de la Vega, offers sweet incense to the house 
of Toledo, in one of his ptistorals, in which he mourns over the dis- 
astrous day of Gelves : 

" U patria lagrimosa, i como biielves 
los ojos a los Gelves sospirando I" 

The death of the young nobleman is veiled under a beautiful simile, 
which challenges comparison with the great masters of Latin and 
Italian song, from whom the Castilian bard derived it. 

" Puso en el duro suelo la liermosa 
cara, coma la rosa matutina, 
cunndo ya el sol dcclina '1 medio dia : 
que pierde su alegria, i marchitando 
va la color mudando ; o en el campo 
cual qucda el lirio bianco, qu* el arado 
crudamente cortado al passar dexa; 
del cual aun no s' alexa pressuroso 
aquel color hermoso, o se destierra ; 
mas ya la madre tierra descuidada, 
no 1' administra nada de su aliento, 
qu' era el sustentamiento i vigor suyo ; 
tal est& el rostro tuyo en el arena, 
fresca rosa, a^ucena blanca i pura." 
Garcilasso de la Vega, Obras, 
ed. de Herrera, pp. 507, 508. 

»" The reader may feel some curiosity respecting the fate of Count 
Pedro Navarro. He soon after this went to Italy, where he held a 
high command, and maintained his reputation in the wars of that 
country, until he was taken by the French in the great battle of 
Ravenna. Through the carelessness or coldness of Ferdinand, he was 
permitted to languish in captivity, till he took his revenge by enlistiiig 
in the service of the French monarch. Before doing .this, however, 
he resigned bis Neapolitan estates, and formally renounced his allegi- 



UNIVERSITY OF ALCANA. 



329 



The results already obtained, however, were of great 
importance, whether we consider the value of the 
acquisitions, being some of the most opulent marts on 

e Barbary coast, or the security gained for commerce 
L, sweeping the Mediterranean of the pestilent iiordes 
of marauders which had so long infested it. Most of 
the new conquests escaped from the Spanish crown in 
later times, through the imbecility or indolence of 
Ferdinand's successors. The conquests of Ximenes, 
however, were placed in so strong a posture of defence 
as to resist every attempt for their recovery by the 
enemy, and to remain permanently incorporated with 
the Spanish empire.'' 

ance to the Catholic king; of whom, being a Navarrese by birth, he 
was not a native subject. He unfortunately fell into the hands of his 
own countrymen in one of the subsequent actions in Italy, and was 
imprisoned at Naples, in Castel Nuovo, which he had himself formeily 
gained from the French. Here he soon after died; if we are to be- 
lieve Brantome, being privately despatched by command of Charles 
v., or, as other writers intimate, by his own hand. His remains, first 
deposited in an obscure corner of the church of Santa Maria, were 
afterwards removed to the chapel of the great Gonsalvo, and a superb 
mausoleum was erected over them by the prince of Sessa, grandson 
of the hero. Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 124. — Aleson, Annales de 
Navarra, tom. v. pp. 226, 289, 406. — Brant6me, Vies des Hommes 
illustres, disc. 9. — Giovio, Vitae lUust. Virorum, pp. 190-193. 

"3 Ximenes continued to watch over the city which he had so 
valiantly won, long after his death. He never failed to be present in 
seasons of extraordinary peril. At least the gaunt, gigantic figure of 
a monk, dressed in the robes of his order, and wearing a cardinal's 
hat, was seen, sometimes stalking along the battlements at midnight, 
and, at others, mounted on a white charger and brandishing a naked 
sword in the thick of the fight. His last appearance was in 1643, when 
Gran was closely beleaguered by the Algerines. A sentinel on duty 
saw a figirre moving along the parapet one clear, moonlight night, 
dressed in a Franciscan frock, with a general's baton in his hand. As 



330 



AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XIMENES. 



'n 



This illustrious prelate, in the mean while, was 
busily occupied, in his retirement at Alcala de Hena- 
res, with watching over the interests and rapid devel- 
opment of his infant university. This institution was 
too important in itself, and exercised too large an 
influence over the intellectual progress of the country, 
to pass unnoticed in a history of the present reign. 

As far back as 1497, Ximenes had conceived the 
idea of establishing a university in the ancient town 
of Alcala, where the salubrity of the air, and the sober, 
tranquil complexion of the scenery, on the beautiful 
borders of the Henares, seemed well suited to academic 
study and meditation. He even went so far as to 
obtain plans at this time for his buildings from a cele- 
brated architect. Other engagements, however, post- 
poned the commencement of the work till 1500, when 
the cardinal himself laid the corner stone of the prin- 
cipal college, with a solemn ceremonial,"* and invoca- 

soon as it was hailed by the terrified soldier, it called to him to " tell 
the garrison to be of good heart, for the enemy should not prevail 
against them." Having uttered these words, the apparition vanished 
without ceremony. It repeated its visit in the same manner on the 
following night, and, a few days after, its assurance was verified by the 
total discomfiture of the Algerines, in a bloody battle under the walls. 
See the evidence of these various apparitions, as collected, for the 
edification of the court of Rome, by that prince of miracle-mongers, 
Quintanllla. (Archetypo, pp. 317, 335, 338, 340.) Bishop Fl^chier 
appears to have no misgivings as to the truth of these old wives' tales. 
(Histoire de Ximenes, liv. 6.) Oran, after resisting repeated assaults 
by the Moors, was at length so much damaged by an earthquake, in 
1790, that it was abandoned, and its Spanish garrison and population 
were transferred to the neighboring city of Mazarquivir. 

»4 The custom, familiar at the present day, of depositing coins and 
other tokens, with inscriptions bearing the names of the architect and 
founder and date of the building, under the comer-stone, was ob- 



UNIVERSITY OF ALCALA. 



33" 



tion of the blessing of Heaven on his designs. From 
that hour, amidst all the engrossing cares of church 
and state, he never lost sight of this great object. 
When at AlcalA, he might be frequently seen on the 
ground, with the rule in his hand, taking the admeas- 
urements of the buildings, and stimulating the industry 
of the workmen by seasonable rewards."* 

The plans were too extensive, however, to admit of 
being speedily accomplished. Besides the principal 
college of San Ildefonso, named in honor of the 
patron saint of Toledo, there were nine others, to- 
gether with a hospital for the reception of invalids at 
the university. These edifices were built in the most 
substantial manner, and such parts as admitted of it, 
as the libraries, refectories, and chapels, were finished 
with elegance, and even splendor. The city of Alcala 
underwent many important and expensive alterations, 
in order to render it more worthy of being the seat of 
a great and flourishing university. The stagnant water 
was carried off by drains, the streets were paved, old 
buildings removed, and new and spacious avenues 
thrown open."* 

At the expiration of eight years, the cardinal had 

served on this occasion, where it is noticed as of ancient usage, more 
prisco. Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 38. 

«s Fl^chier, Histoire de Ximen^s, p. 597. 

»« Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS. — Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 16. 
— Qutntanilla, Archetype, p. 178. — Colmenar, Ddlices de I'Espagne, 
torn. ii. pp. 308-310. — Navagiero, Viaggio, fol. 7, — who notices partic- 
ularly the library, " piena di molti libri et Latini et Greci et Hebraici." 
—The good people accused the cardinal of too great a passion for 
building, and punningly said, " The church of Toledo had never had 
a bishop of greater edification, in every sense, than Ximenes." Fl^chicr, 
Histoire de Ximenes, p. 597. 



332 



AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XIMENES. 



\ 



the satisfaction of seeing the whole of his vast design 
completed, and every apartment of the spacious pile 
carefully furnished with all that was requisite for the 
comfort and accommodation of the student. It was, 
indeed, a noble enterprise, more particularly when 
viewed as the work of a private individual. As such 
it raised the deepest admiration in Francis the First, 
when he visited the spot, a few years after the cardi- 
nal's death. "Your Ximenes," said he, "has exe- 
cuted more than I should have dared to conceive ; he 
has done, with his single hand, what in France it has 
taken a line of kings to accomplish." "^ 

The erection of the buildings, however, did not 
terminate the labors of the primate, who now assumed 
the task of digesting a scheme of instruction and dis 
cipline for his infant seminary. In doing this, he 
sought light wherever it was to be found, and borrowed 
many useful hints from the venerable university of 
Paris. His system was of the most enlightened kind, 
being directed to call, all the powers of the student 
into action, and not to leave him a mere passive re- 
cipient in the hands of his teachers. Besides daily 
recitations and lectures, he was required to take part 
in public examinations and discussions, so conducted 
as to prove effectually his talent and acquisitions. In 
these gladiatorial displays, Ximenes took the deepest 
interest, and often encouraged the generous emulation 
of the scholar by attending in person. 

Two provisions may be noticed as characteristic of 
the man : one, that the salary of a professor should be 



V Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 79. 



: ! Ill 



UNIVERSITY OF ALCALA, 



333 



regulated by the number of his disciplesj another, that 
every professor should be re-eligible at the expiration 
of every four years. It was impossible that any servant 
of Ximenes should sleep on his post.* 

Liberal foundations were made for indigent students, 
especially in divinity. Indeed, theological studies, or 
rather such a general course of study as should prop- 
erly enter into the education of a Christian minister, 
was the avowed object of the institution ; for the 
Spanish clergy up to this period, as before noticed, 
were too often deficient in the most common elements 
of learning. But in this preparatory discipline the 
comprehensive mind of Ximenes embraced nearly the 
whole circle of sciences taught in other universities. 
Out of the forty-two chairs, indeed, twelve only were 
dedicated to divinity and the canon law; while four- 
teen were appropriated to grammar, rhetoric, and the 
ancient classics ; studies which probably found especial 
favor with the cardinal as furnishing the keys to a 
correct criticism and interpretation of the Scripures."* 

^Having completed his arrangements, the cardinal 
sought the most competent agents for carrying his 

»8 Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 82-84. 

»9 Navagiero says it was prescribed that the lectures should be in 
Latin. Viaggio, fol. 7. — Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 16. — Of these 
professorships, six were appropriated to theology ; six to canon law ; 
four to medicine ; one to anatomy ; one to surgery ; eight to the arts, 
as they were called, embracing logic, physics, and metaphysics ; one 
to ethics ; one to mathematics ; four to the ancient languages ; four to 
rhetoric ; and six to grammar. One is struck with the disproportion 
of the mathematical studies to the rest. Though an important part 
of general education, and consequently of the course embraced in 
most universities, it had too little reference to a religious one to find 
much favor with the cardinal. 



I* 



I 



334 



AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XIMENES. 



plans into execution ; and this indifferently from 
abroad and at home. His mind was too lofty for 
narrow local prejudices, and the tree of knowledge, he 
knew, bore fruit in every clime." He took especial 
care that the emolument should be sufficient to tempt 
talent from obscurity, and from all quarters, however 
remote, where it was to be found. In this he was per- 
fectly successful, and we find the university catalogue 
at this time inscribed with the names of the most dis- 
tinguished scholars in their various departments, many 
of whom we are enabled to appreciate by the enduring 
memorials of erudition which they have bequeathed 

to US.3* 

In July, 1508, the cardinal receved the welcome 
intelligence that his academy was open for the admis- 
sion of pupils; and in the following month the first 
lecture, being on Aristotle's Ethics, was publicly deliv- 
ered. Students soon flocked to the new university, 
attracted by the reputation of its professors, its ample 
apparatus, its thorough system of instruction, and, 
above all, its splendid patronage, and the high char- 
acter of its founder. We have no information of their 
number in Ximenes's lifetime; but it must have been 

30 Lampillas, in his usual patriotic vein, stoutly maintains that the 
chairs of the university were all supplied by native Spaniards. " Trov6 
in Spagna," he says of the cardinal, " tutta quclla scelta copia di 
grandi uoinini, quali richiedeva la grande impresa," etc. (Letteratura 
Spagnuola, torn. i. part. 2, p. 160.) Alvaro Gomez, who flourished 
two centuries earlier, and personally knew the professors, is the better 
authority. De Rebus gestis, fol. 80-82, 

3> L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 13. — Alvaro Gomez knew 
several of these savans, whose scholarship (and he was a competent 
judge) he notices with liberal panegyric. De Rebus gestis, fol. So et 
seq. 



UNIVEKSITY OF ALCALA. 



335 



very considerjible, since no less than seven thousand 
came out to receive Francis the First, on his visit to 
the university, within twenty years after it was opened.^ 

Five years after this period, in 15 13, King Ferdi- 
nand, in an excursion made for the benefit of his 
declining health, paid a visit to Alcala. Ever since 
his return from Oran, the cardinal, disgusted with 
public life, had remained with a few brief exceptions 
in his own diocese, devoted solely to his personal and 
professional duties. It was with proud satisfaction 
that he now received his sovereign, and exhibited to 
him the noble testimony of the great objects to which 
his retirement had been consecrated. The king, whose 
naturally inquisitive mind no illness could damp, 
visited every part of the establishment, and attended 
the examinations, listening with interest to the public 
disputations of the scholars. With little learning of 
his own, he had too often been made sensible of his 
deficiencies not to appreciate it in others. His acute 
perception, readily discerned the immense benefit to 
his kingdom and the glory conferred on his reign by 
the labors of his ancient minister, and he did ample 
justice to them in the unqualified terms of his com- 
mendation. 

It was on this occasion that the rector of San Ilde- 
fonso, the head of the university, came out to receive 
the king, preceded by his usual train of attendants, 
with their maces, or wands of office. The royal guard, 
at this exhibition, called out to them to lay aside these 
insignia, as unbecoming any subject in the presence 
of his sovereign. "Net so," said Ferdinand, who 

33 Quintanilla, An hetypo, lib. 3, cap. 17. 



336 AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XIMENES. 

had the good sense to perceive that majesty could 
not be degraded by its homage to letters; "not so; 
this is the seat of the Muses, and those who are 
initiated in their mysteries have the best right to reign 
here."" 

In the midst of his pressing duties, Ximenes found 
time for the execution of another work, which would 
alone have been suflficient to render his name immortal 
in the republic of letters. This was his famous Bible, 
or Complutensian Polyglot, as usually termed, from 
the place where it was printed. *♦ It was on the plan, 
first conceived by Origen, of exhibiting in one view 
the Scriptures in their various ancient languages. It 
was a work of surpassing difficulty, demanding an ex- 
tensive and critical acquaintance with the most ancient, 
and consequently the rarest, manuscripts. The char- 
acter and station of the cardinal afforded him, it is 
true, uncommon facilities. The precious collection of 
the Vatican was liberally thrown open to him, espe- 
cially under Leo the Tenth, whose munificent spirit 
delighted in the undertaking. 3* He obtained copies, 



33 Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 86. — The reader will readily call to 
mind the familiar anecdote of King Charles and Dr. Busby. 

34 " AlcalA de Henares," says Martyr in one of his early letters, 
* qui3e dicitur esse Complutiim. Sit, vrl ne, nil mihi curae." (Opus 
Epist., epist. 254.) These irreverent doubts were uttered before it 
had gained its literary celebrity. L. Marineo derives the name Com- 
plutum from the abundant fruitfulness of the soil, — " complumiento 
que tiene de cada cosa." Cosas memorables, fol. 13. 

35 Ximenes acknowledges his obligations to his Holiness, in particu- 
lar for the Greek MSS. : " Atque ex ipsis [exemplaribus] quidem 
Graeca Sanctitati tuae debemus ; qui ex ista Apostolica bibliotheca an- 
tiquissimos tarn Veteris quam Novi codices perquam humane ad nos 
misisti," Biblia Polyglotta (Compluti, 1514-17), Prologo. 



UNIVEKSITY OF ALCALA. 



337 



in like manner, of whatever was of value in the other 
libraries of Italy, and, indeed, of Europe generally; 
and Spain supplied him with editions of the Old Tes- 
tament of great anti(iuity, which had been treasured 
up by the banished Israelites.** Some idea may be 
formed of the lavish expenditure in this way, from 
the fact that four thousand gold crowns were paid for 
seven foreign manuscripts, which, however, came too 
late to be of use in the compilation. ^^ 

The conduct of the work was intrusted to nine 
scholars, well skilled in the ancient tongues, as most 
of them had evinced by works of critical acuteness and 
erudition. After the labors of the day, these learned 
sages were accustomed to meet, in order to settle the 
doubts and difficulties which had arisen in the course 
of their researches, and, in short, to compare the 
results of their observations. Ximenes, who, however 
limited his attainments in general literature,^ was an 
excellent biblical critic, frequently presided, and took 
a prominent part in these deliberations. ** Lose no 






i 

I 



3*"Maximam," says the cardinal in his Preface, "laboris nostri 
partem in eo praecipue fuisse versatam ; ut et virorum in linguarum 
cognitionc eminentissimorum opera uteremur, et castigatissima omni 
ex parte vetustissimaque exemplaria pro archetypis haberemus ; quo- 
rum quidem, tam Hebroeorum quam Graecorum ac Latinorum, multi- 
phcem ( opiam, variis ex locis, non sine summo labore conquisivimus." 
Biblia Polyglotta Compluti, Prologo. 

37 Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 39. — Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 3, 
cap. 10. 

38 Martyr speaks of Ximenes, in one of his epistles, as " doctrin& 
singulari oppletum," (Opus Epist., epist. 108.) He speaks with more 
distrust in another: "Aiunt esse virum, si non Uteris, morum tamen 
sanctitate egregium." (ICpist. i6o.) This was written some years 
later, wlien he liad better knowledge of him. 

Vol. 111.— 22 1' 



'1 
') 

( 
i 

- 1 
■ r 

j 

■' 

1- 





338 AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XIMENES. 



I 

\ 



time, my friends," he would say, "in the prosecution 
of our glorious work ; lest, in the casualties of life, 
you should lose your patron, or I have to lament the 
loss of those whose services are of more price in my 
eyes than wealth and worldly honors." * 

The difficulties of the undertaking were sensibly 
increased by those of the printing. The art was then 
in its infancy, and there were no types in Spain, if 
indeed in any part of Europe, in the Oriental char- 
acter. Ximenes, however, careful to have the whole 
executed under his own eye, imported artists from 
Germany, and had types cast in the various languages 
required, in his foundries at Alcala.** 

The work when completed occupied six volumes 
folio ; ** the first four devoted to the Old Testament, 
the fifth to the New; the last containing a Hebrew 
and Chaldaic vocabulary, with other elementary treat- 
ises of singular labor and learning. It was not brought 

» Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 3, cap. 10. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, 
fol. 38. — The scholars employed in the compilation were the venerable 
Lebrija, the learned Nunez, or Pinciano, of whom the reader has had 
some account, Lopez de Zuiiiga, a controversialist of Erasmus, Bar- 
tholomeo de Castro, the famous Greek Demetrius Cretensis, and Juan 
de Vergara ; — all thorough linguists, especially in the Greek and Latin. 
To these were joined Paulo Coronel, Alfonso a physician, and Alfonso 
Zamora, converted Jews, and familiar with the Orienttd languages. 
Zamora has the merit of the philological compilations relative to the 
Hebrew and Chaldaic, in the last volume. lidem auct. ut supra; et 
Suma de la Vida de Cisneros, MS. 

V' Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 3, cap. 10. 

4' The work was originally put at the extremely low price of six 
ducats and a half a copy. (Biblia Polyglotta Compluti, Prajfix.) As 
only 600 copies, however, were struck off, it has become exceedingly 
rare and valuable. According to Brunet, it has been sold as high as 
,^63. 



UmVERSlTY OF ALCALA. 



339 



to an end till 15 17, fifteen years after its commence- 
ment, and a few months only before the death of its 
illustrious projector. Alvaro Gomez relates that he had 
often heard John Broccario, the son of the printer/' 
say that, when the last sheet was struck off, he, then a 
child, was dressed in his best attire and sent with a 
copy to the cardinal. The latter, as he took it, raised 
his eyes to heaven, and devoutly offered up his thanks 
for being spared to the completion of this good work. 
Then, turning to his friends who were present, he said 
that " of all the acts which distinguished his admin- 
istration, there was none, however arduous, better 
entitled to their congratulation than this."*^ 

This is not the place, if I were competent, to dis- 
cuss the merits of this great work, the reputation of 
which is familiar to every scholar. Critics, indeed, have 
disputed the antiquity of the manuscripts used in the 
compilation, as well as the correctness and value of 
the emendations.^ Unfortunately, the destruction of 

♦" " Industria et solertia honorabilis viri Arnaldi Guillelmi de Bro- 
cario, artisimpressorisMagistri. Anno Domini 1517. Julii die decimo." 
Uiblia Polyglotta Compluti. Postscript to 4th and last part of Vetus 
Test. 

« Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 38. — The part devoted to the Old 
Testament contains the Hebrew original with the Latin Vulgate, the 
Septuagint version, and the Chaldaic paraphrase, with Latin transla- 
tions by the Spanish scholars. The New Testament was printed in 
the original Greek, with the Vulgate of Jerome. After the comple- 
tion of this work, the cardinal projected an edition of« Aristotle on the 
same scale, which was unfortunately defeated by his death. Ibid., 
fol. 39. 

44 The principal controversy on this subject was carried on in 
Germany between Wetstein and Goeze ; the former impugning, the 
latter defending, the Complutensian Bible. The cautious and candid 
Michaelis, whose prepossessions appear to have been on the side of 



\i 



I' 



340 



AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XIMENES. 



* 



the original manuscripts, in a manner which forms one 
of the most whimsical anecdotes in literary history, 
makes it impossible to settle the question satisfacto- 
rily.*5 Undoubtedly, many blemishes may be charged 
on it, necessarily incident to an age when the science 
of criticism was imperfectly understood,*"^ and the 

Goeze, decides ultimately, after his own examination, in favor of Wet- 
stein, as regards the value of the MSS. employed ; not, however, as 
relates to the grave charge of wilfully accommodating the Greek text 
to the Vulgate. See the grounds and merits of the controversy, apud 
Michaelis, Introduction to the New Testament, translated by Marsh, 
vol. ii. part, i, chap. 12, sec. i ; part. 2, notes. 

45 Professor Moldenhauer, of Germany, visited Alcald in 1784, for 
the interesting purpose of examining the MSS. used in the Complu- 
tensian Polyglot, He there learned that they had all been disposed 
of, as so much waste paper (inembramu inuiiles), by the librarian of 
that time, to a rocket-maker of the town, who soon worked them up 
in the regular way of his vocation ! He assigns no reason for doubt- 
ing the truth of the story. The name of the librarian, unfortunately, 
is not recorded. It would have been as imperishable as that of Omar. 
Marsh's Michaelis, vol. ii. part, i, chap. 12, sec. i, note. 

46 The celebrated text of " the three witnesses," formerly cited in the 
Trinitarian controversy, and which Porson so completely overturned, 
rests in part on what Gibbon calls " the honest bigotry of the Com- 
plutensian editors." One of the three Greek manuscripts in which 
that text is found is a forgery from the Polyglot of Alcald, according 
to Mr. Norton, in his recent work, " The Evidences of the Genuineness 
of the Gospels" (Boston, 1837, vol. i., Additional Notes, p. xxxia.), — a 
work which few can be fully competent to criticise, but which no per- 
son can peruse without confessing the acuteness and strength of its 
reasoning, the nice discrimination of its criticism, and the precision 
^nd purity of its diction. Whatever difference of opinion may be 
"ormed as to some of its conclusions, no one will deny that the origi- 
lality and importance of its views make it a substantial accession to 
heological science ; and that, within the range permitted by the sub- 
ject, it presents, on the whole, one of the noblest specimens of 
scholarship and elegance of composition to be fo ind in our youthful 
literatiue. 



4 ' 



UNIVERSITY OF ALCALA. 



34« 



stock of materials much more limited, or at least more 
difficult of access, than at the present da)\''^ After 
every deduction, however, the cardinal's Bible has the 
merit of being the first successful attempt at a polyglot 
version of the Scriptures, and consequently of facil- 
itating, even by its errors, the execution of more per- 
fect and later works of the kind."*^ Nor can we look 
at it in connection with the age, and the auspices 
under which it was accomplished, without regarding it 
as a noble monument of piety, learning, and munifi- 
cence, which entitles its author to the gratitude of the 
whole Christian world. 

Such were the gigantic projects which amused the 
leisure hours of this great prelate. Though gigantic, 
they were neither beyond his strength to execute, nor 
beyond the demands of his age and count "-y. They 
were not like those works which, forced into being by 
whim or transitory impulse, r'.rish with the breath 
that made them ; but, taking ca^up root, were cher- 
ished and invigorated by the n liiocal seitiment, so as 



47 " Accedit," say the editors .f the Polyglot, ac' erting to the blun- 
ders of early transcribers, "ublcmiqi.fc Jjatinorum codirnm varietas 
est, aut depravatsB lectionis su^pitio (»tl .juod librarior-ar) iniperitia 
simul et negligentia frequentissim^ accidere videmus), ad primam 
Scripturae originem recurrendum est." Biblia Polyglotta Compluti, 
Prcflcgo. 

48 1 iraboschi adduces a Psalter, published in four of the ancient 
tongues, at Genoa, in 1516, as the first essay of a polyglot version. 
(Letteratura Italiana, torn. viii. p. 191.) Lamo '• = does not fail to 
add this enormity to the black catalogue whxh he has mustered 
against the librarian of Modena. (Letteratura Spat'.iuola, torn. ii. 
part. 2, p. 290.) The first three volumes of the Coir.platensian Bible 
were printed before 1516, although the whole work did not pass the 
press till the following year. 



. I 



342 



AFRICAN EXPEDITION OF XIMENES, 



to bear rich fruit for posterity. This was particularly 
the case with the institution at Alcala. It soon be- 
came the subject of royal and private benefaction. Its 
founder bequeathed it, at his death, a clear revenue 
of fourteen thousand ducats. By the middle of tlie 
seventeenth century, this had increased to forty-two 
thousand, and the colleges had multiplied from ten 
to thirty-five.« 

The rising reputation of the new academy, which 
attracted students from every quarter of the Peninsula 
to its halls, threatened to eclipse the glories of the 
ancient semii^ary at Salamanca, and occasioned bitter 
jealousies between them. The field of letters, how- 
ever, was wide enough for both, especially as the one 
was more immediately devoted to theological prepara- 
tion, to the entire exclusion of civil jurisprudence, 
which formed a prominent branch of instruction at the 
other. In this state of things, their rivalry, far from 
being productive of mischief, might be regarded as 
salutary, by quickening literary ardor, too prone to 
languish without the spur of competition. Side by 
side the sister universities went forward, dividing the 
public patronage and estimation. As long as the good 
era of letters lasted in Spain, the academy of Ximenes, 
under the influence of its admirable discipline, main- 
tained a reputation inferior to none other in the Pen- 
insula,** and continued to send forth its sons to occupy 

49 Quintanillii, Archetypo, lib, 3, cap. 17. — Oviedo, Quincuagenas, 
MS., dial, de Ximeni. — Ferdinand and Isabella conceded liberal grants 
and immunities to AlcalA on more than one occasion. Gomez, De 
Rebus gestis, fol. 43, 45, 

so Erasmus, in a letter to his friend Vergara, in 1527, perpetrates a 
Grenk pun on the classic name of Aloald, intimatine; the ''-^ ■ 



UNIVERSITY OF ALCALA. 



343 



the most exalted posts in church and state, and shed 
the light of genius and science over their own and 
future ages.s' 

opinion of the state of science there: " Gratulor tibi, ornatissime ado- 
lescens, gratulor vestroe Hispanise ad pristinam eruditionis laudem 
veluti postliminio reflorescenti. Gratulor Compluto, quod duorum 
praesulum Francisci et Alfonsi felicibus auspiciis sic efflorescit omni 
genere studiorum, ut jure optiino ira/nr^vTOV appellare possimus." 
Epistolae, p. 771. 

SI Quintanilla is for passing the sum total of the good works of 
these worthies of Alcald to the credit of its founder. They might 
serve as a makeweight to turn the scale in favor of his beatification. 
Archetype, lib. 3, cap. 17. 



i , ! 



ji^i- 



CHAPTER XXII. 

WARS AND POLITICS OF ITALY. 

1508-15 13. 

League of Cambray. — Alarm of Ferdinand. — Holy League. — Battle 
of Ravenna. — Death of Gaston de Foix, — Retreat of the French. — 
The Spaniards victr.iious. 

The domestic history of Spain, after Ferdinand's 
resumption of the regency, contains few remarkable 
events. Its foreign relations were more important. 
Those with Africa have been already noticed, and we 
must now turn to Italy and Navarre. 

The possession of Naples necessarily brought Ferdi- 
nand within the sphere of Italian politics. He showed 
little disposition, however, to avail himself of it for the 
further extension of his conquests. Gonsalvo, indeed, 
during his administration, meditated various schemes 
for the o'ertli,)W of the French power in Italy, but 
with a vit'w rather to the preservation than enlarge- 
ment of his present acquisitions. After the treaty with 
Louis the Twelfth, even these designs were abandoned, 
and the Catholic monarch seemed wholly occupied 
with the internal affairs of his kingdom, and the estab- 
lishment of his rising empire in Africa.' 

" Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. iii. hb. 5, p. 257, ed. Milano, 1803. — 
Zurita, Annies, torn. vi. lib. 6, cap. 7, 9, ei alibi. 

(344) 



a £ 



fVAHS AND POLITICS OF ITALY, 



345 



The craving appetite of Louis the Twelfth, on the 
other hand, sharpened by the loss of Naples, sought 
to indemnify itself by more ample acquisitions in the 
north. As far back as 1504, he had arranged a plan 
with the emperor for the partition of the continental 
possessions of Venice, introducing it into one of those 
abortive treaties at Blois for the marriage of his daugh- 
ter.' The scheme is said to have been communicated 
to Ferdinand in the royal interview at Savona. No 
immediate action followed, and it seems probable that 
the latter monarch, with his usual circumspection, 
reserved his decision until he should be more clearly 
satisfied of the advantages to himself.' 

At length the projected partition was definitely set- 
tled by the celebrated treaty of Cambray, December 
loth, 1508, between Louis the Twelfth and the em- 
peror Maximilian, in which the pope, King Ferdinand, 
ami all princes who had any claims for spoliations by 
the Venetians, were invited to take part. The share 
of the spoil assigned to the Catholic monarch was the 
five Neapolitan cities, Trani, Brindisi, Gallipoli, Pu- 
lignano, and Otranto, pledged to Venice for consid- 
erable sums advanced by her during the late war."* 
The Spanish court, and, not long after, Julius the 
Second, ratified the treaty, although it was in direct 
contravention of the avowed purpose of the pontiff, 
to chase the barbarians from Italy. It was his bold 



m 



» Dumont, Corps diplomatique, torn. iv. part, i, no. 30. — Flassan 
Diplomatie Fran9aise, torn. i. pp. 282, 283. 

3 Guicciardini, Istoria, torn, iv, p. 78. 

♦ Flassan, Diplomatic Fran9aise, torn. i. lilj. 2, p. 283. — Dumont, 
Corps diplomatique, tom iv. part, i, no. 52. 

P* 



w 



1 



I 



I) ' 



i 



i 



i 



I 

UJ 



i 



346 



^•/4i?5 y^A^Z? POLITICS OF ITALY, 



policy, however, to make use of them first for the 
aggrandizement of the church, and then to trust to 
his augmented strength and more favorable opportuni- 
ties for eradicating them altogether. 

Never was there a project more destitute of prin- 
ciple or sound policy. There was not one of the con- 
tracting parties who was not at that very time in close 
alliance with the state the dismemberment of which he 
was plotting. As a matter of policy, it went to break 
down the principal barrier on which each of these 
powers could rely for keeping in check the overween- 
ing ambition of its neighbors and maintaining the 
balance of Italy.' The alarm of Venice was quieted 
for a time by assurances from the courts of France 
and Spain that the league was directed solely against 
the Turks, accompanied by the most hypocritical pro- 
fessions of good will, and amicable offers to the 
republic* 

The preamble of the treaty declares that, it being 
the intention of the allies to support the pope in a cru- 
sade against the infidel, they first proposed to recover 
from Venice the territories of which she had despoiled 
the church and other powers, to the manifest hin- 
drance of these pious designs. The more flagitious 
the meditated enterprise, the deeper was the veil of 
hypocrisy thrown over it in this corrupt age. The 
true reasons for the confederacy are to be found in a 

s This argument, used by Machiavelli against Louis's rupture with 
Venice, applies with more or less force to all the other allies. Opere, 
II Principe, cap. 3. 

* Du Bos, Ligue de Cambray, torn. i. pp. 66, 67. — Ulloa, Vita di 
Carlo v., fol. 36, 37. — Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. iv. p. 141. — Beinbo, 
Istoria Viniziana, torn. ii. lib. 7. 



h % 



ri j 



fV^J!S AND POLITICS OF ITALY. 



347 



speech delivered at the German diet, some time after, 
by the French minister H^lian. ** We," he remarks, 
after enumerating various enormities of the republic, 
"wear no fine purple; feast from no sumptuous services 
of plate ; have no coffers overflowing with gold. We 
are barbarians. Surely," he continues in another place, 
** if it is derogatory to princes to act the part of mer- 
chants, it is unbecoming in merchants to assume the 
state of princes."' This, then, was the true key to the 
conspiracy against Venice ; envy of her sujjerior wealt'a 
and magnificence, hatred engendered by her too arro- 
gant bearing, and lastly the evil eye with which kings 
naturally regard the movements of an active, aspiring 
republic' 

To secure the co-operation of Florence, the kings 
of France and Spain agreed to withdraw their protec- 
tion from Pisa, for a stipulated sum of money. There 
is nothing in the whole history of the merchant princes 

7 See a liberal extract from this harangue, apud Dam, Hist, de 
Venisc, torn. iii. liv. 23, — also apud Du Bos, Ligue de Cambray, torn, 
i. p. 240 et seq. — The old poet, Jean Marot, sums up the sins of the 
republic in the following verse : 

" Autre Dieu n'ont que Tor, c'est Isiir crrfance." 

— QEuvres de Clement Marot, avec les Ouvrages de Jean Marot (La Haye, 
1731), torn. V. p. 71. 

8 See the undisguised satisfaction with which Martyr, a Milanese, 
predicts (Opus Kpist., cpist. 410), and Guicciardini, a Florentine, 
records, the humiliation of Venice. (Istoria, lib. 4, p. 137.) The 
arrogance of the rival republic does not escape the satirical lash of 

Machiavelli : 

" San Marco, impetiioso ed importiino, 
Credendosi haver seinpre il vento in poppa, 
Non si ciir6 di rovinare ognnno ; 
N& vidde come la potenza troppa 
Era nociva." 

Deir Asino d'Oro, cap. 5. 



\ I 






348 



fr^lA'5 AND POLITICS Or ITALY, 



|i 



of Venice so mercenary and base as this bartering 
away for gold tiie independence for which this little 
republic had been so nobly contending for more than 
fourteen years." 

Early in April, 1509, Louis the Twelfth crossed the 
Alps at the head of a force which bore down all op- 
position. City and castle fell before him, and his 
demeanor to he vanquished, over whom he had no 
rights beyond the ordinary ones of war, was that of an 
incensed master taking vengeance on his rebellious 
vassals. In revenge for his detention before Peschiera, 
he hung the Venetian governor and his son from the 
battlements. This was an outrage on the laws of chiv- 
alry, which, however hard they bore on the peasant, 
respected those of high degree. Louis's rank, and his 
heart it seems, unhappily, raised him equally above 
sympathy with either class." 

9 Mariana, Hist, de Espaiia, lib. 29, cap. is. — Ammirato, Istorie 
Florentine, torn. iii. lib. 28, p. 286. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 
423. — Louis XII. was in alliance with Florence, but insisted on 
100,000 ducats as the price of his acquiescence in her recovery of Pisa. 
Ferdinand, or rather his general, Gonsalvo de Cordova, had taken 
Pisa under his protection, and the king insisted on 50,000 ducats for 
his abandonment of her. This honorable transaction resulted in the 
payment of the respeclive amounts to the royal jobbers ; the 50,000 
excess of Louis's portion being kept a profound secret from Ferdinand, 
who was made to believe by the parties tliat his ally received only a like 
sum with himself. Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. iv. pp. 78, 80, 156, 157. 

«» M^moires de Bayard, chap. 30. — Fleurange, M^moires, ch.ap. 8. 
—Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. iv. p. 183. — Jean Marot describes the 
execution in the following cool and summary style : 

" Ce chastelain de I&, aussi le capitaine. 
Pour la derrision et response vilaine 
Qii'ils iirent au hdraiiU, fureiit pris et sanglez 
Puis devant tout le monde pendus et estranglez. 
(Euvres. torn. v. p. 158. 



iyA/!S AND POLITICS OF ITALY. 



349 



On the 14th of May, 1509, was fought the bloody 
battle of Agnadcl, wliich broke the power of Venice 
and at once decided the fate of the war." Perdinand 
had contributed nothing to these operations, except by 
his diversion on the side of Naples, where he possessed 
himself without difficulty o' j cities allotted to his 
share. They were the cheapest, and, if not the most 
valuable, were the most permanent, acquisitions of the 
war, being reincorporated in the monarchy of Naples. 

Then followed the memorable decree by which 
Venice released her continental provinces from their 
allegiance, authorizing them to provide in any way they 
could for their safety; a measure which, whether origi- 
nating in panic or policy, was perfectly consonant 
with the latter." The confederates, who had remained 
united during the chase, soon quarrelled over the 
division of the spoil. Ancient jealousies revived. 
The republic, with cool and consummate diplomacy, 
availed herself of this state of feeling. 

Pope Julius, who had gained all that he had pro- 

" The fullest account, probably, of the action is in the " Voyage 
de Venise," of Jean Marot. (CEuvres, torn. v. pp. 124-139.) This 
pioneer of French song, since eclipsed by his more polished son, 
accompanied his master, Louis XII., on his Italian expedition, as his 
poet chronicler ; and the subject has elicited occasionally some sparks 
of poetic fire, though struck out with a rude hand. The poem is so 
conscientious in its facts and dates that it is commended by a French 
critic as the most exact record of the Italian campaign. Ibid., Re- 
marques, p. 16. 

" Foreign historians impute this measure to the former motive, the 
Venetians to the latter. The cool and deliberate conduct of this 
government, from which all passion, to use the language of the abb6 
Du Bos, seems to have been banished, may authorize our acquiescence 
in the statement most flattering to the national vanity. See the dis- 
cussion apiid Liguc de Canibray, pp. 126 et seq. 




IMAGE EVALUATION 
TEST TARGET (MT-3) 




1.0 



I.I 



m 
m 
i US. 12.0 

u 



r25 



■ 22 



M 





I'^VA 


1.6 




^ 


6" - 




► 




Hiotographic 

Sdences 

Ckirporation 




23 WIST MAIN STRin 

WEBSim.N.Y. 145S0 

(716)873-4503 






35© 



PVAHS AND POLITICS OF ITAL Y. 



posed, and was satisfied with the humih'ation of Ven- 
ice, now felt all his former antipathies and distrust of 
the French return in full force. The rising flame was 
diligently fanned by the artful emissaries of the re- 
public, who at length effected a reconciliation on her 
behalf with the haughty pontiff. The latter, having 
taken this direction, went forward in it with his usual 
impetuosity. He planned a new coalition for the ex- 
pulsion of the French, calling on the other allies to 
take part in it. Louis retaliated by summoning a 
council to inquire into the pope's conduct; and by 
marching his troops into the territories of the church.*' 
The advance of the French, who had now got pos- 
session of Bologna (May 21st, 1511), alarmed Ferdi- 
nand. He had secured the objects for which he had 
entered into the war, and was loath to be diverted 
from enterprises in which he was interested nearer 
home. ** I know not," writes Peter Martyr at this 
time, "on what the king will decide. He is intent 
on following up his African conquests. He feels nat- 
ural reluctance at breaking with his French ally. But 
I do not well see how he can avoid supporting the 
pope and the church, not only as the cause of religion, 
but of freedom; for if the French get possession of 
Rome, the liberties of all Italy and of every state in 
Europe are in peril." ** 

*3 Bemalder, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 221. — Fleurange, Mimoires, 
chap. 7. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 416. — Guicciardini, Istoria, 
torn. iv. pp. 178, 179, 190, 191 ; torn. v. pp. 71, 82-86. — Bembo, Istoria 
Viniziana, lib. 7, 9, 10. 

«4 Opiis Epist., epist. 465. — M^moires de Bayard, chap. 46. — 
Fleurange, M^moires, chap. 26. — Bemaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., 
cap. 225. 



H^AXS AND POLITICS OF ITAL Y. 



351 



The Catholic king viewed it in this light, and 
sent repeated and earnest remonstrances to Louis the 
Twelfth against his aggressions on the church, be- 
seeching him not to interrupt the peace of Christen- 
dom, and his own pious purpose more particularly, of 
spreading the banners of the Cross over the infidel 
regions of Africa. Tha very sweet and fraternal tone 
of these communications filled the king of France, 
says Guicciardini, v^'ith much distrust of his royal 
brother ; and he was heard to say, in allusion to the 
great preparations which the Spanish monarch was 
making by sea and land, *' I am the Saracen against 
whom they are directed."'* 

To secure Ferdinand more to his interests, the pope 
granted him the investiture, so long withheld, of 
Naples, on the same easy .terms on which it was for- 
merly held by the Aragonese line. His holiness further 
released him from the obligation of his marriage treaty, 
by which the moiety of Naples was to revert to the 

•5 Istoria, lib. 9, p. 135. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., aflo 1511. — Ber- 
naldez, Reyes Cat6licos, MS., cap. 225. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., 
epist. 465. — Machiavelli's friend Vettori, in one of his letters, speaks 
of the Catholic king as the principal author of the new coalition 
against France, and notices three hundred lances which he furnished 
the pope in advance, for this purpose. (Machiavelli, Opere, Lettere 
famigliari, no. 8.) He does not seem to understand that these lances 
were part of the services due for the fief of Naples. The letter above 
quoted of Martyr, a more competent and unsuspicious authority, shows 
Ferdinand's sincere aversion to a rupture with Louis at the present 
juncture ; and a subsequent passage of the same epistle shows him too 
much in earnest in his dissuasives to be open to the charge of insin- 
cerity: "Ut mitibus verbis ipsum, Reginam ejus uxorem, ut consi- 
liarios omnes Cabanillas alloquatur, ut agant apud regem suum de 
pace, dat in frequentibus mandatis." Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., ubi 
supra. — See further, epist. 454. 



353 



WARS AND POLITICS OF ITAL Y. 



French crown in case of Germaine's dying without 
issue. This dispensing power of the successors of St. 
Peter, so convenient for princes in their good graces, 
is undoubtedly the severest tax ever levied by super- 
stition on human reason.'^ 

On the 4th of October, 15 ii, a treaty was concluded 
between Julius the Second, Ferdinand, and Venice, 
with the avowed object of protecting the church, — in 
other words, driving the French out of Italy.*' From 
the pious purpose to which it was devoted, it was called 
the Holy League. The quota to be furnished by the 
king of Aragon was twelve hundred heavy and one 
thousand light cavalry, ten thousand foot, and a squad- 
ron of eleven galleys, to act in concert with the Vene- 
tian fleet. The combined forces were to be placed 
under the command of Hugo de Cardona, viceroy of 
Naples, a person of polished and engaging address, but 
without the resolution or experience requisite to mili- 
tary success. The rough old pope sarcastically nick- 
named him "Lady Cardona." It was an appointment 

»• Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., no. 441. — Mariana, Hist, de Espafia, 
torn. ii. lib. 29, cap. 24. — Giovio, Vitae lUust. Virorum, p. 164. — San- 
doval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., torn. i. p. 18. — The act of investiture 
was dated July 3d, 1510. In the following August the pontiff remitted 
the feudal services for the annual tribute of a white palfrey, and the 
aid of 300 lances when the estates of the church should be invaded. 
(Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 9, cap. 11.) The pope had hitherto re- 
fused the investiture, except on the most exorbitant terms ; which so 
much disgusted Ferdinand that he passed by Ortia on his return from 
Naples, without condescending to meet his Holiness, who was waiting 
there for a personal interview with him. Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., 
epist. 353. — Guicciardini, Istoria, tom. iv. p. 73. 

17 Guicciardini, Istoria, tom. v. lib. 10, p. 207. — Mariana, Hist, de 
Espafla, tom. ii. lib. 30, cap. 5.— Rymer, Fcedera, tom. xiii. pp. 305- 
308. 



WARS AND POLITICS OF ITAL Y. 



353 



that would certainly never have been made by Queen 
Isabella. Indeed, the favor shown this nobleman on 
this and other occasions was so much beyond his de- 
serts as to raise a suspicion in many that he was more 
nearly allied by blood to Ferdinand than was usually 
imagined.** 

Early in 1512, France, by great exertions and with- 
out a single confederate out of Italy, save the false and 
fluctuating emperor, got an army into the field superior 
to that of the allies in point of numbers, and still more 
so in the character of its commander. This was Gas- 
ton de Foix, duke de Nemours, and brother of the 
queen of Aragon. Though a boy in years, for he was 
but twenty-two, he was ripe in understanding, and pos- 
sessed consummate military talents. He introduced a 
severer discipline into his army, and an entirely new 
system of tactics. He looked forward to his results 
with stern indifference to the means by which they 
were to be effected. He disregarded the difficulties of 
the roads and the inclemency of the season, which had 
hitherto put a check on military operations. Through 
the midst of frightful morasses, or in the depth of 
winter snows, he performed his marches with a celerity 

** Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. v. lib. 10, p. 208. — Bembo, Istoria 
Viniziana, torn. ii. lib. is. — Mariana, Hist, de EspaAa, torn. ii. lib. 30, 
cap. 5, 14.— Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 483. — Vettori, it seems, 
gave credence to the same suggestion : " Spagna ha sempre amato 
assai questo suo Vicerft, e per errore che abbia fatto non I'ha gastigato, 
ma pill presto fatto pivi grande, e si pu6 pensare, come molti dicono, 
che sia suo figlio, e che abbia in pensiero lasciarlo Re di Napoli." 
(Machiavelli, Opere. let. di 16 Maggio, 1514.) According to Meson, 
the king would have appointed Navarro to the post of commander-in- 
chief, had not his low birth disqualified him for it in the eyes of the 
allies. Annales de Navarra, torn. v. lib. 35, cap. 12. 
Vol. III.— 23 



nil 



I 



354 



IVANS AND POLITICS OF ITAL F. 



unknown in the warfare' of that age. In less than a 
fortnight after leaving Milan, he relieved Bologna 
(Feb. 5th), then besieged by the allies, made a counter- 
march on Brescia, defeated a detachment by the way, 
and the whole Venetian army under its walls, and, on 
the same day with the last event, succeeded in carrying 
the place by storm. After a few weeks' dissipation of 
the carnival, he again put himself in motion, and, de- 
scending on Ravenna, succeeded in bringing the allied 
army to a decisive action under its walls. Ferdinand, 
well understanding the peculiar characters of the French 
and of the Spanish soldier, had cautioned his general 
to adopt the Fabian policy of Gonsalvo, and avoid 
a close encounter as long as possible. *• 

This battle, fought with the greatest numbers, was 
also the most murderous, which had stained the fair 
soil of Italy for a century. (April nth, 15 12.) No less 
than eighteen or twenty thousand, according to au- 
thentic accounts, fell in it, comprehending the best 
blood of France and Italy.* The viceroy Cardona 
went off somewhat too early for his reputation. But 
the Spanish infantry, under the count Pedro Navarro, 

>9 Beraaldez, Reyes Cat6Iicos, MS., cap. 230, 331. — Guicciardini, 
Istoria, torn. v. lib. 10, pp. 360-372. — Giovio, Vita Leonis X., apud 
Vitse lUust. Virorum, lib. 2, pp. 37, 38. — M^moires da Bayard, chap. 
48. — Fieurange, M6moires, chap. 26-28. 

» Ariosto introduces the bloody rout of Ravenna among the visions 
of Melissa ; in which the courtly prophetess (or rather poet) predicts 
the glories of the house of Este : 

" Niioteranno i destrier fino alia pancia 
Nel sangue uman per tutta la campagna : 
Ch' a seppellire il popol verrii m^tnco 
Tedesco, Ispano, Greco, Italo, e Franco." 
Orlando Furiusu, canto 3, st. 55. 



WARS AND POLITICS OF ITAL Y. 



355 



behaved in a style worthy of the school of Gonsalvo. 
During the early part of the day, they lay on the 
ground, in a position which sheltered them from the 
deadly artillery of Este, then the best mounted and 
best served of any in Europe. When at length, as 
the tide of battle was going against them, they were 
brought into the field, Navarro led them at once 
against a deep column of landsknechts, who, armed 
with the long German pike, were bearing down all 
before them. The Spaniards received the shock of this 
formidable weapon on the mailed panoply with which 
their bodies were covered, and, dexterously gliding 
into the hostile ranks, contrived with their short swords 
to do such execution on the enemy, unprotected except 
by corselets in front, and incapable of availing them- 
selves of their long weapon, that they were thrown 
into confusion, and totally discomfited. It was repeat- 
ing the experiment more than once made during these 
wars, but never on so great a scale, and it fully estab- 
lished the superiority of the Spanish arms." 

The Italian infantry, which had fallen back before \ 
the landsknechts, now rallied under cover of the Span- 
ish charge ; until at length the overwhelming clouds -^ 
of French gendarmerie, headed by Ives d'Alegre, who ^^ 

" Brant6me, Vies des Hommes illustres, disc. 6.— Guicciardini, 
Istoria, torn. v. lib. lo, pp. 390-305. — Bemaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., 
cap. 331, 333. — M^moires de Bayard, chap. 54. — Du Bellay, M^moires, 
apud Petitot, Collection des Memoires, torn. xvii. p. 234. — Fleurange, 
Memoires, chap. 29, 30. — Bembo, Istona Viniziana, torn. ii. lib. 12. — 
Machiavelli does justice to the gallantry of this valiant corps, whose 
conduct on this occasion furnishes him with a pertinent illustration, in 
estimating the comparative value of the Spanish, or rather Roman 
arms, and the German. Opera, torn, iv., Arte della Guerra, lib. 2, 
p. 67. 



356 



PVAHS AND POLITICS OF ITAL Y. 



lost his own life in the mSl^e, compelled the allies to 
give ground. The retreat of the Spaniards, however, 
was conducted with admirable order, and they pre- 
served their ranks unbroken, as they repeatedly turned 
to drive back the tide of pursuit. At this crisis, Gas- 
ton de Foix, flushed with success, was so exasperated 
by the sight of this valiant corps going off in so cool 
and orderly a manner from the field, that he made a 
desperate charge at the head of his chivalry, in hopes 
of breaking it. Unfortunately, his wounded horse fell 
under him. It was in vain his followers called out, 
** It is our viceroy, the brother of your queen !" The 
words had no charm for a Spanish ear, and he was 
despatched with a multitude of wounds. He received 
fourteen or fifteen in the face ; good proof, says the 
loyal serviteur, "that the gentle prince had never 
turned his back."" 

There are few instances in history, if indeed there 
be any, of so brief and at the same time so brilliant a 
military career as that of Gaston de Foix ; and it well 
entitled him to the epithet his countrymen gave him of 
the "thunderbolt of Italy. " ^ He had not merely given 
extraordinary promise, but in the course of a very few 

*> M^moires de Bayard, chap. 54. — Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. v. lib. 
10, pp. 306-309. — Peter Martyr, epist. 483. — Brantdme, Vies des 
Homines illustres, disc. 24. — ^The best, that is, the most perspicuous 
and animated description of the fight of Ravenna, among contempo- 
rary writers, will be found in Guicciardini (ubi supra) ; among the 
modem, in Sismondi (R^publiques Italiennes, tom. xiv. chap. 109), an 
author who has the rare merit of combining profound philosophical 
analysis with the superficial and picturesque graces of narrative. 

»3 " Le foudre de I'ltalie." (Gaillard, Rivalit^. tom. iv. p. 391 ;— 
light authority, I acknowledge, even for a sobriquet.) 



fVAHS AND POLITICS OF ITALY. 



357 



months had achieved such results as might well make 
the greatest powers of the peninsula tremble for their 
possessions. His precocious military talents, the early 
age at which he assumed the command of armies, as well 
as many peculiarities of his discipline and tactics, sug- 
gest some resemblance to the beginning of Napoleon's 
career. 

Unhappily, his brilliant fame is sullied by a reckless- 
ness of human life, the more odious in one too young 
to be steeled by familiarity with the iron trade to 
which he was devoted. It may be fair, however, to 
charge this on the age rather than on the individual, 
for surely never was there one characterized by greater 
brutality and more unsparing ferocity in its wars."* So 
little had the progress of civilization done for hu- 
manity. It is not until a recent period that a more 
generous spirit has operated ; that a fellow-creature 
has been understood not to forfeit his rights as a man 
because he is an enemy ; that conventional laws have 
been established, tending greatly to mitigate the evils 



■4 One example may suffice, occurring in the war of the League, in 
1510. When Vicenza was taken by the Imperialists, a number of the 
inhabitants, amounting to one — or, according to some accounts, six- 
thousand, took refuge in a neighboring grotto, with their wives and 
children, comprehending many of the principal families of the place. 
A French officer, detecting their retreat, caused a heap of fagots to be 
piled up at the mouth of the cavern and set on fire. Out of the 
whole number of fugitives only one escaped with life ; and the black- 
ened and convulsed appearance of the bodies showed too plainly the 
cruel agonies of suffocation. (Memoires de Bayard, chap. 40. — 
Bembo, Istoria Viniziana, torn. ii. lib. 10.) Bayard executed two of 
the authors of this diabolical act on the spot. But the " chevalier sans 
reproche" was an exception to, rather than an example of, the preva- 
lent spirit of the age. 



358 



ff/f iP5 AND POLITICS OF ITAL K 



III 
i 






of a condition which, with every alleviation, is one of 
unspeakable misery ; and that those who hold the des- 
tinies of nations in their hands have been made to feel 
that there is less true glory, and far less profit, to be 
derived from war than from the wise prevention of it. 

The defeat at Ravenna struck a panic into the con- 
federates. The stout heart of Julius the Second fal- 
tered, and it required all the assurances of the Spanish 
and Venetian ministers to keep him staunch to his 
purpose. King Ferdinand issued orders to the Great 
Captain to hold himself in readiness for taking the 
command of forces to be instantly raised for Naples. 
There could be no better proof of the royal consterna- 
tion.'* 

The victory of Ravenna, however, was more fatal to 
the French than to their foes. The uninterrupted suc- 
cesses of a commander are so far unfortunate, that they 
incline his followers, by the brilliant illusion they throw 
around his name, to rely less on their own resources 
than on him whom they have hitherto found invin- 
cible; and thus subject their own destiny to all the 
casualties which attach to the fortunes of a single indi- 
vidual. The death of Gaston de Foix seemed to dis- 
solve the only bond which held the French together. 
The officers became divided, the soldiers disheartened, 
and, with the loss of their young hero, lost all interest 
in the service. The allies, advised of this disorderly 



»s Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. v. lib. lo, pp. 310-312. 322. 323. — 
Chr6nica del Gran Capitan, lib. 3, cap. 7. — Mariana, Hist, de Elspana, 
torn. it. lib. 30, cap. 9. — Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, lib. 3, p. 288. — 
Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1512. — See also Letteradi Vettori, Maggio 
z6, 1514, apud Machiavelli, Opere. 



tVA/iS AND POLITICS OF ITAL Y. 



359 



state of the army, recovered confidence, and renewed 
their exertions. Through Ferdinand's influence over 
his son-in-law, Henry the Eighth of England, the latter 
had been induced openly to join the League in the 
beginning of the present year."* The Catholic king 
had the address, moreover, just before the battle, to 
detach the emperor from France, by effecting a truce 
between him and Venice."' The French, now menaced 
and pressed on every side, began their retreat under 
the brave La Palice; and to such an impotent state 
were they reduced that in less than three months after 
the fatal victory (June 28th) they were at the foot of 
the Alps, having abandoned not only their recent but 
all their conquests in the north of Italy."* 

The same results now took place as in the late war 
against Venice. The confederates quarrelled over the 
division of the spoil. The republic, with the largest 
claims, obtained the least concessions. She felt that 
she was to be made to descend to an inferior rank 
in the scale of nations. Ferdinand earnestly remon- 
strated with the pope, and subsequently, by means of 
his Venetian minister, with Maximilian, on this mis- 

"* Dumont, Corps diplomatique, torn. iv. p. 137. — He had become 
a party to it as early as November 17th of the preceding year ; he 
deferred its publication, however, until he had received the last instal- 
ment of a subsidy that Louis XII. was to pay him for the maintenance 
of peace. (Rymer, Foedera, tom. xiii. pp. 311-323. — Sismondi, Hist, 
des Fran9ais, tom. xv. p. 385.) Even the chivalrous Harry the Eighth 
could not escape the trickish spirit of the age. 

1 Guicciardini, Istoria, tom. v. lib. 10, p. 320. 

"8 M^moires de Bayard, chap. 55. — Fleurange, M^moires, chap. 31. 
— Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. yiii. pp. 380, 381. — Guicciardini, 
Istoria, tom. v. lib. 10, pp. 335, 336. — Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 10, 
cap. 30. 



ill 



300 



H^AMS AND POLITICS OF ITAL Y. 



taken policy. ■• But the indifference of the one and 
the cupidity of the other were closed against argument. 
The result was precisely what the prudent monarch 
foresaw. Venice was driven into the arms of her per- 
fidious ancient ally; and on the 23d of March, 15 13, 
a definitive treaty was arranged with France for their 
mutual defence.** Thus the most efficient member was 
alienated from the confederacy; all the recent advan- 
tages of the allies were compromised ; new combinations 
were to be formed, and new and interminable prospects 
of hostility opened. 

Ferdinand, relieved from immediate apprehensions 
of the French, took comparatively little interest in 
Italian politics. He was too much occupied with set- 
tling his conquests in Navarre. The army, indeed, 
under Cardona still kept the field in the north of Italy. 
The viceroy, after re-establishing the Medici in Flor- 
ence, remained inactive. The French, in the mean 
while, had again mustered in force, and, crossing the 
mountains, encountered the Swiss in a bloody battle at 
Novara (June 6th, 15 13), where the former were en- 
tirely routed. Cardona, then rousing from his leth- 
argy, traversed the Milanese without opposition, laying 
waste the ancient territories of Venice, burning the 
palaces and pleasure-houses of its lordly inhabitants on 
the beautiful banks of the Brenta, and approaching so 
near to the "Queen of the Adriatic" as to throw a 
few impotent balls into the monastery of San Secondo. 

"9 Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 10, cap. 44-48. — Guicciardini, Istoria, 
torn. vi. lib. 11, p. 52. — Martyr reports a conversation that he had with 
the Venetian minister in Spain, touching this business. Opus Epist., 
epist. 520. 

30 Dumont, Corps diplomatique, torn. iv. part, i, no. 86. 



IV.1/!S AND POLITICS OF ITAL Y. 



361 



The indignation of the Venetians and of Alviano, 
the same general who had fought so gallantly under 
Gonsalvo at the Garigliano, hurried them into an en- 
gagement with the allies near La Motta (Oct. 7th), at 
two miles' distance from Vicenza. Cardona, loaded 
with booty and entangled among the mountain-passes, 
was assailed under every disadvantage. The German 
allies gave way before the impetuous charge of Alviano; 
but the Spanish infantry stood its ground unshaken, and 
by extraordinary discipline and valor succeeded in turn- 
ing the fortunes of the day. More than four thousand 
of the enemy were left on the field ; and a large number 
of prisoners, including many of rank, with all the bag- 
gage and artillery, fell into the hands of the victors.^ 

Thus ended the campaign of 1513: the French 
driven again beyond the mountains; Venice cooped 
up within her sea-girt fastnesses, and compelled to 
enroll her artisans and common laborers in her de- 
fence, — but still strong in resources, above all in the 
patriotism and unconquerable spirit of her people.'" 

91 Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. vi. lib. 11, pp. 101-138.— Peter Martyr, 
Opus Epist., epist. 533. — Mariana, Hist, de Espafla, torn. ii. lib. 30, 
cap. 31. — Fleurange, M^moires, chap. 36, 37. — Also an original letter 
of King Ferdinand to Archbishop Deza, apud Bemaldez, Reyes 
Cat61icos, MS., cap. 343. — Alviano died a little more than a year 
after this defeat, at sixty years of age. He was so much beloved by 
the soldiery that they refused to be separated from his remains, which 
were borne at the head of the army for some weeks after his death. 
They were finally laid in the church of St. Stephen in Venice ; and the 
senate, with more gratitude than is usually conceded to republics, 
settled an honorable pension on his family. 

3a Dam, Hist, de Venise, torn. iii. pp. 615, 616. 

Count Dam has supplied the desideratum, so long standing, of a 
full, authentic history of a state whose institutions were the admiration 

Q 



; fi |; 






362 



PVAHS AND POLITICS OF ITAL Y. 



of earlier times, and whose long stability and succees make them de- 
servedly an object of curiosity and interest to our ovvn. The style of 
the work, at once lively and condensed, is net that best suited to 
historic writing, being of the piquant, epigrammatic kind much aifected 
by French writers, 'fhe subject, too, of the revolutions of empire, 
does not afford room for the dramatic interest attaching to v;orks 
which admit of more extended biographical development. Abundant 
interest will be found, however, in the dexterity with which he has 
disentangled the tortuous politics of the republic ; iu the acute and 
always sensible reflections with which he clothes the dry skeleton of 
fact; and in the novel stores of information he has opened. The 
foreign policy of Venice excited too much interest among friends and 
enemies in the day of her glory, not to occupy the pens of the most 
intelligent writers. But no Italian chronicler, not even one intrusted 
with the office by the government itself, has been able to exhibit the 
interior workings of the complicated machinery so satisfactorily as M. 
Daru has done, with the aid of those voluminous state papers, which 
were as jealously guarded from inspection, until the downfall of the 
republic, as the records of the Spanish Inquisition. 



I 



I 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

« 

CONQUEST OF NAVARRE, 

I512-I513. 

Sovereigns of Navarre. — Ferdinand demands a Passage. — Invasion 
and Conquest of Navarre. — Treaty of Ortlifes. — Ferdinand settles 
his Conquests. — His Conduct examined. — Gross Abuse of the 

. Victory. 

While the Spaniards were thus winning barren 
laurels on the fields of Italy, King Ferdinand was 
making a most important acquisition of territory 
nearer home. The reader has already been made 
acquainted with the manner in which the bloody 
sceptre of Navarre passed from the hands of Eleanor, 
Ferdinand's sister, after a reign of a few brief days, 
into those of her grandson Phoebus. (1479.) -A- fotal 
destiny hung over the house of Foix ; and the latter 
prince lived to enjoy his crown only four years, when 
he was succeeded by his sister Catharine. (1483.) 

It was not to be supposed that Ferdinand and Isa- 
bella, so attentive to enlarge their empire to the full 
extent of the geographical limits which nature seemed 
to have assigned it, would lose the opportunity now 
presented of incorporating into it the hitherto inde- 
pendent kingdom of Navarre, by the marriage of their 
own heir with its sovereign. All their efforts, how- 

(363) 



^64 



CONQUEST OF NA VARRE. 



ever, were frustrated by the queen mother Magdaleine, 
sister of Louis the Eleventh, who, sacrificing the in- 
terests of the nation to her prejudices, evaded the pro- 
posed match, under various pretexts, and in the end 
effected a union between her daughter and a French 
noble, Jean d'Albret, heir to considerable estates in 
the neighborhood of Navarre. This was a most fatal 
error. The independence of Navarre had hitherto 
been maintained less through its own strength than the 
weakness of its neighbors. But, now that the petty 
states around her had been absorbed into two great 
and powerful monarchies, it was not to be expected 
that so feeble a barrier would be longer respected, or 
that it would not be swept away in the first collision 
of those formidable forces. But, although the inde- 
pendence of the kingdom must be lost, the princes of 
Navarre might yet maintain their station by a union 
with the reigning family of France or Spain. By the 
present connection with a mere private individual they 
lost both the one and the other.* 

Still, the most friendly relations subsisted between 
lue Catholic king and his niece during the lifetime of 
Isabella. The sovereigns assisted her in taking pos- 
session of her turbulent dominions, as well as in allay- 
ing the deadly feuds of the Beaumonts and Agramonts, 
with which they were rent asunder. They supported 
her with their arms in resisting her uncle Jean, viscount 
of Narbonne, who claimed the crown on the ground- 
less pretext of its being limited to male heirs." The 



« See Part I. chapters lo, la. 

• Histoire du Royaume de Navarre, pp. 567, 570. — Aleson, Annales 
de Navarra, torn. v. lib. 34, cap. i. — Diccionario geogrdfico-hist6rico 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRt, 



l^S 



alliance with Spain was drawn still closer by the avowed 
purpose of Louis the Twelfth to support his nephew, 
Gaston de Foix, in the claims of his deceased father.' 
The death of the young hero, however, at Ravenna, 
wholly changed the relations and feelings of the two 
countries. Navarre had nothing immediately to fear 
from France. She felt distrust of Spain on more than 
one account, especially for the protection afforded the 
Beaumontese exiles, at the head of whom was the 
young count of Lerin, Ferdinand's nephew.* 

France, too, standing alone, and at bay dgainst the 
rest of Europe, found the alliance of the little state of 
Navarre of importance to her; especially at the present 
juncture, when the project of an expedition against 
Guienne, by the combined armies of Spain and Eng- 
land, naturally made Louis the Twelfth desirous to 
secure the good will of a prince who might be said to 
wear the keys of the Pyrenees, as the king of Sardinia 
did those of the Alps, at his girdle. With these ami- 
cable dispositions, the king and queen of Navarre de- 
spatched their plenipotentiaries to Blois, early in May, 
soon after the battle of Ravenna, with full powers to 
conclude a treaty of alliance and confederation with 
the French government.' 



de Espafia, por la Real Academia de la Historia (Madrid, zSoa), torn, 
ii. p. 117. 

3 Aleson, Annates de Navarra, torn. v. lib. 35, cap. 13. — Zurita, 
Anales, torn. vi. lib. 9, cap. 54. — Sismondi, Hist des Fran9ais, torn. 
XV. p. 500. 

4 Aleson, Annales de Navarra, ubi supra. 

s Dumont, Corps diplomatique, tonu iv. part, x, p. 147. — See also 
the king's letter to Deza, dated Burgos, July aoth, 151a, apud Ber- 
naldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 235. 






366 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRE. 



In the mean time, June 8th, an English squadron 
arrived at Passage, in Guipuscoa, having ten thousand 
men on board under Thomas Grey, marquis of Dorset,* 
in order to co-operate with King Ferdinand's army in 
the descent on Guienne. This latter force, consisting 
of two thousand five hundred horse, light and heavy, 
six thousand foot, and twenty pieces of artillery, was 
placed under Don Fadrique de Toledo, the old duke 
of Alva, grandfather of the general who wrote his name 
in indelible characters of blood in the Netherlands 
under Philip the Second.' Before making any move- 
ment, however, Ferdinand, who knew the equivocal 
dispositions of the Navarrese sovereigns, determined to 
secure himself from the annoyance which their strong 
position enabled them to give him on whatever route 
he adopted. He accordingly sent to request a free 
passage through their dominions, with the demand, 
moreover, that they should intrust six of their prin- 
cipal fortresses to such Navarrese as he should name, 
as a guarantee for their neutrality during the expedi- 

^ Aleson, Annates de Navarra, torn. v. p. 245. — Herbert, Life and 
Raigne of Henry VHI. (London, 1649), p. 20. — Holinshed, Chroni- 
cles, p. 568 (London, 1810). — Mariana, Hist, de Espafia, torn. ix. p. 
315. — His Valencian editors correct his text, by substituting marquis 
of Dorchester! 

7 The young poet Garcilasso de la Vega gives a brilliant sketch of 
this stern old nobleman in his younger days, such as our imagination 
would scarcely have formed of him at any period : 

" Otro Marte 'n guerra, en corte Febo. 
Mostravase mancebo en las sefiales 
del rostro, qu' eran tales, qu' esperan^a 
i cierta confian^a daro davan 
a cuantos le miravan : qu' el seria, 
en quien s' informaria iin ser divino." 
Obras, ed. de Herrera, p. 105. 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRE. 



367 



tion. He accompanied this modest proposal with the 
alternative that the sovereigns should become parties 
to the Holy League ; engaging in that case to restore 
certain places in his possession, which they claimed, 
and pledging the whole strength of the confederacy to 
protect them against any hostile attempts of France.* 

The situation of these unfortunate princes was in 
the highest degree embarrassing. The neutrality they 
had so long and sedulously maintained was now to be 
abandoned; and their choice, whichever party they 
espoused, must compromise their possessions on one or 
the other side of the Pyrenees, in exchange for an ally 
whose friendship had proved by repeated experience 
quite as disastrous as his enmity. In this dilemma 
they sent ambassadors into Castile, to obtain some 
modification of the terms, or at least to protract nego- 
tiations till some definitive arrangement should be 
made with Louis the Twelfth.' 

On the 1 7th of July, their plenipotentiaries signed a 
treaty with that monarch at Blois, by which France 
and Navarre mutually agreed to defend each other, 
in case of attack, against all enemies whatever. By 
another provision, obviously directed against Spain, it 
was stipulated that neither nation should allow a pass- 
age to the enemies of the other through its dominions ; 
and, by a third, Navarre pledged herself to declare 

* Lebrija, De Bello Navariensi, lib. i, cap. 3. — Zurita, Anales, torn. 
\\. lib. 10, cap. 4, 5, — ^Aleson, Annales de Navarra, torn. v. lib. 35, 
cap. 15. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 488. — Bemaldez, Reyes 
Cat61icos, MS., ubi supra. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. ii. lib. 29, cap. 
as. — Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., torn. i. p. 25. 

9 Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 10, cap. 7, 8. — Peter Martyr, Opus 
Epist., epist. 487. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. iii. lib. 99, cap. 35, 






368 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRE. 



war on the English now assembled in Guipuscoa, and 
all those co-operating with them.*" 

Through a singular accident, Ferdinand was made 
acquainted with the principal articles of this treaty 
before its signature." His army had remained inactive 
in its quarters around Vitoria, ever since the landing 
of the English. He now saw the hopelessness of fur- 
ther negotiation, and, determining to anticipate the 
stroke prepared for him, commanded his general to 
invade without delay and occupy Navarre. 

The duke of Alva crossed the borders on the 21st 
of July, proclaiming that no harm should be offered 
to those who voluntarily submitted. On the 23d he 
arrived before Pampelona. King John, who, all the 
while he had been thus dallying with the lion, had 
made no provision for defence, had already abandoned 
his capital, leaving it to make the best terms it could 
for itself. On the following day, the city, having first 
obtained assurance of respect for all its franchises and 
immunities, surrendered ; "a circumstance," devoutly 
exclaims King Ferdinand, " in which we truly discern 
the hand of our blessed Lord, whose miraculous inter- 
position has been visible through all this enterprise, 

» Dumont, Corps diplomatique, torn. iv. part, t, no. 69.— Carta del 
Rey d D. Diego Deza, apud Bernaldez, Reyes Cat6Ucos, MS., cap. 

ass- 

'* A confidential secretary of King Jean of Navarre was murdored 
in his sleep by his mistress. His papers, containing the heads of the 
proposed treaty with France, fell into the hands of a priest of Pam- 
pelona, who was induced by the hopes of a reward to betray them to 
Ferdinand. The story is told by Martyr, in a letter dated July i8th, 
J5ia. (Opus Epist., epist. 490.) Its truth is attested by the con- 
formity of the proposed terms with those of the actual treaty. 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRE. 



369 



undertaken for the weal of the church and the extirpa- 
tion of the accursed schism."" 

The royal exile, in the mean while, had retreated to 
Lumbier, where he solicited the assistance of the duke 
of Ix)ngueville, then encamped on the northern frontier 
for the defence of Bayonne. The French commander, 
however, stood too much in awe of the English, still 
lying in Guipuscoa, to weaken himself by a detach- 
ment into Navarre ; and the unfortunate monarch, un- 
supported either by his own subjects or his new ally, 
was compelled to cross the mountains and take refuge 
with his family in France.*' 

The duke of Alva lost no time in pressing his advan- 
tage ; opening the way by a proclamation of the Cath- 
olic king, that it was intended only to hold possession 



«» Carta del Rey d D. Diego Deza, Burgos, July 26th, apud Ber- 
naldez, Reyes Catdlicos, MS., cap. 236. — Histoire du Royaume de 
Navarre, pp. 620-627. — Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, toiti. ii. rey 30, cap. 
21. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 495. — ^Aleson, Annates de 
Navarra, torn. v. lib. 35, cap. 15. — Bernaldez has incorporated into his 
chronicle several letters of King Ferdinand, written during the pro- 
gress of the war. It is singular that, coming from so high a source, 
they should not have been more freely resorted to by the Spanish 
writers. They are addressed to his confessor, Deza, archbishop of 
Seville, with whom Bernaldez, curate of a parish in his diocese, was. 
as appears from other parts of his work, on terms of intimacy. 

»3 Aleson, Annalcs de Navarra, torn. v. lib. 35, cap. 15. — Histoire 
du Royaume de Navarre, p. 622. — Lebrija, De Bello Navariensi, lib. 
I, cap. 4. — " Jean d'Albret you were bom," said Catharine to her un- 
fortunate husband, as they were flying from their kingdom, " and Jean 
d'Albret you will die. Had I been king, and you queen, we had 
been reigning in Navarre at this moment." (Garibay, Compendio, 
tom. iii. lib. 29, cap. 26.) Father Abarca treats the story as an old 
v'ife's tale, and Garibay as an old woman for repeating it. Reyes de 
Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 21. 
Vol. III.— 24 Q* 



370 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRE. 



of the country, as security for the pacific disposition 
of its sovereigns, until the end of his present expedi- 
tion against Guienne. From whatever cause, the Span- 
ish general experienced so little resistance that in less 
than a fortnight he overran and subdued nearly the 
whole of Upper Navarre. So short a time sufficed for 
the subversion of a monarchy which, in defiance of 
storm and stratagem, had maintained its independence 
unimpaired, with a few brief exceptions, for seven 
centuries.'* 

On reviewing these extraordinary events, we are led 
to distrust the capacity and courage of a prince who 
could so readily abandon his kingdom, without so 
much as firing a shot in its defence. John had shown, 
however, on more than one occasion, that he was des- 
titute of neither. He was not, it must be confessed, 
of the temper best suited to the fierce and stirring 
times on which he was cast. He was of an amiable 
disposition, social and fond of pleasure, and so little 
jealous of his royal dignity that he mixed freely in the 
dances and other entertainments of the humblest of 
his subjects. His greatest defect was the facility with 
which he reposed the cares of state on favorites, not 
always the most deserving. His greatest merit was his 
love of letters. '5 Unfortunately, neither his merits nor 
defects were of a kind best adapted to extricate him 
from his present perilous situation or enable him to 
cope with his wily and resolute adversary. For this, 

>4 Manifiesto del Rey D. Fernando, July 30th, apud Bernaldez, 
Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 236. — Lebrija, De Bello Navariensi, lib. i, 
cap. 5. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. iii. lib. 29, cap. 26. 

'S Aleson, Annales de Navarra, torn. v. lib. 35, cap. 2. — Histoire du 
Royaume de Navjirrc, pp. 603, 604. 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRE. 



371 



however, more commanding talents might well have 
failed. The period had arrived when, in the regular 
progress of events, Navarre must yield up her inde- 
pendence to the two great nations on her borders; 
who, attracted by the strength of her natural position, 
and her political weakness, would be sure, now that 
their own domestic discords were healed, to claim each 
the moiety which seemed naturally to fall within its 
own territorial limits. Particular events might accel- 
erate or retard this result, but it was not in the power 
of human genius to avert its final consummation. 

King Ferdinand, who descried the storm now gath- 
ering on the side of France, resolved to meet it 
promptly, and commanded his general to cross the 
mountains and occupy the districts of Lower Navarre. 
In this he expected the co-operation of the English. 
But he was disappointed. The marquis of Dorset 
alleged that the time consumed in the reduction of 
Navarre made it too late for the expedition against 
Guienne, which was now placed in a posture of de- 
fence. He loudly complained that his master had 
been duped by the Catholic king, who had used his 
ally to make conquests solely for himself; and, in spite 
of every remonstrance, he re-embarked his whole force, 
without waiting for orders ; **a proceeding," says Fer- 
dinand in one of his letters, " which touches me most 
deeply, from the stain it leaves on the honor of the 
most serene king my son-in-law, and the glory of the 
English nation, so distinguished in times past for high 
and chivalrous emprize." ** 

«« See the king's third letter to Deza, Logroflo, November 12th, apud 
Bemaldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 236.— Mariana, Hist, de Espafiii, 






37a 



CONQUEST OF NA VARRE. 



The duke of Alva, thus unsupported, was no match 
for the French under Longueville, strengthened, more- 
over, by the veteran corps returned from Italy with the 
brave La Palice. Indeed, he narrowly escaped being 
hemmed in between the two armies, and only suc- 
ceeded in anticipating by a few hours the movements 
of La Palice, so as to make good his retreat through 
the piass of Roncesvalles and throw himself into Pani- 
pelona.*' Hither he was speedily followed by the 
French general, accompanied by Jean d'Albret. On 
the 27th of November the besiegers made a desperate 
though ineffectual assault on the city, which was re- 
peated with equal ill fortune on the two following 
days. The beleaguering forces, in the mean time, were 
straitened for provisions; and at length, after a siege 
of some weeks, on learning the arrival of fresh rein- 
forcements under the duke of Najara,*" they broke up 
their encampment, and withdrew across the moun- 
tains \ and with them faded the last ray of hope for 
the restoration of the unfortunate monarch of Navarre. '» 

torn. ii. lib. 30, cap. la. — Lebrija, De Bcllo Navariensi, lib. i. cap. 7. 
— Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 499. — Herbert, Life of Henry 
VIII., p. 24.— Holinshed, Chronicles, p. 571. 

'7 Garcilasso de la Vega alludes to these military exploits of the 
duke, in his second eclogue : 

" Con mas ilustre nombfe los ameaes 
de los fieros Franceses abollava." 

Obras, ed. de Herrera, p. 505. 

* Such was the power of the old duke of Najara that he brought 
into the field on this occasion iioo horse and 3000 foot, raised and 
equipped on his own estates. Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 507. 

«9 Mdmoires de Bayard, chap. 55, 56. — Fleurange, M^moires, chap. 
33. — Lebrija, De Hello Navariensi, lib. i, cap. 8, 9. — Abarca, Reyes 
de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 21. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., afio 151 ? 



ii 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRE, 



%n 



On the ist of April in the following year, 15 13, 
Ferdinand effected a truce with Louis the Twelfth, 
embracing their respective territories west of the Alps. 
It continued a year, and at its expiration was renewed 
for a similar time.* This arrangement, by which 
Louis sacrificed the interests of his ally the king of 
Navarre, gave Ferdinand ample time for settling and 
fortifying his new conquests; while it left the war open 
in a quarter where, he well knew, others were more 
interested than himself to prosecute it with vigor. The 
treaty must be allowed to be more defensible on the 



— ^jean and Catharine d'Albret passed the remainder of their days ill 
their territories on the French side of the Pyrenees. They made on« 
more faint and fruitless attempt to recover their dominions, during the 
regency of Cardinal Ximenes. (Carbajal, Anales, MS., cap. 12.) 
Broken in spirits, their health gradually declined, and neither of them 
long survived the loss of their crown. Jean died June 23d, 1517, and 
Catharine followed on the lath of February of the next year, — happy, 
at least, that, as misfortune had no power to divide them in life, so 
they were not long separated by death. (Histoire du Royaume de 
Navarre, p. 643. — Aleson, Annales de Navarra, tom. v. lib. 35, cap. 
20, 21.) Their bodies sleep side by side in the cathedral church of 
Lescar, in their own dominions of Bdarn ; and their fate is justly 
noticed by the Spanish historians as one of the most striking examples 
of that stern decree by which the sins of the fathers are visited on the 
children to the third and fourth generation. 

«> Flassan, Diplomatic Fran9aise, tom. i. p. 295. — Rymer, Foedera, 
tom. xiii. pp. 350-352. — Guicciardini, Istoria, tom. vi. lib. 11, p. 82; 
lib. 12, p. 168. — Mariana, Hist, de E:.>pafia, tom. ii. lib. 30, cap. 22. — 
" Fu cosa ridicola," says Guicciardini in relation to this truce, " che 
nei medesimi giomi, che la si bandiva solennemente per tutta la 
Spagna, venne un araldo a significargli in nome del Re d'Inghilterra 
gli apparati potentissimi, che ei faceva per assaltare la Francia, e a 
soUecitare che egli medesimamente movesse, secondo che aveva pro- 
messo, la guerra dalla parte di Spagna." Istoria, tom.vi. lib. za, 
p. 84. 






374 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRE. 



score of policy than of good faith." The allies loudly 
inveighed against the treachery of their confederate, 
who had so unscrupulously sacrificed the common in- 
terest by relieving France from the powerful diversion 
he was engaged to make on her western borders. It 
is no justification of wrong, that similar wrongs have 
been committed by others; but those who commit 
them (and there was not one of the allies who could 
escape the imputation, amid the political profligacy of 
the times) certainly forfeit the privilege to complain." 

■* Francesco Vettori, the Florentine ambassador at the papal court, 
writes to Machiavelli that he lay awake two hours that night specu- 
lating on the real motives of the Catholic king in making this truce, 
which, regarded simply as a matter of policy, he condemns in toto. 
He accompanies this with various predictions respecting the conse- 
quences likely to result from it. These consequences never occurred, 
however ; and the failure of his predictions may be received as the 
best refutation of his arguments. Machiavelli, Opere, Lett, famigl., 
Aprile 21, 1513. 

« Guicciardini, Istoria, torn. vi. lib. 11, pp. 81, 82. — Machiavelli, 
Opere, ubi supra. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 538. — On the sth 
of April a treaty was concluded at Mechlin, in the names of Ferdi- 
nand, the king of England, the emperor, and the pope. (Rymer, 
Foedera, torn. xiii. pp. 354-358.) The Castilian envoy, Don Luis 
Carroz, was not present at Mechlin, but it was ratified and solemnly 
sworn to by him, on behalf of his sovereign, in London, April 18th. 
(Ibid., tom. xiii. p. 363.) By this treaty, Spain agreed to attack France 
in Guienne, while the other powers were to co-operate by a descent 
on other quarters. (See also Dumont, Corps diplomatique, tom. iv. 
part. I, no. 79.) This was in direct contradiction of the treaty signed 
only five days before at Orthfes, and, if made with the privity of King 
Ferdinand, must be allowed to be a gratuitous display of perfidy, not 
easily matched in that age. As such, of course, it is stigmatized by 
the French historians, — that is, the later ones, for I find no comment on 
it in contemporary writers. (See Rapin, History of England, trans- 
lated by Tindal (London, 1785-9), vol. ii. pp. 93, 94.— Sismondi, Hist, 
des Fran9ais, tom. xv. p. 626,) Ferdinand, when applied to by Henry 



CONQUEST OF NAV.INRE. 



375 



Ferdinand availed himself of the interval of repose 
now secured to settle his new conquests. He had 
transferred his residence first to Burgos, and afterwards 
to Logrofto, that he might be near the theatre of oper- 
ations. He was indefatigable in raising reinforcements 

VIII. to ratify the acts of his minister, in the following summer, re- 
fused, on the ground that the latter had transcended his powers. 
(Herbert, Life of Henry VHI., p. 29.) The Spanish writers are silent. 
His assertion derives some probability from the tenor of one of tiie 
articles, which provides that in case he refuses to confirm the treaty it 
shall still be binding between England and the emperor; language 
which, as it anticipates, may seem to authorize, such a contingency. — 
Public treaties have, for obvious reasons, been generally received as 
the surest basis for history. One might well doubt this, who attempts 
to reconcile the multifarious discrepancies and contradictions in those 
of the period under review. The science of diplomacy, as then 
practised, was a mere game of finesse and falsehood, in which the 
more solemn the protestations of the parties, the more ground was 
there for distrusting their sincerity.* 



* [In several elaborate letters to his minister in England, Ferdinand 
gives a great variety of reasons for having made the truce with France. 
One, on which he seems to lay particular stress, is that, having taken 
a bad cold which had made him very ill, he had been solemnly 
charged by his confessor and other " persons of tender consciences" to 
seek a reconciliation with his enemies, as good Christians are in the 
habit of doing when preparing for death. He is ready, however 
(being now restored to health), to enter into fresh engagements 
against France if requested by Henry, stipulating only that, while the 
latter pursues the conquest of Normandy and other provinces, his own 
movements shall be confined to the acquisition of B^arn, — an operation 
which, he asserts, would be no infraction of the truce, while it would 
render a great service to his ally by detaining French troops in that 
quarter. (Bergenroth, Letters, Despatches, and State Papers, vol. ii.) 
What is really to be said in favor of Ferdinand is that he made 
strenuous efTorts to inform his ambassador in England of the truce in 
time to prevent his signing the treaty agt.nst France. — Ed.] 



376 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRE. 



and supplies, and expressed his intention at one time, 
notwithstanding the declining state of his health, to 
take the command in person. He showed his usual 
sagacity in various regulations for improving the police, 
healing the domestic feuds, — as fatal to Navarre as the 
arms of its enemies, — and confirming and extending 
its municipal privileges and immunities, so as to con- 
ciliate the affections of his new subjects.'^ 

On the 23d of March, 15 13, the estates of Navarre 
took the usual oaths of allegiance to King Ferdinand."* 
On the isth of June, 1515, the Catholic monarch, by 
a solemn act in cortes, held at Burgos, incorporated 
liis new conquests into the kingdom of Castile."* The 
event excited some surprise, considering his more inti- 
mate relations with Aragon. But it was to the arms 
of Castile that he was chiefly indebted for the con- 
quest ; and it was on her superior wealth and resources 
that he relied for maintaining it. With this was 
combined the politic consideration that the Navarrese, 
naturally turbulent and factious, would be held more 
easily in subordination when associated with Castile, 
than with Aragon, where the spirit of independence 
was higher, and often manifested itself in such bold 

»3 Carta del Rey d Don Diego Deza, Nov. 12th, 1512, apud Ber- 
naldez, Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 236. — Aleson, Annales de Navarra, 
torn. V, lib. 35, cap. 16. — Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. lo, cap. 13, 36, 
43. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., afio 1512. 

»4 Hist, du Royaume de Navarre, pp. 629, 630. — Aleson, Annales de 
Navarra, torn, v, lib. 35, cap. 16. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. iii. lib. 
30, cap. I. 

'S Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 10, cap. 92. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., 
afio 1515. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. iii. lib. 30, cap. i. — Aleson, 
Annales de Navarra, torn. v. lib. 35, cap. 7. — Sandoval, Hist, del 
Emp. Carlos V. , torn. i. p. 26. 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRE. 



377 



assertion of popular rights as falls most unwelcome on 
a royal ear. To all this must be added the despair of 
issue by his present marriage, which had much abated 
his personal interest in enlarging the extent of his 
patrimonial domains. 

Foreign writers characterize the conquest of Navarre 
as a bold, unblushing usurpation, rendered more odious 
by the mask of religious hypocrisy. The national 
writers, on the other hand, have employed their pens 
industriously to vindicate it ; some endeavoring to 
rake a good claim for Castile out of its ancient union 
with Navarre, almost as ancient, indeed, as the Moor- 
ish conquest. Others resort to considerations of expe- 
diency, relying on the mutual benefits of the connection 
to both kingdoms ; arguments which prove little else 
than the weakness of the cause."* All lay more or less 
stress on the celebrated bull of Julius the Second, of 
February i8th, 1512, by which he excommunicated 
the sovereigns of Navarre as heretics, schi^maiics, and 
enemies of the church ; releasing their subjects from 
their allegiance, laying their dominions under an inter- 
dict, and delivering them over to any who should take, 
or had already taken, possession of them.*' Most, 

** The honest canon Salazar de Mendoza (taking the hint from 
Lebrija, indeed) finds abundant warrant for Ferdinand's treatment of 
Navarre in the hard measure dealt by the Israelites of old to the 
people of Ephron, and to Sihon, king of the Amorites, (Monarqufa, 
torn. i. lib. 3, cap. 6.) It might seem strange that a Christian should 
look for authority in the practices of the race he so much abominates, 
instead of the inspired precepts of the Founder of his religion! 
But in truth your thoroughbred casuist is apt to be very little of a 
Christian. 

■7 See the original bull of Julius II. apud Mariana, Hist, de EspaRa, 
torn. ix. Apend. no. a, ed. Valencia, 1796. — " Joannem et Catharinam," 



378 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRE. 



indeed, are content to rest on this, as the true basis 
and original ground of the conquest. The total silence 
of the Catholic king respecting this document before 
the invasion, and the omission of the national histo- 
rians since to produce it, have caused much skepticism 
as to its existence. And, although its recent publica- 
tion puts this beyond doubt, the instrument contains, 
in my judgment, strong internal evidence for distrust- 
ing the accuracy of the date affixed to it, which should 
have been posterior to the invasion; a circumstance 
materially affecting the argument, as it makes the 
papal sentence not the original basis of the war, but 
only a sanction subsequently obtained to cover its 
injustice and authorize retaining the fruits of it."* 

says the bull, in the usual conciliatory style of the Vatican, " perdi- 
tionis filios, — excommunicatos, anathemizatos, malediotos, aeterni sup- 
plicii reos," etc. etc. " Our armies swore terribly in Flanders, cried 
my uncle Toby, — bu? nothing to this. For my own part, I could not 
have a heart to curse my dog so." 

* The ninth volume of the splendid Valencian edition of Mariana 
contains in the Appendix the famous bull of Julius II. of Feb. i8th, 
1512, the original of wjiich is to be found in the royal archives of 
Barcelona. The editor, Don Francisco Ortiz y Sanz, has accom- 
panied it with an elaborate disquisition, in which he makes the apostolic 
sentence the great authority for the conquest. It was a great triumph, 
undoubtedly, to be able to produce the document, after the Spanish his- 
torians had been so long challenged in vain by foreign writers to do 
this, and when its existence might well be doubted, since no record of 
it appears on the papal register. (Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. 
rey 30, cap. 21.) Paris de Grassis, maitre des ciremonies of the chapel 
of Julius II. and Leo X., makes no mention of bull or excommunica- 
tion, although very exact and particular in reporting such facts. 
(Br^quigny, Manuscrits de la Biblioth&que du Roy, tom. ii. p. 570.) 
There is no reason that I know for doubting the genuineness of the 
present instrument. There are conclusive reasons to my mind, how- 
ever, for rejecting its date and assigning it to some time posterior to 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRE. 



379 



But, whatever authority such a sanction may have 
had in the sixteenth century, it will find little respect 

the conquest, ist. The bull denounces John and Catharine as having 
openly joined themselves to Louis XII. and borne arms with him 
against England, Spain, and the church ; a charge fur which there was 
no pretence till five months later. — 2d. With this bull the editor has 
given another, dated Rome, July 21st, 1512, noticed by Peter Martyr. 
(Opus Epist., epist. 497.) This latter is general in its import, being 
directed against all nations whatever, engaged in alliance with France 
against the church. The sovereigns of Navarre are not even men- 
tioned, nor the nation itself, any further than to warn it of the immi- 
nent danger in which it stood of falling into the schism. Now, it is 
obvious that this second bull, so general in its import, would have 
been entirely superfluous in reference to Navarre, after the publication 
of the first ; while, on the other hand, nothing could be more natural 
than that these general menaces and warnings, having proved in- 
effectual, should be followed by the particular sentence of excommu- 
nication contained in the bull of February. — 3d. In fact, the bull of 
February makes repeated allusion to a former one, in such a manner 
as to leave no doubt that the bull of July 21st is intended ; since not 
only the sentiments but the very form of expression are perfectly 
coincident in both for whole sentences together. — 4th. Ferdinand 
makes no mention of the papal excommunication, either in his private 
correspondence, where he discusses the girounds of the war, or in his 
manifesto to the Navarrese, where it would have served his purpose 
quite as effectually as his arms. I say nothing of the negative evi- 
dence afforded by the silence of contemporary writers, as Lebrija, 
Carbajal, Bernaldez, and Martyr, who, while they allude to a sentence 
of excommunication passed in the consistory, or to the publication of 
the bull of July, give no intimation of the existence of that of February ; 
a silence altogether inexplicable. The inference from all this is that the 
date of the bull of February i8th, 1512, is erroneous ; that it should 
be placed at some period posterior to the conquest, and consequently 
could not have served as the ground of it, but was probably obtained 
at the instance of the Catholic king, in order, by the odium which it 
threw on the sovereigns of Navarre, as excommunicate, to remove 
that under which he lay himself, and at the same time secure what 
might be deemed a sufficient warrant for retaining his acquisitions. 
Readers in general may think more time has been spent on the dis- 



i 



W! 



'■> 



38^ 



CONQOEST of NAVARRE. 



in the present, at least beyond the limits <«f the Pyre- 
nees. The only way in which the question can be 
fairly tried must be by those maxims of public law 
universally recognized as settling the intercourse of 
civilized nations; a science, indeed, imperfectly de- 
veloped at that time, but in its general principles the 
same as now, founded, as these are, on the immutable 
basis of morality and justice. 

We must go back a step beyond the war, to the 
proximate cause of it. This was Ferdinand's demand 
of a free passage for his troops through Navarre. The 
demand was perfectly fair, and in ordinary cases would 
doubtless have been granted by a neutral nation.* But 
that nation must, after all, be the only judge of its 
propriety, and Navarre may find a justification for her 
refusal on these grounds. First, that, in her weak and 
defenceless state, it was attended with dan^rer to herself. 
Secondly, that, as by a previous and existing treaty with 
Spain, the validity of which was recognized in her new 
one of July 1 7th with France, she had agreed to refuse 
the right of passage to the latter nation, she conse- 
sequently could not grant it to Spain without a viola- 
tion of her neutrality. ■• Thirdly, that the demand of 
a passage, however just in itself, was coupled with 

cussion than it is worth. But the important light in Which it is viewed 
by those who entertain more deference for a papal decree is suffi- 
ciently attested by the length and number of the disquisitions on it. 
down to the present century. 
*P Dumont, Corps diplomatique, torn. iv. part, i, no. 69. 



* [It is hardly necessary to observe that this statement, if intended 
to have a general application, cannot be accepted as correct. — Ed.] 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRE. 



381 



another, the surrender of the fortresses, which must 
compromise the independence of the kingdom." 

But although, for these reasons, the sovereigns of 
Navarre were warranted in refusing Ferdinand's re- 
quest, they were not therefore authorized to declare 
war against hiui, which they virtually did by entering 
into a defensive alliance with his enemy Louis the 
Twelfth, and by pledging themselves to make war on 
the English and their confederates ; an article point- 
edly directed at the Catholic king. 

True, indeed, the treaty of Blois had not received 
the ratification of the Navarrese sovereigns; but it was 
executed by their plenipotentiaries duly authorized, 
and, considering the intimate intercourse between the 
two nations, was undoubtedly made with their full 
knowledge and concurrence. Under these circum- 
stances, it was scarcely to be expected that King Fer- 
dinand, when an accident had put him in possession 
of the result of these negotiations, should wait for a 
fprmal declaration of hostilities, and thus deprive him- 
self of the advantage of anticipating the blow of his 
enemy. 

The right of making war would seem to include that 
of disposing of its fruits; subject, however, to those 
principles of natural equity which should regulate 

30 According to Galindez de Carbajal, only three fortresses were 
originally demanded by Ferdinand. (Anales, MS., aflo 1512.) He 
may have confounded the number with that said to have been finally 
conceded by the king of Navarre; a concession, however, which 
amounted to little, since it excluded by name two of the most impor- 
tant places required, and the sincerity of which may well be doubted, 
if, as it would seem, it was not made till after the negotiations with 
France had been adjusted. See Zurita, Anales, lib. 10, cap. 7. 



38a 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRE. 



il 



i; 



every action, whether of a public or private nature. 
No principle can be clearer, for example, than that 
the penalty should be proportioned to the offence. 
Now, that inflicted on the sovereigns of Navarre, 
which went so far as to dispossess them of their crown 
and annihilate the political existence of their king- 
dom, was such as nothing but extraordinary aggres- 
sions on the part of the conquered nation, or the 
self-preservation of the victors, could justify. As 
neither of these contingencies existed in the present 
case, Ferdinand's conduct must be regarded as a 
flagrant example of the abuse of the rights of con- 
quest. We have been but too familiar, indeed, with 
similar acts of political injustice, and on a much larger 
scale, in the present civilized age. But, although the 
number and splendor of the precedents may blunt our 
sensibility to the atrocity of the act, they can never 
constitute a legitimate warrant for its perpetration. 

While thus freely condemning Ferdinand's conduct 
in this transaction, I cannot go along with those who, 
having inspected the subject less minutely, are disposed 
to regard it as the result of a cool, premeditated policy 
from the outset. The propositions originally made by 
him to Navarre appear to have been conceived in per- 
fect good faith. The requisition of the fortresses, 
impudent as it may seem, was nothing more than had 
been before made in Isabella's time, when it had been 
granted, and the security subsequently restored, as soon 
as the emergency had passed away.'* The alternative 
proposed, of entering into the Holy League, presented 

s* Aleson, Annales de Navarra, torn. v. lib. 35, cap. 1, 3. — Garibay, 
Compendio, torn. iii. lib. 29, cap. 13. 



CONQUEST OF NAVARRE. 



383 



many points of view so favorable to Navarre, that Fer- 
dinand, ignorant, as he then was, of the precise foot* 
ing on which she stood with France, might have seen 
no improbability in her closing with it. Had either 
alternative been embraced, there would have been no 
pretext for the invasion. Even when hostilities had 
been precipitated by the impolitic conduct of Navarre, 
Ferdinand (to judge, not from his public manifestoes 
only, but from his private correspondence) would seem 
to have at first contemplated holding the country only 
till the close of his French expedition.** But the 
facility of retaining these conquests, when once ac- 
quired, was too strong a temptation. It was easy to 
find some plausible pretext to justify it, and obtain 
such a sanction from the highest authority as should 
veil the injustice of the transaction from the world, — 
and from his own eyes. And that these were blinded 
is but too true, if, as an Aragonese historian declares, 
he could remark on his death-bed "that, independ- 
ently of the conquest having been undertaken at the 
instance of the sovereign pontiff for the extirpation of 
the schism, he felt his conscience as easy in keeping it 
as in keeping his crown of Aragon."33 

3» See King Ferdinand's letter, July 20th, and his manifesto, July 
30th, 1512, apud Bemaldez, Reyes Cat6Iicos, MS., cap. 235. — Lebrija, 
De Bello Navariensi, lib. i, cap. 7. 

« Abarca Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 21. 



I have made use of three authorities exclusively devoted to Navarre, 
in the present History, i. " L'Histoire du Royaume de Navarre, par 
un des Secr^taires-Interprettes de sa Maiest^." Paris, 1596, 8vo. This 
anonymous work, from the pen of one of Henry IV. 's secretaries, is 



II 



384 



COifQUEST OF NAVdfiliM^ 



little die than a meagre compilation of &cts,.and these deeply colored 
by the national prejudices of the writer. It derives some value 
from this circumstance, however, in the contrast it aflbrds to the 
Spanish version of the same transactions, a. A tract entitled "JBXii 
Antonii Nebrissensis de Bello Navariensi LibiA Duo." It covers less 
than thirty pages folio, and is chiefly occupied, as the title imports, 
with the military events of the conquest by the duke of Alva. It was 
originally incorporated in the volume containing its learned author's 
version, or rather paraphrase, of Pulgav's Chronicle, wiUi some other 
matters ; and first appeared from the press of the younger Lcbrija, 
" apud inclytam Granatam, 1545." 3. But the ^eat work illustrating 
the history of Navarre is the "Annales del Reyno;" of which-, the best 
edition is that in seven volumes, folio, from the press of Ibafiez, Pam- 
plona, Z766. Its typographical execution would be creditable to any 
country. The three first volumes were written by Motet, whose pro- 
found acquaintance with the antiquities of his nation has niade his 
book indispensable to the student of this portion of its history. The 
fourth and fifth are the continuation of his work by Francisco de 
Aleson, a Jesuit who succeeded 'Moret as historiographer of Navarre. 
The two last volumes are devoted to investigations illustrating the an- 
tiquities of Navarre, from the pen of Moret, and are usually published 
separately from his great historic work. Aleson's continuation, ex- 
tending from 1350 to 1527, is a production of considerable merit. It 
shows extensive research on the part of its author, who, however, has 
not always confined himself to the most authentic and accredited 
sources of information. His references exhibit a singular medley of 
original contemporary documents, and apocryphal authorities of a 
very recent date. Though a Navarrese, he has written with the im- 
partiality of one in whom local prejudices were extinguished in the 
more comprehensive national feelings of a Spaniard. 





f V/y. ^«A 



ff.rr4'Sr'^im' 



r 



I 



:M i 



I 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

DEATH OF GONSALVO DE CORDOVA. — ILLNESS AND DEATH 
OF FERDINAND. — HIS CHARACTER. 



Gonsalvo ordered to Italy. — General Enthusiasm. — The King's Dis- 
trust. — Gonsalvo in Retirement. — Decline of liis Health. — His 
Death, and noble Character. — Ferdinand's Illness. — It increases. — 
He dies. — His Character. — A Contrast to Isabella. — The Judgment 
of his Contemporaries. 

Notwithstanding the good order which King Fer- 
dinand maintained in Castile by his energetic conduct, 
as well as by his policy of diverting the effervescing 
spirits of the nation to foreign enterprise, he still expe- 
rienced annoyance from various causes. Among these 
were Maximilian's pretensions to the regency, as pa- 
ternal grandfather of the heir apparent. The emperor, 
indeed, had more than once threatened to assert his 
j)reposterous claims to Castile in person ; and, although 
this Quixotic monarch, who had been tilting against 
windmills all his life, failed to excite any powerful 
sensation, either by his threats or his promises, it fur- 
nished a plausible pretext for keeping alive a faction 
hostile to the interests of the Catholic king. 

In the winter of 1*509 an arrangement was made with 
the emperor, through the mediation of Louis the 
Twelfth, by which he finally relinquished his preten- 
sions to the regency of Castile, in consideration of the 
Vol. III.— 25 K ( 385 ) 



I 



I 



! 



386 



DEATH OF GONSiLVO. 



aid of three hundred lances, and the transfer to him 
of the fifty thousand ducats which Ferdinand was to 
receive from Pisa.' No bribe was too paltry for a 
prince whose means were as narrow as his projects 
were vast and chimerical. Even after this pacifica- 
tion, the Austrian party contrived to disquiet the 
king, by maintaining the archduke Charles's preten- 
sions to the government in the name of his unfortu- 
nate mother; until at length the Spanish monarch 
came to entertain not merely distrust, but positive 
aversion, for his grandson ; while the latter, as he 
advanced in years, was taught to regard Ferdinand as 
one who excluded him from his rightful inheritance 
by a most flagrant act of usurpation." 

Ferdinand's suspicious temper found other grounds 
for uneasiness, where there was less warrant for it, in 
his jealousy of his illustrious subject Gonsalvo de Cor- 
dova. This was particularly the case when circum- 
stances had disclosed the full extent of that general's 
popularity. After the defeat of Ravenna, the pope 
and the other allies of Ferdinand urged him in the 
most earnest manner to send the Great Captain into 
Italy, as the only man capable of checking the French 
arms and restoring the fortunes of the league. The 
king, trembling for the immediate safety of his own 
dominions, gave a reluctant assent, and ordered Gon- 
salvo to hold himself in readiness to take command of 
an army to be instantly raised for Italy.' (May, 15 12.) 

« Mariana, Hist, de E^pafia, tom.ii. lib. 29, cap. 21.— Zurita, Anales, 
torn, vi. lib. 8, cap. 45, 47. 

• Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 10, cap. 55, 69. — Peter Martyr, Opus 
Epist., epist. 531. 

> Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 486. — Chr6nica del Gran Ca- 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND. 



387 



These tidings were received with enthusiasm by the 
Castilians. Men of every rank pressed forward to 
serve under a chief whose service was itself sufficient 
passport to fame. "It actually seemed," says Martyr, 
"as if Spain were to be drained of all her noble and 
generous blood. Nothing appeared impossible, or 
even difficult, under such a leader. Hardly a cavalier 
in the land but would have thought it a reproach to 
remain behind. Truly marvellous," he adds, "is the 
authority which he has acquired over all orders of 
men 1" * 

Such was the zeal with which men enlisted under his 
banner, that great difficulty was found in completing 
the necessary levies for Navarre, then menaced by the 
French. The king, alarmed at this, and relieved from 
apprehensions of immediate danger to Naples, by sub- 
sequent advices from that country, sent orders greatly 
reducing the number of forces to be raised. But this 
had little effect, since every man who had the means 
preferred acting as a volunteer under the Great Cap- 
tain to any other service, however gainful ; and many 
a poor cavalier was there, who expended his little all, 
or incurred a heavy debt, in order to appear in the 
field in a style becoming the chivalry of Spain. 

Ferdinand's former distrust of his general was now 
augmented tenfold by this evidence of his unbounded 
popularity. He saw in imagination much more danger 
to Naples from such a subject than from any enemy, 
however formidable. He had received intelligence. 



pitan, lib. 3, cap. 7. — Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 10, cap. 2. — Giovio, 
Vita Magni Gonsalvi, lib. 3, p. 288. 
4 Opus Epist., epist. 487. — Fulgur, Sumario, p. 201. 






i 



388 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 



moreover, that the French were in full retreat towards 
the north. He hesitated no longer, but sent instruc- 
tions to the Great Captain at Cordova to disband his 
levies, as the expedition would be postponed till after 
the present winter; at the same time inviting such as 
chose to enlist in the service of Navarre.* (August, 
1512.) 

These tidings were received with indignant feelings 
by the whole army. The officers refused, nearly to a 
man, to engage in the proposed service. Gonsalvo, 
who understood the motives of this change in the 
royal purpose, was deeply sensible of what he regarded 
as a personal affront. He, however, enjoined on his 
troops implicit obedience to the king's commands. 
Before dismissing them, as he knew that many had 
been drawn into expensive preparations far beyond 
their means, he distributed largesses among them, 
amounting to the immense sum, if we may credit his 
biographers, of one hundred thousand ducats. *' Never 
stint your hand," said he to his steward, who remon- 
strated on the magnitude of the donative ; " there is 
no mode of enjoying one's property like giving it 
away." He then wrote a letter to the king, in which 
he gave free vent to his indignation, bitterly complain- 
ing of the ungenerous requital of his services, and 
asking leave to retire to his duchy of Terranova in 
Naples, since he could be no longer useful in Spain. 
This request was not calculated to lull Ferdinand's 
suspicions. He answered, however, " in the soft and 

S Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, lib. 3, p. 289. — Chr6nica del Gran 
Capital!, lib. 3, cap. 7, 8.— Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 38. — Peter 
Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 498. — Pulgar, Sumario, p. 201. 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND. 



389 



pleasant style which he knew so well how to assume," 
says Zurita; and, after specifying his motives for re- 
linquishing, however reluctantly, the expedition, he 
recommended Gonsalvo's return to Loja, at least 
until some more definite arrangement could be made 
respecting the affairs of Italy. 

Thus condemned to his former seclusion, the Great 
Captain resumed his late habits of life, freely opening 
his mansion to persons of merit, interesting himself in 
plans for ameliorating the condition of his tenantry 
and neighbors, and in this quiet way winning a more 
unquestionable title to human gratitude than when 
piling up the blood-stained trophies of victory. Alas 
for humanity, that it should have deemed otherwise ! ' 

Another circumstance which disquieted the Catholic 
king was the failure of issue by his present wife. The 
natural desire of offspring was further stimulated by 
hatred of the house of Austria, which made him eager 
to abridge the ample inheritance about to descend on 
his grandson Charles. It must be confessed that it 
reflects little credit on his heart or his understanding 
that he should have been so ready to sacrifice to per- 
sonal resentment those noble plans for the consolida- 
tion of the monarchy which had so worthily occupied 
the attention both of himself and of Isabella in his 
early life. His wishes had nearly been realized. 
Queen Germaine was delivered of a son, March 3d, 

• Mariana, Hist, de EspaBa, torn. ii. lib. 30, cap. 14.— Giovio, Vitae 
lllust. Virorum, pp. 290, 291. — Chr6nica del Gran Capitan, lib. 3, cap. 
r 8, 9.— Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 10, cap. 28.— Quintana, Espanoles 
c61ebres, torn. i. pp. 328-332.— Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 
30, cap. so. — Pulgar, Sumario, pp. 201-208. 



390 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 



P 



1509. Providence, however, as if unwilling to defeat 
the glorious consummation of the union of the Span- 
ish kingdoms, so long desired and nearly achieved, 
permitted the infant to live only a few hours.' 

Ferdinand repined at the blessing denied him, now 
more than ever. In order to invigorate his constitu- 
tion, he resorted to artificial means." The medicines 
which he took had the opposite effect. At least from 
this time, the spring of 15 13, he was afflicted with 
infirmities before unknown to him. Instead of his 
habitual equanimity and cheerfulness, he became impa- 
tient, irritable, and frequently ;? prey to morbid mel- 
ancholy. He lost all relish for business, and even for 
amusements, except field-sports, to which he devoted 
the greater part of his time. The fever which con- 
sumed him made him impatient of long residence in 
any one place, and during these last years of his life 
the court was in perpetual migration. The unhappy 
monarch, alas! could not fly from disease, or from 
himself.' 

7 Carbajal, Anales, MS., afio 1509. — Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 10, 
cap. SS. 

• They are detailed with such curious precision by Martyr — who is 
much too precise, indeed, for our pages — as to leave little doubt of the 
fact. Opus Epist., epist. 531. 

9 Carbajal, Anales, MS., afio 1513, et seq. — L. Marineo, Cosas 
memorables, fol. 188. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 146. — Sandoval, 
Hist, del Einp. Carlos V., torn. i. p. 37. — " Non idem est vultus," says 
Peter Martyr of the king, in a letter dated in October, 1513, " non 
eadem facultas in audiendo, non eadem lenitas. Tria sunt illi, ne 
priores resumat vires, opposita : senilis aetas ; secundum namque agit 
et sexagesimum annum : uxor, quam a latere nunquam abigit : et 
venatus coeloque vivendi cupiditas, quae ilium in sylvis detinet, ultra 
quam in Juvenili aetate, citra salutem, fas esset." Opus Epist., epist. 
529. 



DEA rn AND CHARACTER OF EERDINAND. 



391 



In the summer of 1515 he was found one night by 
his attendants in a state of insensibility, from which it 
was difficult to rouse him. He exhibited flashes of his 
former energy after this, however. On one occasion 
he made a journey to 4r^on, in order to preside at 
the deliberations of the cortes, and enforce the grant 
of supplies, to which the nobles, from selfish considera- 
tions, made resistance. The king failed, indeed, to 
bend their intractable tempers, but he displayed on the 
occasion all his wonted address and resolution." 

On his return to Castile, which, perhaps from the 
greater refinement and deference of the people, seems 
to have been always a more agreeable residence to him 
than his own kingdom of Aragon, he received intelli- 
gence very vexatious, in the irritable state of his mind. 
He learned that the Great Captain was preparing to 
embark for Flanders, with his friend the count of 
Urefia, the marquis of Priego his nephew, and his 
future son-in-law, the count of Cabra. Some surmised 
that Gonsalvo designed to take command of the papal 
army in Italy; others, to join himself with the arch- 
duke Charles, and introduce him, if possible, into 
Castile. Ferdinand, clinging to power more tena- 
ciously as it was ready to slip of itself from his grasp, 
had little doubt that the latter was his purpose. He 
sent orders therefore to the south to prevent the medi- 
tated embarkation, and, if necessary, to seize Gon- 
salvo's person. But the latter was soon to embark on 
a voyage where no earthly arm could arrest him." 

»«> Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib, 10, cap. 93, 94. — Carbajal, Anales, 
MS., afio 1515. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 550. 

" Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 10, cap. 96. — Abarca, Reyes de 
Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 23. — Giovio, Vitae lUust. Virorum, p. 292. 



392 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 



In the autumn of 15 15 he was attacked b> a quartan 
fever. Its approaches at first were mild. His consti- 
tution, naturally good, had been invigorated by the 
severe training of a military life ; and he had been so 
fortunate that, notwithstanding the free exposure of 
his person to danger, he had never received a wound. 
But, although little alarm was occasioned at first by 
his illness, he found it impossible to throw it off; and 
he removed to his residence in Granada, in hopes of 
deriving benefit from its salubrious climate. Every 
effort to rally the declining powers of nature proved 
unavailing; and on the 2d of December, 1515, he 
expired in his own palace at Granada, in the arms of 
his wife, and his beloved daughter Elvira.*' 

The death of this illustrious man diffused universal 
sorrow throughout the nation. All envy and unworthy 
suspicion died with him. The king and the whole 
court went into mourning. Funeral services were 
performed in his honor in the royal chapel and all the 
principal churches of the kingdom.'^ Ferdinand ad- 
dressed a letter of consolation to his duchess, in which 
he lamented the death of one ** who had rendered him 
inestimable services, and to whom he had ever borne 

"Giovio, Vitae lUust. Virorum, pp. 271, 292. — Chr6nica del Gran 
Capitan, lib. 3, cap. 9. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 560. — Car- 
bajal, Anales, MS., ano 1515. — Garibay, Compendio, torn. ii. lib. 20, 
cap. 23. — Pulgar, Sumario, p. 209. 

»3 •• Voyl^ la belle recompense," says Brant&me drily, " que fist ce 
roy [Ferdinand] k ce grand capitaine, k qui il estoit tant oblige. Je 
croy encore que si ces grands honneurs mortuaires et funerailles luy 
eussent beaucoup coust^, et qu'il les luy eust fallu faire k ses propres 
cousts et despens, comme k ceux du peuple, il n'y eust pas consonim^ 
cent escus, tant il estoit avare." CEuvres, torn, i. p. 78. 



I 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND. 



393 



such sincere affection".'* His obsequies were cele- 
brated with great magnificence in the ancient Mooiish 
capital, under the superintendence of the count of 
Tendilla, the son and successor of Gonsalvo's old 
friend, the late governor of Granada.'' His remains, 
first deposited in the Franciscan monastery, were after- 
wards removed, and laid beneath a sumptuous mauso- 
leum in the church of San Geronimo;'' and more 

M See a copy of the original letter in the Chr6nica del Gran Capi- 
tan (fol. 164). It is dated Jan. 3d, 1516, only three weeks before 
Ferdinand's death. 

I have before me a copy of an autograph letter of Ferdinand to his 
chaplain, Father De Aponte, in which the king directs him to wait on 
the duchess and tender her the consolations proper under her bereave - 
ment, with the assurance of the unalterable continuance of the royal 
favor and protection. The sympathetic tone of the epistle, and the 
delicate terms in which it is expressed, are honorable to the monarch. 

'5 Peter Martyr notices the death of this estimable nobleman, full 
of years and of honors, in a letter dated July i8th, 1515. It is ad- 
dressed to Tendilla's son, and breathes the consolation flowing from 
the mild and philosophical spirit of its amiable author. The count 
was made marquis of Mondejar by Ferdinand, a short time before his 
death. His various titles and dignities, including the government of 
Granada, descended to his eldest son, Don Luis, Martyr's early pupil ; 
his genius was inherited in full measure by a younger, the famous 
Diego Hurtado de Mendoza. 

'* The' following epitaph is placed over them : 

" GoNZALi Fernandez db Cordova 
Qui propria virtutc 
Magni Duels nomen 
Proprium sibi fedt, 

Ossa, 

Perpetux tandem 

Luci restituenda, 

Huic interea tumulo 

Credita sunt : 

Gloria minime consepulta." 

See the Quarterly Review, No. 127, art. i. The writer copied the 
inicription from the tablet. 

R* 



H 



I 



394 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 



than a hundred banners and royal pennons, waving in 
melancholy pomp around the walls of the chapel, pro- 
claimed the glorious achievements of the warrior who 
slept beneath.*' His noble wife, Dofia Maria Man- 
rique, survived him but a few days. His daughter 
Elvira inherited the princely titles and estates of her 
father, which, by her marriage with her kinsman, the 
count of Cabra, were perpetuated in the house of 
Cordova.** 

Gonsalvo, or, as he is called in Castilian, Gonzalo 
Hernandez de Cordova, was sixty-two years old at the 
time of his death. His countenance and person are 
represented to have been extremely handsome; his 
manners, elegant and attractive, were stamped with 
that lofty dignity which so often distinguishes his 
countrymen. "He still bears," says Martyr, speak- 



»7 Navagiero, Viaggio, fol. 24. — On the top of the monument was 
seen the marble efiigy of the Great Captain, armed and kneeling. 
The banners and other military trophies, which continued to garnish 
the walls of the chapel, according to Pedraza, as late as 1600, had dis- 
appeared before the eighteenth century ; at least we may infer so from 
Colmenar's silence respecting them in his account of the sepulchre. 
Pedraza, Antigiiedad de Granada, fol. 114. — Colmenar, D^lices de 
I'Espagne, torn. iii. p. 505. 

'8 Chr6nica del Gran Capitan, lib. 3, cap. 9. — Giovio, Vitae Illast. 
Virorum, fol. 292. — Gonsalvo was created duke of Terra Nuova and 
Sessa, and marquis of Bltonto, all in Italy, with estates of the value 
of 40,000 ducats rent. He was also grand constable of Naples, and 
a nobleman of Venice. His princely honors were transmitted by 
Dona Elvira to her son, Gonzalo Hernandez de Cordova, who filled 
the posts, under Charles V., of governor of Milan and captain-general 
of Italy. Under Philip II., his descendants were raised to a Spanish 
dukedom, with the title of Dukes of Bacna. L. Marineo, Cosas 
memorables. fol. 24. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 41. — Salazar de 
Mendoza, Dignidades, p. 307. 






DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND. 



395 



ing of him in the last years of his life, "the same 
majestic port as when in the height of his former au- 
thority; so that every one who visits him acknowl- 
edges the influence of his noble presence, as fully 
as when, at the head of armies, he gave laws to 
Italy."" 

His splendid military successes, so gratifying to 
Castilian pride, have made the name of Gonsalvo as 
familiar to his countrymen as that of the Cid, which, 
floating down the stream of popular melody, has been 
treasured up as a part of the national history. His 
shining qualities, even more than his exploits, have 
been often made the theme of fiction ; and fiction, as 
usual, has dealt with them in a fashion to leave only 
confused and erroneous conceptions of both. More 
is known of the Spanish hero, for instance, to foreign 
readers from Florian's agreeable novel, than from any 
authentic record of his actions. Yet Florian, by dwell- 
ing only on the dazzling and popular traits of his hero, 
has depicted him as the very personification of roman- 
tic chivalry. This certainly was not his character, 
which might be said to have been formed after a riper 
period of civilization than the age of chivalry. At 
least, it had none of the nonsense of that age, — its 
fanciful vagaries, reckless adventure, and wild romantic 
gallantry." His characteristics were prudence, cool- 
ness, steadiness of purpose, and intimate knowledge 

'9 Opus Epist., epist. 498. — Giovio, Vita Magni Gonsalvi, p. 292. — 
Pulgar, Sumario, p. 212. 

*> Gonsalvo assumed for his device a cross-bow moved by a pulley, 
with the motto, " Ingenium superat vires." It was characteristic of n 
mind trusting more to policy than force and daring exploit. Braut&me, 
CEuvres, torn. i. p. 75. 






s 



396 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 



of man. He understood, above all, the temper of his 
own countrymen. He may be said in some degree to 
have formed their military character; their patience 
of severe training and hardship, their unflinching obe- 
dience, -their inflexible spirit under reverses, and their 
decisive energy in the hour of action. It is certain 
that the Spanish soldier under his hands assumed an 
entirely new aspect from that which he had displayed 
in the romantic wars of the Peninsula. 

Gonsalvo was untainted with the coarser vices char- 
acteristic of the time. He discovered none of that 
griping avarice which was too often the reproach of 
his countrymen in these wars. His hand and heart 
were liberal as the day. He betrayed none of the 
cruelty and licentiousness which disgrace the age of 
chivalry. On all occasions he was prompt to protect 
women from injury or insult. Although his distin- 
guished manners and rank gave him obvious advan- 
tages with the sex, he never abused them;*' and he 
has left a character, unimpeached by any historian, of 
unblemished morality in his domestic relations. This 
was a rare virtue in the sixteenth century. 

Gonsalvo's fame rests on his military prowess ; yet 
his character would seem in many respects better 
suited to the calm and cultivated walks of civil life. 
His government of Naples exhibited much discretion 
and sound policy;" and there, as afterwards in his 
retirement, his polite and liberal manners secured not 
merely the good will, but the strong attachment, of 
those around him. His early education, like that of 

" Giovio, Vitae Illust. Virorum, p. 271. 

» Ibid., p. 281. — Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, lib. 30, cap. i, 5. 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND. 



397 



most of the noble cavaliers who came forward before 
the improvements introduced under Isabella, was taken 
up with knightly exercises more than intellectual ac- 
compUshments. He was never taught Latin, and had 
no pretensions to scholarship; but he honored and 
nobly recompensed it in others. His solid sense and 
liberal taste supplied all deficiencies in himself, and 
led him to select friends and companions from among 
the most enlightened and virtuous of the community."' 
On this fair character there remains one foul re- 
proach. This is his breach of faith in two memorable 
instances; first to the young duke of Calabria, and 
afterwards to C esar Borgia, both of whom he betrayed 
into the hands of King Ferdinand, their personal 
enemy, in violation of his most solemn pledges. *♦ 

«3 Giovio, Vitse lllust. Virorum, p. 271. 

" Ami'go de sus amigos, 
I Qu6 SeSor para criados 

Y parientes I 

I Qiid enemigo de enemigos ! 
i Qud maestro de esiforzailo!! 

Y valientes ! 

I Qu6 seso para discretes I 
I Qud grada para donosos I 
I Qud razon I 
Muy benigno k los siigetos, 

Y i los bravos y dafiosos 
Un leon." 

Coplas de Don Jorge Manrique. 
"4 Borgia, after the death of his father Alexander VI., escaped to 
Naples under favor of a safe-conduct signed by Gonsalvo. Here, 
however, his intriguing spirit soon engaged him in schemes for trou- 
bling the peace of Italy, and, indeed, for subverting the authority of 
the Spaniards there; in consequence of which the Great Captain 
seized his person and sent him prisoner to Castile. Such, at least, is 
the Spanish version of the story, and of course the one most favorable 
to Gonsalvo. Mariana dismisses it with coolly remarking that " the 



I 



398 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 



True, it was in obedience to his master's commands, 
and not to serve his own purposes ; and true also, this 
want of faith was the besetting sin of the age. But 
history has no warrant to tamper with right and wrong, 
or to brighten the character of its favorites by dimin- 
ishing one shade of the abhorrence which attaches to 
their vices. They should rather be held up in their 
true deformity, as the more conspicuous from the very 
greatness with which they are associated. It may be 
remarked, however, that the reiterated and unsparing 
opprobrium with which foreign writers, who have been 
little sensible to Gonsalvo's merits, have visited these 
offences, affords tolerable evidence that they are the 
only ones of any magnitude that can be charged on 
hlm.'s 

Great Captain seems to have consulted the public good, in the affair, 
more than his own fame ; a conduct well worthy to be pondered and 
emulated by all princes and rulers." Hist, de Espafia, lib. 38, cap. 
8. — Zurita, Anales, torn. v. lib. 5, cap. 7a. — Quintana, Espafioles c^le- 
bres, pp. 302, 303. 

^ That but one other troubled him, appears from the fact (if it be a 
ftict) of Gonsalvo's declaring, on his death-bed, that " there were three 
acts of his life which he deeply repented. ' Two of these were his 
treatment of Borgia and the duke of Calabria. He was silent re- 
specting the third. " Some historians suppose," says Quintana, " that 
by this last he meant his omission to possess himself of the crown of 
Naples when it was in his power" ! These historians, no doubt, like 
Fouchd, considered a blunder in politics as worse than a crime. 

Since the publication of the earlier editions of this work, I have re- 
ceived from Spain a copy of a remarkable letter, which states some 
particulars that, had they sooner come under my notice, would un- 
doubtedly have been taken into the account in making up my esti- 
mate of Gonsalvo's integrity. The letter, which is dated November 
ad, 151S. is addressed to King Ferdinand by the bishop of Trinopoli. 
his ambassador at the court of London. It details a conversation 
with the English monarch, Henry VHI., in which the latter, after 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND. 



399 



As to the imputation of disloyalty, we have else- 
where had occasion to notice its apparent groundless- 
ness. It would be strange, indeed, if tiic ungenerous 
treatment which he had experienced ever since his 
return from Naples had not provoked feelings of indig- 
nation in his bosom. Nor would it be surprising, 

some inquiries about Gonsalvo, remarks, " I well bolieve that the king 
my father-in-law has some ground for distrusting the Great Captain, 
as I know that he held a negotiation both with the late king of France 
and with the present king [Charles VIII. and Louis XII.]. If I were 
In my father's place, I would sift the matter to the bottom ; and if it 
were proved against the Great Captain, I would punish him for it; 
and if it were not proved, I would make use of his services. I must 
further tell you that the Great Captain once m.idc an offer of his 
services to me, sending one of his own followers to Tournay, where I 
then was, for the purpose ; but, although I was at that time not on 
the best terms with King Ferdinand, I did not choose to give him en- 
couragement." The bishop endeavors to explain the nature of these 
services in such a way as not to compromise the loyalty of Gonsalvo. 
In regard to his correspondence with the French court, Henry's 
language is too vague to authorize any definite conclusion. Yet it 
must be confessed that it leaves an imputation that one might wish — 
though with little chance of success at this day — to see cleared away 
from the memory of Gonsalvo. The letter is of so much interest and 
importance, that, as it has not found its way into print, I will give an 
extract from the original : " El me respondio, bien creo que el Rey 
mi padre tiene alguna causa de desconfian9a del Gran Capitan por 
que yo se que ha tenido platicas con el Rey de Francia muerto, y con 
esie de agora : pero si yo fuesse que el Rey mi padre sabria si es assi 
la verdad y siendo assi castigarlo ya, y sino servirme ya del : y aun 
quiero vos dezir quel dho Gran Capitan me ha desseado servir a mi y 
me ha embiado un suyo d Tornay, mas yo no quise fazer nada, aunque 
estuvo enojado del Rey mi padre : pero si viene al proposito del Rey 
mi padre, y me lo quiere embiar aqui con alguna cosa yo se lo guar- 
dari que no tenga platicas de Francia, antes podra ser que nos sirva- 
mos del contra Francia. Yo le dixe que v. al. no creya que tuviese 
alguna disconfian9a del dho Gran Capitan, antes creya que lo guardaba 
para quando hubiesse necessidad de servise del." 






i 



400 



-DEATH OF GONSALVO, 



under these circumstances, if he had been led to regard 
the archduke Charles's pretensions to the regency, as 
he came of age, with a favorable eye. There is no 
evidence, however, of this, or of any act unfriendly 
to Ferdinand's interests. His whole public life, on 
the contrary, exhibited the truest loyalty; and the 
only stains that darken his fame were incurred by too 
unhesitating devotion to the wishes of his master. He 
is not the first nor the last statesman who has reaped 
the royal recompense of ingratitude for serving his 
king with greater zeal than he had served his Maker. 

Ferdinand's health, in the mean time, had declined 
so sensibly that it was evident he could not long sur- 
vive the object of his jealousy.'* His disease had now 
settled into a dropsy, accompanied with a distressing 
affection of the heart. He found difficulty in breathing, 
complained that he was stifled in the crowded cities, 
and passed most of his time, even after the weather 
became cold, in the fields and forests, occupied, as far 
as his strength permitted, with the fatiguing pleasures 
of the chase. As the winter advanced, he bent his 



»* The miraculous bell of Velilla, a little village in Aragon, nine 
leagues from Saragossa, about this time gave one of those prophetic 
tintinnabulations which always boded some great calamity to the 
country. The side on which the blows fell denoted the quarter where 
the disaster was to happen. Its sound, says Dr. Dormer, caused dis- 
may and contrition, with dismal " fear of change," in the hearts of ail 
who heard it. No arm was strong enough to stop it on these occa- 
sions, as those found to their cost who profanely attempted it. Its ill- 
omened voice was heard for the twentieth and last time in March, 
1679. As no event of importance followed, it probably tolled for its 
own funeral. — See the edifying history, in Dr. Diego Dormer, of the 
miraculous powers and performances of this celebrated bell, as duly 
authenticated by a host of witnesses. Discursos varios, pp. 198-244. 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND. 



40 X 



Steps towards the south. He passed some time, in 
December, at a country-seat of the duke of Alva, near 
Piacencia, where he hunted the stag. He then resumed 
his journey to Andalusia, but fell so ill on the way, at 
the little village of Madrigalejo, near Truxillo, that it 
was found impossible to advance farther."' (Jan. 15 16.) 
The king seemed desirous of closing his eyes to the 
danger of his situation as long as possible. He would 
not confess, nor even admit his confessor into his 
chamber."^ He showed similar jealousy of his grand- 
son's envoy, Adrian of Utrecht. This person, the 
preceptor of Charles, and afterwards raised through 
his means to the papacy, had come into Castile some 
weeks before, with the ostensible view of making some 

»7 Carbajal, Anales, MS., anos 1513-1516. — ■Gomez, De Rebus 
gestis, fol. 146. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 542, 558, 561, 564. 
— Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 10, cap. 99. — Carbajal states that the 
king had been warned by some soothsayer to beware of Madrigal, and 
that he had ever since avoided entering tlie town of that name in 
Old Castile. The name of the place he was now in was not precisely 
that indicated, but corresponded near enough for a prediction. The 
event proved that the witches of Spain, like those of Scotland, could 

" Keep the word of promise to our ear 
And breiik it to our hope." 

The story derives little confirmation from the character of Ferdinand. 
He was not superstitious, at least while his faculties were in vigor. 

=* "A la verdad," says Carbajal, " le tent6 mucho el enemigo en 
aquel paso con incredulidad que le ponia de no morir tan presto, para 
que ni confesase ni recibiese los Sacramentos." According to the 
same writer, Ferdinand was buoyed up by the prediction of an old 
sibyl, " la beata del Barco," that " he should not die till he had con- 
quered Jerusalem." (Anales, MS., cap. 2.) We are again reminded 
of Shakspeare : 

" It hath been prophesied to me many years, 
I should not die but in Jerusalem." 

King Henry IV. 

Vol. III.— 26 









402 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 



permanent arrangement with Ferdinand in regard to 
the regency. The real motive, as the powers which 
he brought with him subsequently proved, was that he 
might be on the spot when the king died, and assume 
the reins of government. Ferdinand received the 
minister with cold civility; and an agreement was 
entered into, by which the regency was guaranteed to 
the monarch, during not only Joanna's life, but his 
own. Concessions to a dying man cost nothing. 
Adrian, who was at Guadalupe at this time, no sooner 
heard of Ferdinand's illness than he hastened to Ma- 
drigalejo. The king, however, suspected the motives 
of his visit. " He has come to see me die," said he, 
and, refusing to admit him into his presence, ordered 
the mortified envoy back again to Guadalupe. '' 

At length the medical attendants ventured to inform 
the king of his real situation, conjuring him if he had 
any affairs of moment to settle, to do it without delay. 
He listened to them with composure, and from that 
moment seemed to recover all his customary fortitude 
and equanimity. After receiving the sacrament, and 
attending to his spiritual concerns, he called his attend- 
ants around his bed, to advise with them respecting 
the disposition of the government. Among those 
present at this time were his faithful followers the duke 
of Alva and the marquis of Denia, his majordomo, 
with several bishops and members of his council.** 

The king, it seems, had made several wills. By 

»9 Carbajal, Anales, MS., aflo 1516, cap. i. — Gomez, De Rebus 
gestis, ubi supra. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 565. — Sandoval, 
Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., torn. i. p. 35. 

30 Carbajal, Anales, MS., afto 1516, cap. 2. — Dr. Carb>ijal, who was 
a member of the royal council, was present with him during the whole 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND. 



403 



one, executed at Burgos in 15 12, he had committed 
the government of Castile and Aragon to the infante 
Ferdinand during his brother Charles's absence. This 
young prince had been educated in Spain under the 
eye of his grandfather, who entertained a strong affec- 
tion for him. The counsellors remonstrated in the 
plainest terms against this disposition of the regency. 
Ferdinand, they said, was too young to take the helm 
into his own hands. His appointment would be sure 
to create r^w factions in Castile ; it would raise him 
up to be v^ r lanner a rival of his brother, and kindle 
ambitious ( ../e in his bosom, which could not fail to 
end in his disappointment, and perhaps destruction.^* 

The king, who would never have made such a devise 
in his better days, was more easily turned from his pur- 
pose now than he would once have been. **To whom 
then," he asked, "shall I leave the regency?" **To 
Ximenes, archbishop of Toledo," they replied. Fer- 
dinand turned away his face, apparently in displeasure, 
but after a few moments' silence rejoined, ** It is well ; 
he is certainly a good man, with honest intentions. 
He has no importunate friends or famUy to provide 
for. He owes everything to Queen Isabella and my- 
self; and, as he has always been 'true to the interests 
of our family, I believe he will always remain so."3» 

He, however, could not so readily abandon the idea 
of some splendid establishment for his favorite grand- 
son; and he proposed to settle on him the grand- 



Ifi I 






of his last illness ; and his circumstantial and spirited narrative of il 
forms an exception to the general character of liis itinerary. 

3> Carbajal, Anales, MS., a&o 15x6, cap. a. 

3» Ibid., ubi supra. 



tl 



404 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 



masterships of the military orders. But to this his 
attendants again objected, on the same grounds as 
before; adding that this powerful patronage was too 
great for any subject, and imploring him not to defeat 
the object which the late queen had so much at heart, 
of incorporating it with the crown. ** Ferdinand will 
be left very poor, then," exclaimed the king, with 
tears in his eyes. ** He will have the good will of his 
brother," replied one of his honest counsellors, "the 
best legacy your Highness can leave him. ' ' ^3 

The testament, as finally arranged, settled the suc- 
cession of Aragon and Naples on his daughter Joanna 
and her heirs. The administration of Castile during 
Charles's absence was intrusted to Ximenes, and that 
of Aragon to the king's natural son, the archbishop of 
Saragossa, whose good sense and popular manners 
made him acceptable to the people. He granted sev- 
eral places in the kingdom of Naples to the infante 
Ferdinand, with an annual stipend of fifty thousand 
ducats, chargeable on the public revenues. To his 
queen Germaine he left the yearly income of thirty 
thousand gold florins, stipulated by the marriage set- 
tlement, with five thousand a year more during 
widowhood. 3* Thtf will contained, besides, several 

33 Carbajal, Anales, MS., atio 1516, cap. a. 

34 Ferdinand's gay widow did not long enjoy this latter pension. 
Soon after his death, she gave her hand to the marquis of Branden- 
burg, and, he dying, she married the prince of Calabria, who had 
been detained in a sort of honorable captivity in Spain ever since the 
dethronement of his father. King Frederick. (Oviedo, Quincuagenas, 
MS., bat. r, quinc. 4, dial. 44.) It was the second sterile match, says 
Guicciardini, which Charles V., for obvious politic reasons, provided 
for the rightful heir of Naples. Istoria, torn. viii. lib. 15, p. 10. 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND. 



405 



appropriations for pious and charitable purposes, but 
nothing worthy of particular note.^s Notwithstand- 
ing the simplicity of the various provisions of the 
testament; it was so long, from the formalities and 
periphrases with which it was encumbered, that there 
was scarce time to transcribe it in season for the royal 
signature. On the evening of the 2 2d of January, 
1516, he executed the instrument; and a few hours 
later, between one and two of the morning of the 
23d, Ferdinand breathed his last.s* The scene of this 
event was a small house belonging to the friars of 
Guadalupe. ** In so wretched a tenement," exclaims 
Martyr, in his usual moralizing vein, "did this lord 
of so many lands close his eyes upon the world." ^ 

Ferdinand was nearly sixty-four years old, of which 
forty-one had elapsed since he first swayed the sceptre 
of Castile, and thirty-seven since he held that of Ara- 
gon. A long reign ; long enough, indeed, to see most 

35 Ferdinand's testament is to be found in Carbajal, Anales, MS. — 
Dormer, Discursos varios, p. 393 et seq. — Mariana, Hist, de Espafia, 
ed. Valencia, tom. ix. Apend. no. 2. 

36 Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, quinc. 3, dial. 9. — The queen 
was at Alcald. de Henares when she received tidings of her husband's 
illness. She posted with all possible despatch to Madrigalejo, but, 
although she reached it on the 20th, she was not admitted, says 
Gomez, notwithstanding her tears, to a private interview with the 
king, till the testament was executed, a few hours only before his 
death. De Rebus gestis, fol. 147. 

37 Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1516. — L. Marineo, Cosas memo- 
rabies, fol. 188. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis. fol. 148. — "Tot regnorum 
dominus, totque palmarum cumulis ornatus, Christiana? religionis 
amplificator et prostrator hostium, Rex in rusticana obiit casa, et 
pauper contra hominum opinionem obiit." Peter Martyr, Opus 
Epist., epist. 566. — Brantome (Vies dos Hommes illustres, p. 72), who 
speaks of Madrigalejo as a " meschant village," which he had seen. 



4o6 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 



of those whom he had honored and trusted of his sub- 
jects gathered to the dust, and a succession of contem- 
porary monarchs come and disappear like shadows.* 
He died deeply lamented by his native subjects, who 
entertained a partiality natural towards their own he- 
reditary sovereign. The event was regarded with VQry 
different feelings by the Castilian nobles, who calcu- 
lated their gains on the transfer of the reins from 
such old and steady hands into those of a young and 
inexperienced master. The commons, however, who 
had felt the good effect of this curb on the nobility, in 
their own personal security, held his memory in rever- 
ence as that of a national benefactor.** 

Ferdinand's remains were interred, agreeably to his 
orders, in Granada. A few of his most faithful ad- 
herents accompanied them; the greater part being 
deterred by a prudent caution of giving umbrage to 
Charles.** The funeral train, however, was swelled 
by contributions from the various towns through which 
it passed. At Cordova, especially, it is worthy of note 
that the marquis of Priego, who had slender obliga- 

38 Since Ferdinand ascended the throne, he had seen no less than 
four kings of England, as many of France, and also of Naples, three 
of Portugal, two German emperors, and half a dozen pop>es. As to 
his own subjects, scarcely one of all those familiar to the reader in the 
course of our history now survived, except, indeed, the Nestor of his 
time, the octogenarian Ximenes. 

39 Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 10, cap. 100. — Blancas, Commentarii, 
p. 275. — Lanuza, Historias, torn. i. lib. i, cap. 25. 

40 Zurita, Anales, ubi supra. — The honest Martyr was one of the few 
who paid this last tribute of respect to their ancient master. " Ego ut 
mortuo debitum praestem," says he, in a letter to Prince Charles's 
physician, "corpus ejus e.\anime, Granatam, sepulchro sedem desti- 
natam, comitabor." Opus EpiFt., epist. 566. 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND. 



407 



tions to Ferdinand, came out with all his household to 
pay the last melancholy honors to his remains. They 
were received with military respect in Granada, where 
the people, while they gazed on the sad spectacle, sov« 
Zurita, were naturally affected as they called to mih' 
the pomp and splendor of his triumphal entry on the 
first occupation of the Moorish capital.** 

By his dying injunctions, all unnecessary ostentation 
was interdicted at his funeral. His body was laid by 
the side of Isabella's in the monastery of the Alhambra; 
and the year following,-*' when the royal chapel of the 
metropolitan church was completed, they were both 
transported thither. A magnificent mausoleum of 
white marble was erected over them by their grandson 
Charles the Fifth. It was executed in a style worthy 
of the age. The sides were adorned with figures of 
angels and saints, richly sculptured in bas-relief. On 
the top reposed the effigies of the illustrious pair, 
whose titles and merits were commemorated in the 
following brief and not very felicitous inscription : — 

" MAHOMETlCiE SECT^ PROSTRATORES, ET HiERETICVE 
PERVICACIiE EXTINCTORES, FeRNANDUS ArAGONUM, 
ET HeLISABETA CASTELLiE, VIR ET UXOR UNANIMES, 

Catholici appellati, marmoreo clauduntup. hoc 

TUMULO. " « 

4' Anales, torn. vi. lib. 10, cap. 100. — Peter Martyr, Opus Ep ist., 
epist. 572. — Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 24. — Car- 
bajal, Anales, MS., ano 1516, cap. 5. 

4» Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., torn. vi. Ilust. 21. — According to 
Pedraza, this event did not take place till 1525. AntigUedad de 
Granada, lib. 3, cap. 7. 

43 Pedraza, AntigUedad de Granada, lib. 3, cap. 7. — "Assai belle per 
Spagna," says Navagiero, who, as an Italian, had a right to be fas- 



II 



4o8 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 



King Ferdinand's personal appearance has been 
elsewhere noticed. '* He was of the middle size," 
says a contemporary, who k'^ew him well. " His 
complexion was fresh ; his eyes bright and animated ; 
his nose and mouth small and finely formed, and his 
teeth white ; his forehead lofty and serene; with flow- 
ing hair of a bright chestnut color. His manners 
were courteous, and his countenance seldom clouded 
by anything like spleen or melancholy. He was grave 
in speech and action, and had a marvellous dignity of 
presence. His whole demeanor, in fine, was truly that 
of a great king." For this flattering portrait Ferdi- 
nand must have sat at an earlier and happier period of 
his life.« 

His education, owing to the troubled state of the 

times, had been neglected in his boyhood, though he 

was early instructed in all the generous pastimes and 

. exercises of chivalry.*s He was esteemed one of the 

tidious. (Viaggio, fol. 23.) The artist, however, was not a Spaniard; 
at least common tradition assigns the woric to Philip of Burgundy, an 
eminent sculptor of the period, who has left many specimens of his 
excellence in Toledo and other parts of Spain. (Mem. de la Acad, de 
Hist., torn. vi. p. 577.) Laborde's magnificent work contains an en- 
graving of the monuments of the Catholic sovereigns and Philip and 
Joanna ; " qui rappellent la renaissance des arts en Italie, et sont k 
la fois d'lme belle execution et d'une conception noble." Laborde, 
Voyage pittoresque, tom. ii. p. 25. 

44 L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 182. — Pulgar's portrait of the 
king, taken also in the morning of his life, the close of which the writer 
did not live to see, is equally bright and pleasing. " Habia," says he, 
" una gracia singular, que qualquier con el fablese, luego le amaba 
h le deseaba servir, porque tenia la communicacion amigable." Reyes 
Catolicos, p. 36. 

45 " He tilted lightly," says Pulgar, " and with a dexterity not sur- 
passed by any man in the kingdom." Reyes Cat61icos, ubi supra. 



1 p 








f • 


I 


iiii 


' 



DEArn A.VD CHARACTER OF FERDLVA.VD. 



409 



most perfect horsemen of h' jurt. He led an active 
life, and the only kind of rc.*Uing he appeared to relish 
was history. It was natural that so busy an actor on 
the great political theatre should have found peculiar 
interest and instruction in this study.''* 

He was naturally of an equable temper, and inclined 
to moderation in all things. The only amusement for 
which he cared much was hunting, especially falconry, 
and that he never carried to excess till his last years.*' 
He was indefatigable in application to business. He 
had no relish for the pleasures of the table, and, like 
Isabella, was temperate even to abstemiousness in his 
diet.** He was frugal in his domestic and personal 
expenditure; partly, no doubt, from a willingness to 
rebuke the opposite spirit of wastefulness and ostenta- 
tion in his nobles. He lost no good opportunity of 
doing this. On one occasion, it is said, he turned to 
a gallant of the court noted for his extravagance in 
dress, and, laying his hand on his own doublet, ex- 
claimed, "Excellent stuff this; it has lasted me three 
pair of sleeves!"* This spirit of economy was car- 
ried so far as to bring on him the reproach of parsi- 

46 L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 153. — Abarca, Reyes de 
Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 24. — Sandoval, Hist, del £mp, Carlos 
v., torn. i. p. 37. 

4; Pulgar, indeed, notices his fondness for chess, tennis, and other 
games of skill, in early life. Reyes Catolicos, part. 2, cap. 3. 

48 L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 182. — Pulgar, Reyes Cat61icos, 
part. 2, cap. 3. — " Stop and dine with us," he was known to say to his 
uncle, the grand admiral Henriquez: "we are to have a fowl for 
dinner to-day." (Sempere, Hist, del Luxo, torn. ii. p. 2, nota.) The 
royal cuisine would have afforded small scope for the talents of a 
Vatel or an Ude. 

« Sempere, Hist, del Luxo, ubi supra. 

ii 



% 



4IO 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 



mony.** And parsimony, though not so pernicious 
on the whole as the opposite vice of prodigality, has 
always found far less favor with the multitude, from 
the appearance of disinterestedness which the latter 
carries with it. Prodigality in a king, however, who 
draws not on his own resources, but on the public, for- 
feits even this equivocal claim to applause. But, in 
truth, Ferdinand was rather frugal than parsimonious. 
His income was moderate; his enterprises numerous 
and vast. It was impossible that he could meet them 
without husbanding his resources with the most careful 
economy. 5' No one has accused him of attempting to 
enrich his exchequer by the venal sale of offices, like 
Louis the Twelfth, or by griping extortion, like an- 
other royal contemporary, Henry the Seventh. He 
amassed no treasure,*" and, indeed, died so poor that 

50 Machiavelli, by a single coup de pinceau, thus characterizes, or 
caricatures, the princes of his time: " Un imperatore instabile e vario ; 
un re di francia sdegnoso e pauroso ; un re d' Ingliiherra ricco, feroce, 
e cupido di gloria; un re di Spagna taccagno e avaro ; per gU altri re, 
io no li conosco." — Cicero, with his usual practical good sense, does 
not disdain to enumerate frugality in his catalogue of royal virtues : 
" Omnes sunt in illo regiae virtutes ; sed priecipue singularis et admi- 
randa frugalUas ; eisi hoc verba scio laudari reges non soleri," Oratio 
pro Rege Deiotaro. 

5' The revenues of his own kingdom of Aragon were very limited. 
His principal foreign expeditions were undertaken solely on account 
of that crown ; and this, notwithstanding the aid from Castile, may 
explain, and in some degree excuse, his very scanty remittances to his 
troops. 

5» On one occasion, having obtained a liberal supply from the states 
of Aragon (a rare occurrence), his counsellors advised him to lock 
it up against a day of need. " Mas el Rey," says Zurita, " que siempre 
supo gastar su dinero provechosamente, j nuncafue escasso en despen- 
dello en las cosas del estado, tuvo mas aparejo para emplearlo, i\\\f 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF EERDLVAXD. 



411 



he left scarcely enough in his coffers to defray tl^e 
charges of his funeral.** 

Ferdinand was devout ; at least he was scrupulous in 
regard to the exterior of religion. He was punctual 
in attendance on mass, careful to observe all the ordi- 
nances and ceremonies of his church, and left many 
tokens of his piety, after the fashion of the time, in 
sumptuous edifices and endowments for religious pur- 
poses. Although not a superstitious man for the age, 
he is certainly obnoxious to the reproach of bigotry; 
for he co-operated with Isabella in all her exception- 
able measures in Castile, and spared no effort to fasten 
the odious yoke of the Inquisition on Aragon, and 
subsequently, though happily with less success, on 
Naples.** 

para encerrarlo." ( Andes, torn. vi. fol. 225.) The historian, it must 
be allowed, lays quite as much emphasis on his liberality as it will bear. 

53 Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, torn. ii. rey 30, cap. 24. — Zurita, Anales, 
torn. vi. lib. 10, cap. 100. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 566. — " Vix 
ad funeris pompom et paucis familiaribus priiebendas vestes pullatas, 
pecuniae apud eum, nequc alibi congestae, repertse sunt ; quod nemo 
unquam de vivente judicavit." (Peter Martyr, ubi supra.) Guic- 
ciardini alludes to the same fact, as evidence of the injustice of the 
imputations on Ferdinand. " Ma accade," adds the historian, truly 
enough, " quasi sempre per il giudizio corrotto degli uomini, che nei 
Re h pill lodata la prodigality, benchft a quella sia annessa la rapacity, 
che la parsimonia congiunta con I'astinenza dalla roba di altri." (Istoria, 
torn. vi. lib. 12, p. 273.) The state of Ferdinand's coffers formed, in- 
deed, a strong contrast to that of his brother monarch's, Henry VII., 
" whose treasure of store," to borrow the words of Bacon, " left at his 
death, under his own key and keeping, amounted unto the sum of 
eighteen hundred thousand pounds sterling ; a huge mass of money, 
even for these times." (Hist, of Henry VII., Works, vol. v. p. 183.) 
Sir Edward Coke swells this huge mass to " fifty and three hundred 
thousand pounds" 1 Institutes, part 4, chap. 35. 

54 Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. rey 30, cap. 24. — L. Marineo, 



,; ll/il 



Mil 

t 

i' 'Hi 

m 

V it t f 

m 



v.% 



412 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 



Ferdinand has incurred the more serious charge of 
hypocrisy. His Catholic zeal was observed to be mar- 
vellously efficacious in furthering his temporal interests.* 
His most objectionable enterprises, even, were covered 
with a veil of religion. In this, however, he did not 
materially dififer from the practice of the age. Some 
of the most scandalous wars of that period were osten- 
sibly at the bidding of the church, or in defence of 
Christendom against the infidel. This ostentation 
of a religious motive was indeed very usual with 
the Spanish and Portuguese. The crusading spirit, 
nourished by their struggle with the Moors, and sub- 
sequently by their African and American expeditions, 
gave such a religious tone habitually to their feelings 
as shed an illusion over their actions and enterprises, 

Cosas memorables, fol. 182. — Zurita, Anales, lib. 9, cap. 36. — Ferdi- 
nand's conduct in regard to the Inquisition in Aragon displayed singular 
duplicity. In consequence of the remonstrance of cortes, in 1512, 
in which that high-spirited body set forth the various usurpations of 
the Holy Office, Ferdinand signed a compact, abridging its jurisdic- 
tion. He repented of these concessions, however, and in the following 
year obtained from Rome a dispensation from his engagements. This 
proceeding produced such an alarming excitement in the kingdom that 
the monarch found it expedient to renounce the papal brief, and apply 
for another, confirming his former compact. (Llorente, Hist, de 1 In- 
quisition, tom. i. pp. 371 et seq.) One may well doubt whether bigotry 
entered as largely as less pardonable motives of state policy into this 
miserable juggling. 

55 " Disoit-on," says Brant6me, "que la reyne Isabelle de Castille 
estoit une fort devote et religieuse princesse, et que luy, quel grand 
zele qu'il y east, n'estoit devotieux que par ypocrisie, couvrant ses 
actcs et ambitions par ce sainct zele de religion." (CEuvres, tom. i. p. 
70.) "Copri," says Guicciardini, "quasi tutte le sue cupiditk sotto 
colore di onesto zelo della religione e di santa intenzione al bene 
comune." (Istoria, torn. vi. lib. 12, p. 274.) The penetrating eye of 
Muchiavelli glances at the same trait. II Principe, cap. 21. 



! r 



DEATH AND CJIAKALTKR OF J'EKDINAND. 



413 



frequently disguising their true character even from 
themselves. 

It will not be so easy to acquit Ferdinand of the 
reproach of perfidy which foreign writers have so 
deeply branded on his name,'* and which those of his 
own nation have sought rather to palliate than to 
deny." It is but fair to him, however, even here, to 
take a glance at the age. He came forward when gov- 
ernment was in a state of transition from the feudal 
forms to those which it has assumed in modern times ; 
when the superior strength of the great vassals was 
circumvented by the superior policy of the reigning 
princes. It was the dawn of the triumph of Intel- 

s* Gutccardini, Istoria, lib. la, p. 273. — Du Bellay, M^moires, apud 
Petitot, Collection des Mdmoires, torn. xvii. p. 37a. — Giovio, Hist, sui 
Temporis, lib. 11, p. 160; lib. i6, p. 336. — Machiavelli, Opere, torn. ix. 
Lett, diverse, no. 6, ed. Milano, 1805. — Herbert, Life of Henry VHL, 
p. 63. — Sismondi, Ripubliquos Italiennes, torn. xvi. cap. iia. — Voltaire 
sums up Ferdinand's character in the following pithy sentence: "On 
I'appelait en Espagne Usage, le prudent; en Italic, le pieux; en France 
et h. Londres, le perfide." Essai sur les Mojurs, chap. 114.* 

57 "Homo era de verdad," says Pulgar, "como quiera que las »#» 
eesidades grandes en que le pusieron las guerras, le facian algunas 
veces variar." (Reyes Cat61icos, part, a, cap. 3.) Zuru.. -vposes 
and condemns this blemish in his hero's character, with i; candor 
which does him credit: " Fue muy notado, no solo de los estrangeros, 
pero de sus naturales, que no guardava la verdad, y fe que prometia ; 
y que se anteponia siempre, y sobrepujava el respetv.< de su propria 
utilidad, a lo que era justo y honesto." Analei, tv..-n. vi. fol. 406. 



♦ [Bergenroth, however, asserts tha', " Ferdinand had not the repu- 
tation, among the princes of his time, of being a very untruthful man." 
"Certainly," he says, "Queen Isabella excelled her husband in disre- 
gard to [sic] veracity." (Letters, Despatches, and State Papers, vol. i., 
Introduction.) Such judgments, in defiance of all evidence, require 
no comment. — ED.] 



; wi 



414 



DEATH OF GONSALVO, 



lect over the brute force which had hitherto controlled 
the movements of nations, as of individuals. The 
same policy which these monarchs had pursued in their 
own domestic relations they introduced into those with 
foreign states, when, at the close of the fifteenth cen- 
tury, the barriers that had so long kept them asunder 
were broken down. Italy was the first field on which 
the great powers were brought into anything like a 
general collision. It was the country, too, in which 
this crafty policy had been first studied and reduced 
to a regular system. A single extract from the po- 
litical manual of that age^ may serve as a key to the 
whole science, as then understood. "A prudent 
prince," says Machiavelli, "will not, and ought not 
to, observe his engagements when it would operate to 
his disadvantage, and the causes no longer exist which 
induced him to make them. ' ' » Sufficient evidence of 
the practical application of the maxim may be found 
in the manifold treaties of the period, so contra- 
dictory, or, what is to the same purpose for our present 
argument, so confirmatory, of one another in their 
tenor, as clearly to show the impotence of all engage- 
ments. There were no less than four several treaties 
in the course of three years, solemnly stipulating the 
marriage of the archduke Charles and Claude of 
France. Louis the Twelfth violated his engagements, 
and the marriage after all never took place.** 

s' Charles V., in particular, testified his respect for Machiavelli, by 
having the " Principe" translated for his own use. 

» Ma'jhiavelli, Opere, torn, vi., II Principe, cap. i8, ed. Genova, 1798. 

* Dumont, Corps diplomatique, torn, iv, part, i, nos. 7, 11, 28, 39. 
— Seyssel, Hist, de Louys XII., pp. 338-330.— St. Gelais, Hist, de 
Louys XII., p. 184, 



!i 1 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND. 



415 



Such was the school in which Ferdinand was to 
make trial of his skill with his brother monarchs. He 
had an able instructor in his father, John the Second 
of Aragon, and the result showed that the lessons were 
not lost on him. **He was vigilant, wary, and sub- 
tile," writes a French contemporary, "and few histo- 
ries make mention of his being outwitted in the whole 
course of his life." ** He played the game with more 
adroitness than his opponents, and he won it. Suc- 
cess, as usual, brought on him the reproaches of the 
losers. This is particularly true of the French, whose 
master, Louis the Twelfth, was more directly pitted' 
against him.** Yet Ferdinand does not appear to be 
a whit more obnoxious to the charge of unfairness than 
his opponent.** If he deserted his allies when it suited 

** M^moires de Bayard, chap. 61. — " This prince," says Lord Her- 
bert, who was not disposed to overrate the talents, any more than the 
virtues, of Ferdinar " " was thought the most active and politique of 
his time. No man knew better how to serve his turn on everybody, 
or to make their ends conduce to his." Life of Henry VHL, p. 63. 

^ According to them, the Catholic king took no great pains to con- 
ceal his treachery. " Quelqu'un disant un jour ^ Ferdinand, que Louis 
XH. I'accusoit de I'avoir trompi trois fois, Ferdinand parut m^content 
qu'il lui ravit une partie de sa gloire ; H en a bien menti, Vivrogne, 
dit-il, avec toute la grossi&rete dMXam.ps,je I'ai trompi plus de dix." 
(Gaillard, Rivalit^, tom. iv.p. 240.) The anecdote has been repeated by 
other modern writers, I know not on what authority. Ferdinand was 
too shrewd a politician to hazard his game by playing the braggart. 

^ Paolo Giovio strikes the balance of their respective merits in this 
particular, in the following terms : " Ex horura enim long^ maximorum 
nostrse tempestatis regum ingeniis, et tum liquid6 et multum ante^ 
praeclar^ compertum est, nihil omnino sanctum et inviolabile, vel in 
r\xh conceptis sancitisque fcederibus reperiri, qu6d, in proferendis im- 
perils augendisque opibus, apud eos nihil ad illustris famse decus in- 
teresset, dolone et nusquam sine fallaciis, an fide integri ver&que 
virtute niterentur." Hist, sui Temporis, lib. 11, p. 160. 






: 



;", if 






m 



4i6 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 



his convenience, he, at least, did not deliberately plot 
their destruction and betray them into the hands of 
their deadly enemy, as his rival did with Venice, in 
the league of Cambray.** The partition of Naples, 
the most scandalous transaction of the period, he 
shared equally with Louis; and if the latter has 
escaped the reproach of the usurpation of Navarre, 
it was because the premature death of his general de- 
prived him of the pretext and means for achieving it. 
Yet Louis the Twelfth, the "father of his people," 
has gone down to posterity with a high and honorable 
reputation.*' 

Ferdinand, unfortunately for his popularity, had 
nothing of the frank and cordial temper, the genial 
expansion of the soul, which begets love. He carried 
the same cautious and impenetrable frigidity into pri- 
vate life that he showed in public. **No one," says 
a writer of the time, " could read his thoughts by any 
change of his countenance." ** Calm and calculating, 
even in trifles, it was too obvious that everything had 
exclusive reference to self. He seemed to estimate 



•♦ An equally pertinent example occurs in the efficient support he 
gave Csesar Borgia in his flagitious enterprises against some of the 
most faithful allies of France. See Sismondi, R6publiques Italiennes, 
torn. xiii. cap. loi. 

*s Read the honeyed panegyrics of Seyssel, St. Gelais, Voltaire even, 
to say nothing of Gaillard, Varillas, e tutti quanti, undiluted by scarce 
a drop of censure. Rare indeed is it to find one so imbued with the 
spirit of philosophy as to raise himself above the local or national 
prejudices which pass for patriotism with the vulgar. Sismondi is the 
only writer in the French language, that has come under my notice, 
who has weighed the deserts of Louis XII. in the historic balance 
with impartiality and candor. And Sismondi is not a Frenchman. 

* Giovio, Hist, sui Temporis, lib. t6, p. 335. 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND. 



417 



his friends only by the amount of services they could 
render him. He was not always mindful of these 
services. Witness his ungenerous treatment of Colum- 
bus, the Great Captain, Navarro, Ximenes, — the men 
who shed the brightest lustre and the most substantial 
benefits on his reign. Witness also his insensibility to 
the virtues and long attachment of Isabella, whose 
memory he could so soon dishonor by a union with 
one every way unworthy to be her successor. 

Ferdinand's connection with Isabella, while it re- 
flected infinite glory on his reign, suggests a contrast 
most unfavorable to his character. Hers was all mag- 
nanimity, disinterestedness, and deep devotion to the 
interests of her people. His was the spirit of egotism. 
The circle of his views might be more or less ex- 
panded, but self was the steady, unchangeable centre. 
Her heart beat with the generous sympathies of friend- 
ship, and the purest constancy to the first, the only 
object of her love. We have seen the measure of his 
sensibilities in other relations. They were not more 
refined in this ; and he proved himself unworthy of 
the admirable woman with whom his destinies were 
united, by indulging in those vicious gallantries too 
generally sanctioned by the age.*' Ferdinand, in fine, 



<7 Ferdinand left four natural children, one son and three daughters. 
The former, Don Alonso de Aragon, was bom of the viscountess of 
Eboli, a Catalan lady. He was made archbishop of Saragossa when 
only six years old. There was little of the religious profession, how- 
ever, in his life. He took an active part in the political and military 
movements of the period, and seems to have been even less scrupu- 
lous in his gallantries than his father. His manners in private life were 
attractive, and his public conduct discreet. His father always re- 
garded him with peculiar affection, and intrusted him with the regency 
Vol. hi.— 27 s* 



4i8 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 



a shrewd and politic prince, "surpassing," as a French 
writer, not his friend, has remarked, "all the states- 
men of his time in the science of the cabinet," " may 
be taken as the representative of the peculiar genius 
of the age; while Isabella, discarding all the petty 
artifices of state policy, and pursuing the noblest ends 
by the noblest means, stands far above her age. 

In his illustrious consort Ferdinand may be said to 
have lost his good genius.^ From that time his for- 

of Aragon, as we have seen, at his death. Ferdinand had three 
daughters, also, by three different ladies, one of them a noble Portu- 
guese. The eldest child was named Doiia Juana, and married the 
grand constable oi Castile. The others, each named Maria, embraced 
the religious profession in a convent in Madrigal. L. Marineo, Cosas 
memorables, fol. i88. — Salazar de Mendoza, Monarquia, torn. i. p. 
410. 

* " Enfin il surpassa tous les Princes de son si^cle en la science du 
Cabinet, et c'est Si lui qu'on doit attribuer le premier et le souverain 
usage de la politique modeme." Varillas, Politique de Ferdinand, 
liv. 3, disc. 10. 

^ Brantdme notices a sobriquet which his countrymen had given to 
Ferdinand. "Nos Fran9ois appelloient ce roy Ferdinand Jehan 
GI(>on, je ne S9ay pour quelle derision ; mais il nous cousta bon, et 
nous fist bien du mal, et fust un grand roy et sage." Which his 
ancient editor thus explains: " Gipon de I'italien giubone, c'est que 
nous appellonsy«/0« ^ijupe; voulant par \k taxer ce prince de s'Stre 
laiss^ gouvemer par Isabelle, reine de Castile, sa femme, dont il en- 
dossoit la jupe, pour ainsi dire, pendant qu'elle portoit les chausses." 
(Vies des Hommes illustres, disc. 5.) There is more humor than 
truth in the etymology. Th^g-ipon was part of a man's attire, being, 
OS Mr. Tyrwhitt defines it, " a short cassock," and was worn under the 
armor. Thus, Chaucer, in the Prologue to his " Canterbury Tales,'' 
says of his knight's dress, 

" Of fustian he wered a gipon 
Alle besmotred with his Iiaberg'O"-" 

Again, in his " Knighte's Tale." 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND. 



419 



tunes were under a cloud. Not that victory sat less 
constantly on his banner ; but at home he had lost 

"All that should accompany old age, 
As ho. ", love, obedience, uoops of friends." 

His ill-advised . larriage disgusted his Castilian sub- 
jects. He ruled over them, indeed, but more in se- 
verity than in love. The beauty of his young queen 
opened new sources of jealousy ; '^ while the disparity 
of their ages, and her fondness for frivolous pleasure, 
as little qualified her to be his partner in prosperity as 
his solace in declining years.'* His tenacity of power 

" Som W0I ben armed in an habergeon, 
And in a brest-plate, and in a gipon."* 

70 When Ferdinand visited Aragon, in 1515, during his troubles with 
the cortes, he imprisoned the vice-chancellor, Antonio Agustin ; being 
moved to this, according to Carbajal, by his jealousy of that minister's 
attentions to his young queen. (Anales, MS., afio 1515.) It is pos- 
sible. Zurita, however, treats it as mere scandal, referring the im- 
prisonment to political offences exclusively. Anales, torn. vi. fol. 393. 
— See also Dormer, Anales de la Corona de Aragon (Zaragoza, 1697), 
lib. I, cap. 9. 

7» " Era poco hermosa," says Sandoval, who grudges her even this 
quality, " algo coja, amiga mucho de holgarse, y andar en banquetes, 
huertos y jardines, y en fiestas. Introduxo esta Sefiora en Castilla 
comidas soberbias, siendo los Castellanos, y aim stis Reyes muy mo- 
derados c.x esto. Pasabansele pocos dias que no convidase, 6 fuese 



♦ [There can be no question about the identity of gipe and gipon 
with Fr. jupe and jupon ; It. giubba, giuppa, and giubbone, giuppone ; 
low 'LA\..Jupa, zuppa ; and old Gctxa.jope,joppe,juppe. The garment 
designated by these different forms was common to both sexes, and is 
variously defined as a jerkin, cassock, tunic, doublet, etc. The Italian 
diminutives, giubbetto and giubberello, seem to offer the correct deri- 
vation of doublet, which etymologists in general derive from double. 
See Torriano, Vocabolario Italiano e Inglese (London, 1688) ; Du- 
cange ; Benecke und Miiller, Mittelhochdeutsches Worterbuch. — Ed.] 



il 
11 



430 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 



drew him into vulgar squabbles with those most nearly 
allied to him by blood, which settled into a mortal 
aversion. Finally, bodily infirmity broke the energies 
of his mind, sour suspicions corroded his heart, and 
he had the misfortune to live long after he had lost all 
that could make life desirable. 

Let us turn from this gloomy picture to the brighter 
season of the morning and meridian of his life; when 
he sat with Isabella on the united thrones of Castile 
and Aragon, strong in the love of his own subjects, 
and in the fear and respect of his enemies. We shall 
then find much in his character to admire ; his impar- 
tial justice in the administration of the laws ; his watch- 
ful solicitude to shield the weak from the oppression of 
the strong; his wise economy, which achieved great 
results without burdening his people with oppressive 
taxes ; his sobriety and moderation j the decorum, 
and respect for religion, which he maintained among 
his subjects ; the industry he promoted by wholesome 
laws and his own example ; his consummate sagacity, 
which crowned all his enterprises with brilliant suc- 
cess, and made him the oracle of the princes of the age. 

Machiavelli, indeed, the most deeply read of his 
time in human character, imputes Ferdinand's suc- 
cesses, in one of his letters, to "cunning and good 
luck, rather than superior wisdom." 7» He was indeed 

convidada. La que mas gastaba en fiestas y banquetes con ella, era 
mas su amiga." Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 12. 

7» Opere, tom. ix. Lettere diverse, no. 6, ed. Milano, 1805. — His 
correspondent, Vettori, is still more severe in his analysis of Ferdi- 
nand's public conduct. (Let. di 16 Maggio, 1514.) These statesmen 
were the friends of France, with which Ferdinand was at war, and 
personal enemies of the Medici, whom that prince re-established in 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND. 431 



fortunate; and the ^'star of Austria," which rose as 
his declined, shone not with a brighter or steadier 
lustre. But success through a long series of years suf- 
ficiently of itself attests good conduct. "The winds 
and waves," says Gibbon, truly enough, "are always 
on the side of the most skilful mariner." The Floren- 
tine statesman has recorded a riper and more delib- 
erate judgment, in the treatise which he intended as a 
mirror for the rulers of the time. "Nothing," says 
he, "gains estimation for a prince like great enter- 
prises. Our own age has furnished a splendid example 
of this in Ferdinand of Aragon. We may call him a 
new king, since from a feeble one he has made himself 
the most renowned and glorious monarch of Christen- 
dom ; and, if we ponder well his manifold achieve- 
ments, we must acknowledge all of them very great, 
and some truly extraordinary." '' 

Other eminent foreigners of the time join in this 
lofty strain of panegyric.'* The Castilians, mindful of 

the government. As political antagonists therefore, every way, of the 
Catholic king, they were not likely to be altogether unbiassed in their 
judgments of his policy. — These views, however, find favor with Lord 
Herbert, who had evidently read, though he does not refer to, this 
correspondence. Life of Henry VHL, p. 63, 

73 Opere, tom. vi., II Principe, cap. 21, ed. Genova, 1798. 

74 Martyr, who had better opportunities than any other foreigner for 
estimating the character of Ferdinand, affords the most honorable tes- 
timony to his kingly qualities, in a letter written when the writer had 
no motive for flattery, after that monarch's death, to Charles V.'s 
physician. (Opus Epist., epist. 567.) Guicciardini, whose national 
prejudices did not lie in this scale, comprehends nearly as much in one 
brief sentence : " Re di eccellentissimo consiglio, e virtii, e nel quale, 
se fosse stato constante nelle promesse, no potresti facilmente ripren- 
dere cosa alcuna." (Istoria, tom. vi. lib. 12, p. 273.) See also Brant6me 
(CEuvres, tom. iv. disc. s). — Giovio, with scarcely more qualification, 



I 



f' 



11 



423 



DEATH OF GONSALVO. 






\\ 



the general security and prosperity they had enjoyed 
under his reign, seem willing to bury his frailties in his 
grave. 7' While his own hereditary subjects, exulting 
with patriotic pride in the glory to which he had raised 
their petty state, and touched with grateful recollec- 
tions of his mild, paternal government, deplore his 
loss in strains of national sorrow, as the last of the 
revered line who was to preside over the destinies of 
Aragon as a separate and independent kingdom.^ 

Hist, sui Temporis, lib. i6, p. 336. — Navagiero, Viaggio, fol. vj, — et 
alios. 

75 " Principe el mas seftalado,'' says the prince of the Castllian bis- 
torians, in his pithy manner, " en valor y justicia y prudencia que en 
muchos siglos E^pafia tuvo. Tachas d nadie pueden faltar sea por la 
fragilidad propia, 6 por la malicia y envidia agena que combate prin- 
cipalmente los altos lugares. Espejo sin duda por sus grandes virtudes 
en que todos los Principes de Espafia Se deben mirar." (Mariana, 
Hist, de Elspafia, tom. ix. p. 375, cap. ult.) See also a similar tribute 
to his deserts, with greater amplification, in Garibay, Compendio, turn, 
ii. lib. 20, cap. 24. — Gomez, De Rebtis gestis, fol. 148. — UUoa, Vita di 
Carlo v., fol. 42. — Ferreras, Hist. d'Elspagne, tom. ix. p. 426 et seq. — 
et plurimus auct antiq. et recentibus. 

"fi See the closing chapter of the great Aragonese annalist, who ter- 
minates his historic labors with the death of Ferdinand the Catholic. 
(Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 10, cap. 100.) I will cite only one extract 
from the profuse panegyrics of the national writers ; which attests the 
veneration in which Ferdinand's memory was held in Aragon. It is 
from one whose pen is never prostituted to parasitical or party purposes, 
and whose judgment is usually as correct as the expression of it is 
candid. " Quo plangore ac lamentatione universa civitas complebatur. 
Neque soliim homines, sed ipsa tecta, et parietes urbis videbantur acer- 
bum illius, qui omnibus charissimus erat, interitum lugere. Et merit6. 
Erat enim, ut scitis, exemplum prudentiae ac foi-titudinis : summse in 
re domestica continentiae : eximiae in publica dignitatis : humanitatis 
praeterek, ac leporis admirabilis. . . . Neque eos soliim, sed omnes 
cert& tanta amplectebatur benevolently, ut interdum non nobis Rex, 
sed uniuscujusque nostrdm genitor ac parens videretur. Post ejus 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF FERDINAND. 



423 



interitum omnis nostra juventus languet, deliciis plus dedita qa&m 
deceret : nee perinde, ac debuerat, in laudis et gloriae cupiditate ver- 
satur. . . . Quid plura? nulla res fuit in usu bene regnandi posita, 
quae illius Regis scientiam effugeret. . . . Fuit enim eximii corporis 
venustate prseditus. Sed pluris facere deberent consiliorum ac virtu- 
tum suarum, quam posteris reliquit, effigiem : quibus denique factum 
videmus, ut ab eo usque ad hoc tempus, non sol&ra nobfs, sed His> 
paniae cunctse, diutumitas pacis otium confirmarit. Haec aliaque 
ejusmodi quotidie & nostris senibus de Catholici Regis menu>ri4 enar- 
rantur: quae \l rei veritate nequaquam abhorrent." Blancas, Com- 
mentani, p. 276. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

ADMINISTRATION, DEATH, AND CHARACTER OF CARDINAL 

XIMENES. 

15x6-1517. 

Ximenes Governor of Castile. — Charles proclaimed King. — Domestic 
Policy of Ximenes. — He intimidates the Nobles. — Public Discon- 
tents. — Charles lands in Spain. — His Ingratitude to Ximenes. — 
The Cardinal's Illness and Death. — His extraordinary Character. 



The personal history of Ferdinand the Catholic 
terminates, of course, with the preceding chapter. In 
order to bring the history of his reign, however, to a 
suitable close, it is necessary to continue the narrative 
through the brief regency of Ximenes, to the period 
when the government was delivered into the hands of 
Ferdinand's grandson and successor, Charles the Fifth. 

By the testament of the deceased monarch, as we 
have seen. Cardinal Ximenez de Cisneros was ap- 
pointed sole regent of Castile. He met with oppo- 
sition, however, from Adrian, the dean of Louvain, 
who produced powers of similar purport from Prince 
Charles. Neither party could boast a sufficient war- 
rant for exercising this important trust ; the one claim- 
ing it by the appointment of an individual who, acting 
merely as regent himself, had certainly no right to 
name his successor ; while the other had only the sanc- 
(424) 



DEATH AND CHARACTER OF XIMENES, 



^n 



tion of a prince who, at the time of giving it, had no 
jurisdiction whatever in Castile. The misunderstand- 
ing which ensued was finally settled by an agreement 
of the parties to share the authority in common, till 
further instructions should be received from Charles.' 

It was not long before they arrived (Feb. i4'.h, 
15 16). They confirmed the cardinal's authority in 
the fullest manner ; while they spoke of Adrian only 
as an ambassador. Tliey intimated, however, the most 
entire confidence in the latter \ and the two prelates 
continued as before to administer the government 
jointly. Ximenes sacrificed nothing by this arrange- 
ment ; for the tame and quiet temper of Adrian was 
too much overawed by the bold genius of his partner 
to raise any opposition to his measures.' 

The first requisition of Prince Charles was one that 
taxed severely the power and popularity of the new 
regent. This was to have himself proclaimed king ; a 
measure extremely distasteful to the Castilians, who 
regarded it not only as contrary to established usage, 
during the lifetime of his mother, but as an indignity 
to her. It was in vain that Ximenes and the council 
remonstrated on the impropriety and impolicy of the 
measure.^ Charles, fortified by his Flemish advisers, 



s Carbajal, Anales, MS., aSo 1516, cap. 8. — Robles, Vida de Xime- 
nez, cap. 18. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 150. — Quintanilla, Arche- 
typo, lib. 4, cap. 5. — Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., dial, de Ximeni. 

' Carbajal has given us Charles's epistle, which is subscribed " El 
Principe." He did not venture on the title of king in his correspond- 
ence with the Castilians, though he affected it abroad. Anales, MS., 
alio 1516, cap. 10. 

3 The letter of the council is dated March 14th, 1516. It is recorded 
by Carbajal, Anales, MS., a&o 1516, cap. 10. 



4i6 



REGENCY OF XIMENES. 



Sturdily persisted in his purpose. The cardinal, con- 
sequently, called a meeting of the prelates and prin- 
cipal nobles in Madrid, to which he had transferred 
the seat of government, and whose central position 
and other local advantages made it from this time for- 
ward, with little variation, the regular capital of the 
kingdom.^ The doctor Carbajal prepared a studied 
and plausible argument in support of the measure. > 
As it failed, however, to produce conviction in his 
audience, Ximenes, chafed by the opposition, and 
probably distrusting its real motives, peremptorily de- 
clared that those who refused to acknowledge Charles 
as king, in the present state of things, would refuse to 
obey him when he was so. "I will have him pro- 
claimed in Madrid to-morrow," said he, "and I doubt 
not every other city in the kingdom will follow the 
example." He was as good as his word; and the 
conduct of the capital was imitated, with little oppo- 
sition, by all the other cities in Castile. Not so in 
Aragon, whose people were too much attached to their 
institutions to consent to it till Charles first made oath 
in person to respect the laws and liberties of the realm.' 

4 It became permanently so in the reign of Philip II. Semanario 
erudite, torn. iii. p. 79. 

s Carbajal penetrates into the remotest depths of Spanish history for 
an authority for Charles's claim. He can find none better, however, 
than the examples of Alfonso VIII. and Ferdinand III. ; the former 
of whom used force, and the latter obtained the crown by the volun- 
tary cession of his mother. His argument, it is clear, rests much 
more strongly on expediency than precedent. Anales, MS., afio 
1516, cap. II. 

« Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 1 51 et seq. — Carbajal, Anales, MS. , aflo 
X516, cap. 9-11. — Lanuza, Historias, tom. i. lib. 2, cap. a. — Dormer, 
Anales de Aragon, lib. i, cap. i, 13. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., 



HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER. 



4*7 



The Castilian aristocracy, it may be believed, did 
not much relish the new yoke imposed on them by 
their priestly regent. On one occasion, it is said, they 
went in a body and demanded of Ximenes by what 
powers he held the government so absolutely. He 
referred them for answer to Ferdinand's testament and 
Charles's letter. As they objected to these, he led 
them to a window of the apartment, and showed them 
a park of artillery below, exclaiming, at the same time, 
"There are my credentials, then I" The story is char- 
acteristic, but, though often repeated, must be admitted 
to stand on slender authority.' 

One of the regent's first acts was the famous ordi- 
nance encouraging the burgesses, by liberal rewards, 
to enroll themselves into companies, and submit to 
regular military training at stated seasons. The nobles 
saw the operation of this measure too well not to use 
all their efforts to counteract it. In this they suc- 
ceeded for a time, as the cardinal, with his usual bold- 
ness, had ventured on it without waiting for Charles's 



epist. 57a, 590, 603. — Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., torn. i. 

P- S3- 
7 Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 

158. — Lanuza, Historias, torn. i. lib. s, cap. 4. — Alvaro Gomez finds 

no better authority than vulgar rumor for this story. According to 

Robles, the cardinal, after this bravado, twirled his cordelier's belt 

about his fingers, saying " he wanted nothing better than that to tame 

the pride of the Castilian nobles with 1" But Ximenes was neither a 

fool nor a madman ; although his over-zealous biographers make him 

sometimes one and sometimes the other. Voltaire, who never lets the 

opportunity slip of seizing a paradox in character or conduct, speaks 

of Ximenes as one " qui, toujours v6tu en cordelier, met son faste \ 

fouler sous ses sandales le faste Espagnol." Elssai sur les Moeurs, 

chap. I2X. 



428 



REGENCY OF XIMENES. 



sanction, and in opposition to most of the council. 
The resolute spirit of the minister, however, eventually 
triumphed over all resistance ; and a national corps 
was organized, competent, under proper guidance, to 
protect the liberties of the people, but destined, unfor- 
tunately, to be ultimately turned against them.* 

Armed with this strong physical force, the cardinal 
now projected the boldest schemes of reform, especially 
in the finances, which had fallen into some disorder in 
the latter days of Ferdinand. He made a strict inqui- 
sition into the funds of the military orders, in which 
there had been much waste and misappropriation ; he 
suppressed all superfluous offices in the state, retrenched 
excessive salaries, and cut short the pensions granted 
by Ferdinand and Isabella, which he contended should 
determine with their lives. Unfortunately, the state 
was not materially benefited by these economical ar- 
rangements, since the greater part of what was thus 
saved was drawn off to supply the waste and cupidity 
of the Flemish court, who dealt with Spain with all 
the merciless rapacity that could be shown to a con- 
quered province.' 

The foreign administration of the regent displayed 
the same courage and vigor. Arsenals were established 
in the southern maritime towns, and a numerous fleet 
was equipped in the Mediterranean against the Bar- 
bary corsairs. A large force was sent into Navarre, 



I 



• Carbajal, Anales, MS., afio 1516, cap. 13. — Quintanilla, Archetypo, 
lib. 4, cap. 5. — Sempere, Hist, des Cortes, chap. 35. — Gomez, De 
Rebus gestis, fol. 159. — Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS. 

9 Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 174 et seq. — Robles, Vida de Xi- 
menez, cap. 18. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1516, cap. 13. 



HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER. 



429 



which defeated an invading army of French (March 
25th, 1516); and the cardinal followed up the blow 
by demolishing the principal fortresses of the king- 
dom ; a precautionary measure, to which, in all proba- 
bility, Spain owes the permanent preservation of her 
conquest." 

The regent's eye penetrated to the farthest limits of 
the monarchy. He sent a commission to Hispaniola, 
to inquire into and ameliorate the condition of the na- 
tives. At the same time he earnestly opposed (though 
without success, being overruled in this by the Flemish 
counsellors) the introduction of negro slaves into the 
colonies, which he predicted, from the character of the 
race, must ultimately result in a servile war.* It is 
needless to remark how well the event has verified the 
prediction." 

w Carbajal, Anales, MS., afio 1516, cap. 11. — Aleson, Annales de 
Navarra, torn. v. p. 327. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 570. — 
Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. 5. 

** Gomez, De Rebus gestis, Jol. 164, 165. — Herrera, Indias occi- 
dentales, torn. i. p. 278. — Las Casas, CEuvres, €d. de Llorente, torn. i. 
p. 239. — Robertson states the ground of Ximenes's objection to have 
been the iniquity of reducing one set of men to slavery in order to 
liberate another. (History of America, vol. i. p. 285.) A very en- 
lightened reason, for which, however, I find not the least warrant in 
Herrera (the authority cited by the historian), nor in Gomez, nor in 
any other writer. 



• [In overruling the opinion of Ximenes the Flemish ministers of 
Charles were supported by that of the commissioner whom the car- 
dinal himself had sent to Hispaniola, — the licentiate Alonzo de Zuazo. 
In his report to Chi^vres, dated January 22d, 1518, Zuazo affirms the 
necessity of introducing negro slaves into the colony, advising that 
they should be procured by purchase at Cal)o Verde, both males and 
females, from fifteen to twenty years old, and that they should bo 



il li!:! 



!!-■' 




\ 




\- 




i-^ 




ji * 




1 




1:: 




\ 




i' 




'% 




1 




i 





43© 



REGENCY OF XIMENES. 



It is with less satisfaction that we must contemplate 
his policy in regard to the Inquisition. As head of 
that tribunal, he enforced its authority and pretensions 
to the utmost. He extended a branch of it to Oran, 
and also to the Canaries and the New World." In 
15 1 2, the new Christians had offered Ferdinand a large 
sum of money to carry on the Navarrese war, if he 
would cause the trials before that tribunal to be con- 
ducted in the same manner as in other courts, where 
the accuser and the evidence were confronted openly 
with the defendant. To this reasonable petition Xi- 
menes objected, on the wretched plea that, in that 
event, none would be found willing to undertake the 
odious business of informer. He backed his remon- 
strance with such a liberal donative from his own 
funds as supplied the king's immediate exigency and 
effectually closed his heart against the petitioners. The 
application was renewed in 15 16, by the unfortunate 
Israelites, who offered a liberal supply in like manner 
to Charles, on similar terms. But the proposal, to 
which his Flemish counsellors, who may be excused, 
at least, from the reproach of bigotry, would have in- 
clined the young monarch, was finally rejected through 
the interposition of Ximenes.*' 

»» Llorente, Hist, de 1' Inquisition, torn. i. chap. lo, art. 5. 

'3 Paramo, De Origine Inquisitionii,, lib. 2, tit. 2, cap. 5. — Llorente, 
Hist, de rinquisition, torn. 1. chap. 11, art. i. — Gomez, De Rebus 
gestis, fol. 18 ^, 185. 

settled in pueblos and married. His scheme seems to have been to 
establish a species of serfdom, and Lis object to save the natives from 
e.\tormination. " Es tierra esta," he adds, " la mcjor que hay en el 
mundo para los negros, para las mugeres, para los hombres viejos." 
Col. de Doc. ined. para la Hist, de Espana, torn. ii. — Ed.] 



HIS DEATH Af^D CHARACTER. 



431 



The high-handed measures of the minister (151 7), 
while they disgusted the aristocracy, gave great um- 
brage to the dean of Louvain, who saw himself reduced 
to a mere cipher in the administration. In conse- 
quence of his representations, a second, and afterwards 
a third minister was sent to Castile, with authority to 
divide the government with the cardinal. But all this 
was of little avail. On one occasion the co-regents 
ventured to rebuke their haughty partner, and assert 
their own dignity, by subscribing their names first to 
the despatches and then sending them to him for his 
signature. But Ximenes coolly ordered his secretary 
to tear the paper in pieces and make out a new one, 
which he signed, and sent out without the participa- 
tion of his brethren. And this course he continued 
during the remainder of his administration."^ 

The cardinal not only assumed the sole responsi- 
bility of the most important public acts, but, y\ the 
execution of them, seldom condescended to ci' r>iai;e 
the obstacles or the odds arrayed against hin. fie 
was thus brought into collision, at the same lane, with 
three of the most powerful grandees of t asiile ; the 
dukes of Alva and Infantado, and the coun: ot trcfia. 

«4 Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1517, cap. 2.— Gomez, De Rebus 
gestis, fol. 189, 190.— Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. i ;. -Veter Mar- 
tyr, Opus Epist., cpist. 581.— Ovielo, Quincuagenas, iv.^-'. — "Ni pro- 
peraveritis," says Martyr in a letter to Marliano, Prince Charles's 
physician, " ruent omnia. Nescit Hispania parere ion regibr.s, aut 
non legitime regnaturis. Nauseam inducit mag't'^nimis vh-is hiijiis 
fratris, licet potentis et reipubliciE amatoris, gubernatio. Est quippe 
grandis animo, ct ipse, ad Ecdificandum literatosque viros fovendum 
natis niagis quam ad imperandum, bellicis colloquiis et apparatibus 
gaudet." Opus Epist., epist. 573. 



it'.j I 



432 



REGENCY OF XIMENES. 






I; 



li 



Don Pedro Giron, the son of the latter, with several 
other young noblemen, had maltreated and resisted 
the royal officers while in the discharge of their duty. 
They then took refuge in the little town of Villafrata, 
which they fortified and prepared for a defence. The 
cardinal without hesitation mustered several thousand 
of the national militia, and, investing the place, set it 
on fire and deliberately razed it to the ground. The 
refractory nobles, struck wuh consternation, submitted. 
Their friends interceded for them in the most humble 
manner ; and the cardinal, whose lofty spirit disdained 
to trample on a fallen foe, showed his usual clemency 
by soliciting their pardon from the king.'* 

But neither the talents nor authority of Ximenes, it 
was evident, could much longer maintain subordina- 
tion among the people, exasperated by the shameless 
extortions of the Flemings and the little interest shown 
for them by their new sovereign. The most consider- 
able offices in church and state were put up to sale ; 
and the kingdom was drained of its funds by the 
large remittances continually made, on one pretext or 
another, to Flanders. All this brought odium, un- 
deserved indeed, on the cardinal's government;'* 

'5 Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 198-201. — Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., 
epist, 567, 584, 590. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1517, cap. 3, 6. — 
Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS. — Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., 
torn. i. p. 73. 

16 In a letter to Marliano, Martyr speaks of the large sums " ab hoc 
gubernatore ad vos niissae, sub parandae classis praetextu." (Opus 
Epist., epist. 576.) In a subsequent epistle to his Castilian corre- 
spondents, he speaks in a more sarcastic tone : " Bonus ille frater 
Ximenez Cardinalis gubernator thesauros ad Belgas transmittendos 
coacervavit. . . . Glacialis Oceani accol«; ditabuntur, vestra expila- 
bitur Castilla." (Epist. 606.) From some cause or other, "t is evident 



HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER. 



433 



for there is abundant evidence that both he and the 
council remonstrated in the boldest manner on these 
enormities ; while they endeavored to inspire nobler 
sentiments in Charles's bosom, by recalling the wise 
and patriotic administration of his grandparents.'' 
The people, in the mean while, outraged by these ex- 
cesses, and despairing of redress from a higher quarter, 
loudly clamored for a convocation of cortes, that they 
might take the matter into their own hands. The 
cardinal evaded this as long as possible. He was 
never a friend to popular assemblies, much less in the 
present inflamed state of public feeling and in the 
absence of the sovereign. He was more anxious for 
his arrival than any other individual, probably, in the 
kingdom. Braved by the aristocracy at home"-, thwarted 
in every favorite measure by the Flemings abroad, 
with an injured, indignant people to control, and 
oppressed, moreover, by infirmities and years, even 
his stern, inflexible spirit could scarcely sustain him 
under a burden too grievous, in these circumstances, 
for any subi-:u.'^ 

the cardinal's government was not at all to honest Martyr's taste. 
Gomez sagge^ts, as the reason, that his ralary was clippcu off in the 
general retrenchment, which he admits was a ■/ery hard ca5e. (De 
Rebus gestis, fol. 177.) Martyr, however, was never an extravagant 
encomiast of the cardinal, and one may imagine much more creditable 
reap,ons than that assigned for his disgust with him now. 

^/ See a letter in Carbajal, containing this honest tribute to the illus- 
trious dead. (Anales, MS., ano 1517, cap. 4.) Charles might havf 
found an antidote to the poison of his Flemish sycophants in the faith- 
ful counsels of isis Castilian ministers. 

'8 Peter Martyr, Opus EiJist-.tipist, 602. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, 
fol. 194.— Robles, Vida dc Xiriene?,, c.>\\ 18. — Martyr, in a letter 
written just ocfore the kings landing,, aoiiccs the cardinal's low state 
Vol. III.— 28 T 



S'li 



434 



KEGE.VCY OF XIMENES. 



At length the young monarch, having made all pre- 
liminary arrangements, prepared, though still in oppo- 
sition to the wishes of his courtiers, to embark for his 
Spanish dominions. Previously to this, on the 13th 
of August, 15 16, the French and Spanish plenipoten 
i .T es signed a treaty of peace at Noyon. The prin- 
cipal article stipulated the marriage of Charles to the 
(1; ughter of Francis the First, who was to cede, as 
her dowry, the P>ench claims on Naples. The mar- 
riage, indeed, never took place. But the treaty itself 
may be considered as finally adjusting the hostile rela- 
tions which had subsisted, during so many years of 
Ferdinand's reign, with the rival monarchy of France, 
and as closing the long series of wars which had grown 
out of the league of Cambray.''* 

On the 17th of September, 15 17, Charles landed at 
Villaviciosa, in the Asturias. Ximenes at this time 
lay ill at the Franciscan monastery of Aguilera, near 
Aranda on the Douro. The good tidings of the royal 



of hsalth and spiiits : " Cardinalis gubernator Matriti febribus segro- 
taverat: convi.iuerat ; nunc recidivavit. . . . Breves fore dies illius, 
medici auti rnant. Est octogenario major; ipse regis adventum affectu 
avidissimr: desiderare videtur. Sentit sine rege non rite posse corda 
Hispanorum moderari ac reg'." Epist. 598. 

»9 Fiassan, Diplomatie Fiim lise, iom. i. p. 313. — Dumont, Corps 
diplomatique, torn. iv. part, i, ao. 106. 



* [This is too strongly, and not quite clearly, stated. The treaty, by 
dissolvmg the league of Cambiay, put an end to the war which had 
sprung from that alliance. But as some of its provisions remained 
unexecuted, and the grounds of rivalry, instead of being contracted, 
were speedily widened, the peace proved to be of short duration, and 
was followed by wars bloodier even than those which haa preceded 
it— Ed.] 



HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER. 



435 



landing operated like a cordial on his spirits, and he 
instantly despatched letters to the young monarch, 
filled with wholesome counsel as to the conduct he 
should pursue in order to conciliate the affections of 
the people. He received at the same time messages 
from the king, couched in the most gracious terms, 
and expressing the liveliest interest in his restoration 
to health. 

The Flemings in Charles's suite, however, looked 
with great apprehension to his meeting with the car- 
dinal. They had been content that the latter should 
rule the state when his arm was needed to curb the 
Castilian aristocracy ; but they dreaded the ascendency 
of his powerful mind over their young sovereign when 
brought into personal contact with him. They re- 
tarded this event by keeping Cliarles in the north as 
long as possible. In the mean time, they endeavored 
to alienate his regards from the minister by exaggerated 
reports of his arbitrary conduct and temper, rendered 
more morose by the peevishness of age. Charles 
showed a facility to be directed by those around him 
in early years, which gave little augury of the great- 
ness to which he afterwards rose."" 

By the persuasions of his evil counsellors, he ad- 
dressed that memorable letter to Ximenes, which is 
unmatched, even in court annals, for cool and base 
ingratitude. He thanked the regent for all his past 
services, named a place for a personal interview with 



m 



*• Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1517, cfip. 9. — Dormer, Anales de 
Aragon, lib. i, cap. i. — Ulloa, Vita di Carlo V., fol. 43. — Dolce, Vita 
di Carlo V., p. 12. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 212. — Sandoval, 
Hist. ''"' Emp. Carlos V., torn. i. p. 83. 



*i 



436 



REGENCY OF XIMENES. 



him, where he might obtain the benefit of his counsels 
for his own conduct and the government of the king- 
dom; after which he would be allowed to retire to 
his diocese and seek from Heaven that reward which 
Heaven alone could adequately bestow ! " 

Such was the tenor of this cold-blooded epistle, 
which, in the language of more than one writer, killed 
the cardinal. This, however, is stating the matter too 
strongly. The spirit of Ximenes was of too stern a 
stuff to be so easily extinguished by the breath of royal 
displeasure." He was, indeed, deeply moved by the 
desertion of the sovereign whom he had served so 
faithfully, and the excitement which it occasioned 
brought on a return of his fever, according to Car- 
bajal, in full force. But anxiety and disease had 
already done their work upon his once hardy constitu- 
tion ; and this ungrateful act could only serve to wean 
him more effectually from a world which he was soon 
to leave."' 

" Carbajal, Anales, MS., ubi supra. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 
215. — Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., torn. i. p. 84. 

=" " Cetle terrible lettre qui fut la cause de sa mort," says, plumply, 
Marsollier; a writer who is sure either to misstate or overstate. 
(Minist&re du Card. Ximenez, p. 447.) Byron, alluding to the fate of 
a modern poet, thinks it "strange" that 

^— " the mind, that very fiery particle. 

Should let itself be snuft'd out by an article 1" 

The frown of a critic, however, might as well prove fatal as that of a 
king. In both cases, I imagine, it would be hard to prove any closer 
connection between the two events than that of time. 

=3 " Con aquel despedimiento," says Galindez de Carbajal, " con 
esto acab6 de tantos servicios luego que lleg6 esta carta el Cardenal 
rescibi6 alteracion y tomole recia calentura que en pocos dias le des- 
pacho." (Anales, MS., afio 1517, cap. 9.) Gomez tells a long story 
of poison administered to the cardinal in a trout (De Rebus gestis, fol. 



^" 



HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER. 



437 



In order to be near the king, he had previously 
transferred his residence to Roa. He now turned his 
thoughts to his approaching end. Death may be sup- 
posed to have but little terrors for the statesman who 
in his last moments could aver ** that he had never 
intentionally wronged any man, but had rendered to 
every one his due, without being swayed, as far as he 
was conscious, by fear or affection." Yet Cardinal 
Richelieu on his death-bed declared the same ! "♦ 

As a last attempt, he began a letter to the king. His 
fingers refused, however, to perform their office, and 
after tracing a few lines he gave it up. The purport 
of these seems to have been to recommend his univer- 
sity at Alcala to the royal protection. He now became 
wholly occupied with his devotions, and manifested 
such contrition for his errors, and such humble con- 
fidence in the divine mercy, as deeply affected all 
present. In this tranquil frame of mind, and in the 
perfect possession of his powers, he breathed his last, 

206). Others say, in a letter from Flanders (see Moreri, Dictionnaire 
historique, voce Ximenes). Oviedo notices a rumor of his having been 
poisoned by one of his secretaries, but vouches for the innocence of 
the individual accused, whom he personally knew. (Quincuagenas, 
MS., dial, de Xim.) Reports of this kind were too rife in those days 
to deserve credit unless supported by very clear evidence. Martyr 
and Carbajal, both with the court at the time, intimate no suspicion 
of foul play. 

"4 Carbajal, Anales, MS., afio 1517, cap. 9. — Gomez, De Rebus 
gestis, fol. 213, 214. — Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. 8. — Oviedo, 
Quincuagenas, MS. — " ' Voilk mon juge, qui prononcera bient6t ma 
sentence. Je le prie de tout mon coeur de me condamner, si, dans 
mon minist&re, je me suis propose autre chose que le bien de la re- 
ligion et celui de I'etat.' Le lendemain, au point du jour, il voulut 
recevoir I'extreme onction." Jay, Histoire du Ministire du Cardinal 
Richelieu (Paris, i8i6), torn. ii. p. 217. 



n 



438 



REGENCY OF XIMENES. 



Noivember 8th, 15 17, in the eighty-first year of his age 
and the twenty-second since his elevation to the pri- 
macy. The last words that he uttered were those of 
the Psalmist, which he used frequently to repeat in 
health, **In te, Domine, speravi," — "In thee, Lord, 
have I trusted." 

His body, arrayed in his pc atifical robes, was seated 
in a chair of state, and mi Ititudes of all degrees 
thronged into the apartment to kiss the hands and 
feet. It was afterwards transported to Alcala, and laid 
In the chapel of the noble college of San Ildefonso, 
erected by himself. His obsequies were celebrated 
with great pomp, contrary to his own orders, by all 
the religious and literary fraternities of the city; and 
his virtues comrnpmorated in a funeral discourse by 
a doctor of the university, who, considering the death 
of the good a fitting occasion to lash the vices of the 
living, made the most caustic allusion to the Flemish , 
favorites of Charles, and their pestilent influence on 
the country.'* 

Such was the end of this remarkable man ; the most 



"S Robles, Vida de Xitnenez, cap. i8. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 
aiS-217. — Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. 12-15; who quotes 
Marafio, an eyewitness. — Carbajal, Anales, MS., aflo 1517, cap. 9, 
who dates the cardinal's death December 8th, in which he is followed 
by Lanuza. — The following epitaph, of tio great merit, was inscribed 
on his sepulchre, composed by the learned John Vergara in his 
yotuiger days : 

" Condideram musis Franciscus grande lyceum. 

Condor in exiguo nunc ego sarcophago. 
Praetextam junxi saccho, galeamque galero^ 

Frater, dux, prassul, cardineusque pater. 
Quin virtute meS junctum est diadema cucullo, 

CCim mihi regnanli paruit Hegperia." 



HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER. 



439 



remarkable, in many respects, of his time. His char- 
acter was of that stern and lofty cast which seems to 
rise above the ordinary wants and weaknesses of hu- 
manity; his genius, of the severest order, like Dante's 
or Michael Angelo's in the regions of fancy, impresses 
us with ideas of power that excite admir w akin to 
terror. His enterprises, as we have sec vere of the 
boldest character; his execution of them equally bold. 
He disdained to woo fortune by any of those soft and 
pliant arts which are often the most effectual. He pur- 
sued his ends by the most direct means. In this way 
4ie frequently multiplied difficulties; but difficulties 
seemed to have a charm for him, by the opportunities 
they afforded of displaying the energies of his soul. 

With these qualities he combined a versatility of 
talent usually found only in softer and more flexible 
characters. Though bred in the cloister, he distin- 
guished himself both in the cabinet and the camp. 
For the latter, indeed, so repugnant to his regular 
profession, he had a natural genius, according to the 
testimony of his biographer; and he evinced his 
relish for it by declaring that ** the smell of gun- 
powder was more grateful to him than the sweetest 
perfume of Arabia!""* In every situation, however, 
he exhibited the stamp of his peculiar calling; and 
the stern lineaments of the monk were never wholly 
concealed under the mask of the statesman or the 
visor of the warrior. He had a full measure of the 
religious bigotry which belonged to the age ; and he 

"* Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 160, — Robles, Vida de Ximenez, 
cap. 17. — "And who can doubt," exclaims Gonzalo de Oviedo, "that 
powder, against the infidel, is incense to the Lord?" Quincuagenas, 
MS. 



11 






m 



i 







IMAGE EVALUATION 
TEST TARGET (MT-3) 









&. 



^ A 














1.0 



1.1 



11.25 



2.0 



■4.0 






6" 




Fhotographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 



^ 





•1>^ 



\ 





<^^' 




¥!^ 






23 WBT MAIN STRUT 

WnSTIR,N.Y. MSM 

(716) •73-4503 








v\ 



440 



REGENCY OF XIMENES. 



had melancholy scope for displaying it, as chief of 
that dread tribunal over which he presided during the 
last ten years of his life."^ 

He carried the arbitrary ideas of his profession into 
political life. His regency was conducted on the 
principles of a military despotism. It was his maxim 
that ** a prince must rely mainly on his army for se- 
curing the respect and obedience of his subjects." ^ 
It is true he had to deal with a martial and factious 
nobility, and the end which he proposed was to curb 
their licentiousness and enforce the equitable admin- 
istration of justice ; but, in accomplishing this, he 
showed little regard to the constitution, or to private 
rights. His first act, the proclaiming of Charles king, 
was in open contempt of the usages and rights of the 
nation. He evaded the urgent demands of the Castil- 
ians for a convocation of cortes ; for it was his opinion 
that ** freedom of speech, especially in regard to their 
own grievances, made the people insolent and irrev- 

V During this period, Ximenes "permit la condamnation," to use 
the mild language of Llorente, of more than 2500 individuals to the 
stake, and nearly 50,000 to other punishments 1 (Hist, de I'lnquisi- 
tion, torn. i. chap. 10, art. 5 ; torn. iv. chap. 46.) In order to do justice 
to what is really good in the characters of this age, one must absolutely 
close his eyes against that odious fanaticism which enters more or less 
into all, and into the best, unfortunately, most largely. 

* " Persuasum haberet, non alia ratione animos humanos imperia 
alioium laturos, nisi vi facti aut adhibita. Quare pro certo af&rmare 
solebat, nullum unquam principem exteris populis formidini, aut suis 
reverentiae fuisse, nisi comparato militum exercitu, atque omnibus 
belli instrumentis ad manum paratis." (Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 
95.) We may well apply to the cardinal what Cato, or rather Lucan, 
applied to Pompey : 

"Prxtulit arma togae ; sed ^tacem armatus amavit." 

Pharsalia, lib. 9. 



HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER. 



44« 



erent to their rulers.'"* The people, of course, had 
no voice in the measures which involved their most 
important interests. His whole policy, indeed, was to 
exalt the royal prerogative, at the expense of the infe 
rior orders of the state ; ** and his regency, short as it 
was, and highly beneficial to the country in many re- 
spects, must be considered as opening the way to that 
career of despotism which the Austrian family followed 
up with such hard-hearted constancy. 

But, while we condemn the politics, we cannot but 
respect the principles, of the man. However erro- 
neous his conduct in our eyes, he was guided by his 
sense of duty. It was this, and the conviction of it in 
the minds of others, which constituted the secret of 
his great power. It made him reckless of difficulties, 
and fearless of all personal consequences. The con- 
sciousness of the integrity of his purposes rendered 
him, indeed, too unscrupulous as to the means of 
attaining them. He held his own life cheap, in com- 
parison with the great reforms that he had at heart. 
Was it surprising that he should hold as lightly the 

^ " Nullk enim re magis populos insolescere, et irreverentiam omnem 
exhibere, quam cum libertatem loquendi nacti sunt, et pro libidine suas 
vulgo jactant queritnonias." Gomez quotes the language of Ximenes 
in his correspondence with Charles. De Rebus gestis, fol. 194. 

30 Oviedo makes a reflection, showing that lie conceived the cardi- 
nal's policy better than most of his biographers. He states that the 
various immunities and the military organization which he gave to the 
towns enabled them to raise the insurrection known as the war of the 
" comunidades," at the beginning of Charles's reign. But he rightly 
considers this as only an indirect consequence of his policy, which 
made use of the popular arm only to break down the power of the 
nobles and establish the supremacy of the crown. Quincuagenas, 
^fS., dial, de Xim. 

T* 



442 



REGENCY OF XIMENES. 



convenience and interests of others, when they thwarted 
their execution ? 

His views were raised far above considerations of 
self. As a statesman, he identified himself with the 
state ; as a churchman, with the interests of his re- 
ligion. He severely punished every offence against 
these. He as freely forgave every personal injury. 
He had many remarkable opportunities of showing 
this. His administration provoked numerous lampoons 
and libels. He despised them, as the miserable solace 
of spleen and discontent, and never persecuted their 
authors.^ In this he formed an honorable contrast to 
Cardinal Richelieu, whose character and condition 
suggest many points of resemblance with his own. 

His disinterestedness was further shown by his mode 
of dispensing his large revenues. It was among the poor, 
and on great public objects. He built up no family. He 
had brothers and nephews; but he contented himself 
with making their condition comfortable, without divert- 
ing to their benefit the great trusts confided to him for 
the public.** The greater part of the funds which he 
left at his death was settled on the university of Alcala.^a 

s> Quincuagenas, MS., ubi supra. — Mr. Burke notices this noble 
trait, in a splendid panegyric which he poured forth on the character 
of Ximenes, at Sir Joshua Reynolds's table, as related by Madame 
d'Arblay, in the last and not least remarkable of her productions. 
(Memoirs of Dr. Bumey, vol. ii. pp. 231 et seq.) The orator, if 
the lady reports him rightly, notices, as two of the cardinal's character- 
istics, his freedom from bigotry and despotism ! 

3> Their connection with so distinguished a person, however, enabled 
most of them to form high alliances ; of which Oviedo g^ves some 
account Quincuagenas, MS. 

3* " Die, and endow a college or a cat I" 

The verse is somewhat stale, but expresses, better than a page 0/ 



ms DEATH AND CHARACTER. 443 

He had, however, none of that pride whictf would 
have made him ashamed of his poor and humble rela- 
tives. He had, indeed, a confidence in his own powers, 
approaching to arrogance, which led him to undervalue 
the abilities of others, and to look on them as his 
instruments rather than his equals. But he had none of 
the vulgar pride founded on wealth or station. He 
frequently alluded to his lowly condition in early life 
with great humility, thanking Heaven, with tears in his 
eyes, for its extrSiordinary goodness to him. He not 
only remembered, but did many acts of kindness to, 
his early friends, of which more than one touching 
anecdote is related. Such traits of sensibility, gleam- 
ing through the natural austerity and sternness of a 
disposition like his, like light breaking through a dark 
cloud, affect us the more &jnsibly by contrast. 

He was irreproachable in his morals, and conformed 
literally to all the rigid exactions of his severe order, 
in the court as faithfully as in the cloister. He was 
sober, abstemious, chaste. In the latter particular he 
was careful that no suspicion of the license which so 
often soiled the clergy of the period should attach to 
him.^ On one occasion, while on a journey, he was 



M 



prose can, the credit due to such posthumous benefactions, when they 
set aside the dearest natural ties for tlie mere indulgence of a selfish 
vanity. Such motives cannot be imputed to Ximenes. He had always 
conscientiously abstained from appropriating his archiepiscopal reve- 
nues, as we have seen, to himself or his family. His dying bequest, 
therefore, was only in keeping with his whole life. 

34 The good father Quintanilla vindicates his hero's chastity some- 
what at the expense of his breeding. " His purity was unexampled," 
says he. *' He shunned the sex. like so many evil spirits ; looking on 
every woman as a devil, let her be never so holy. Had it not been in 






444 



REGENCY OF XIMENES. 



invited to pass the night at the house of the duchess 
of Maqueda, being informed that she was absent. The 
duchess was at home, however, and entered the apart- 
ment before he retired to rest. " You have deceived 
me, lady," said Ximenes, rising in anger: "if you 
have any business with me, you will find me to-morrow 
at the confessional." So saying, he abruptly left the 
palace.* 

He carried his austerities and mortifications so far 
as to endanger his health. There is a curious brief 
extant of Pope I^eo the Tenth, dated the last year of 
the cardinal's life, enjoining on him to abate his severe 
penance, to eat meat and eggs on the ordinary fasts, to 
take off his Franciscan frock, and sleep in linen and 
on a bed. He would never consent, however, to divest 
himself of his monastic weeds. " Even laymen," said 
he, alluding to a custom of the Roman Catholics, 
" put these on when they are dying; and shall I, who 
have worn them all my life, take them off at that 
time?"'' 

Another anecdote is told in relation to his dress. 
Over his coarse woollen frock he wore the costly apparel 
suited to his rank. An impertinent Franciscan preacher 
took occasion one day before him to launch out against 
the luxuries of the time, especially in dress, obviously 
alluding to the cardinal, who was attired in a superb 
suit of ermine, which had been presented to him. He 

the way of his professional calling, it is not too much to say he would 
never have suffered his eyes to light on one of them I" Archetype, p. 
80. 

35 Fl^chier, Histoire de Ximenes, liv. 6, p. 634. 

36 Quintanilla has given the brief of his Holiness in exteruo, with 
commentaries thereon, twice as long. See Archetypo, lib. 4, cap. la 



mS DEATH AND CHARACTER. 



445 



heard the sermon patiently to the end, and, after the 
services were concluded, took the preacher into the 
sacristy, and, having commended the general tenor of 
his discourse, showed under his furs and fine linen the 
coarse frock of his order, next his skin. Some ac- 
counts add that the friar, on the other hand, wore fine 
linen under his monkish frock. After the cardinal's 
death, a little box was found in his apartment, contain- 
ing the implements with which he used to mend the 
rents of his threadbare garment with his own hands.» 
With so much to do, it may well be believed that 
Ximenes was avaricious of time. He seldom slept 
more than four hours, or at most four and a half. He 
was shaved in the night, hearing at the same time some 
edifying reading. He followed the same practice at 
his meals, or varied it with listening to the arguments 
of some of his theological brethren, generally on some 
subtile question of school divinity. This was his only 
recreation. He had as little taste as time for lighter 
and more elegant amusements. He spoke briefly, and 
always to the point. He was no friend of idle cere- 
monies and useless visits, though his situation exposed 
him more or less to both. He frequently had a volume 
lying open on the table before him, and when his 
visitor stayed too long, or took up his time with light 
and frivolous conversation, he intimated his dissatis- 
faction by resuming his reading. The cardinal's book 



37 Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 219. — Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 
a, cap. 4. — The reader may find a pendant to this anecdote in a similar 
one recorded of Ximenes's predecessor, the grand cardinal Mendoza, 
in Part II. chapter 5, of this History. The conduct of the two pri- 
mates on the occasion was sufficiently cli.iractcristic. 



446 



REGENCY OF XIMENES. 



must have been as fatal to a reputation as Fontenelle's 
ear-trumpet.* 

I will close this sketch of Ximenes de Cisneros with 
a brief outline of his person. His complexion was 
sallow ; his countenance . sharp and emaciated ; his 
nose aquiline; his upper lip projected far over the 
l6wer. His eyes were small, deep set in his head, 
dark, vivid, and penetrating; his forehead ample, 
and, what was remarkable, without a wrinkle, though 
the expression of his features was somewhat severe.* 
His voice was clear, but not agreeable ; his enunciation 
measured and precise. His demeanor was grave, his 
carriage firm and erect ; he was tall in stature, and his 
whole presence was commanding. His constitution, 
naturally robust, was impaired by his severe austerities 
and severer cares, and, in the latter years of his life, 
was so delicate as to be extremely sensible to the vicis- 
situdes and inclemency of the weather.** 

sB Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS. — Gomez, De Rebus gestis, ubi supra. 
— Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 13. — Quintanilla, Archetypo, lib. 2, 
cap. 5, 7, 8 ; who cites Dr. Vergara, the cardinal's friend. — It is Baron 
Grimm, I think, who tells us of Fontenelle's habit of dropping his 
trumpet when the conversation did not pay him for the trouble of 
holding it up. The good-natured Reynolds, according to Goldsmith, 
could " shift his trumpet" on such an emergency also. 

39 Ximenes's head was examined some forty years after his inter- 
ment, and the skull was found to be without sutures. (Gomez, De 
Rebus gestis, fol. 218.) Richelieu's was found to be perforated with 
little holes. The abb6 Richard deduces a theory from this which may 
startle the physiologist even more than the facts : " On ouvrit son 
Test, on y trouva 12 petits trous par oil s'exhaloient les vapeurs de 
son cerveau, ce qui fit qu'il n'eut jamais aucun mal de tSte ; au lieu que 
le Test de Ximenes ^toit sans suture, k quoi Ton attribua les effroyables 
douleurs de tSte qu'il avoit presque toujours." Parallfele, p. 177. 

40 Robles, Vida de Ximenez, cap. 18.— ^Gomez, De Rebus gestis, 
fol. 218. 



mS DEATH AND CHARACTER. 



447 



I have noticed the resemblance which Ximenes bore 
to the great French minister, Cardinal Richelieu. It 
was, after all, however, more in the circumstances of 
situation than in their characters, though the most 
prominent traits of these were not dissimilar.** Both, 
though bred ecclesiastics, reached the highest honors 
of the state, and, indeed, may be said to have directed 
the destinies of their countries.*' Richelieu's author- 
ity, however, was more absolute than that of Ximenes, 
for he was screened by the shadow of royalty ; while 
the latter was exposed, by his insulated and unsheltered 
position, to the full blaze of envy, and, of course, op- 
position. Both were ambitious of military glory, and 
showed capacity for attaining it. Both achieved their 
great results by that rare union of high mental endow- 
ments and great efficiency in action which is always 
irresistible. 

The moral basis of their characters was entirely dif- 
ferent. The French cardinal's was selfishness, pure 
and unmitigated. His religion, politics, his principles 
in short, in every sense, were subservient to this. 
Offences against the state he could forgive j those 
against himself he pursued with implacable rancor. 

41 A little treatise has been devoted to this very subject, entitled 
" Parallfele du Card. Ximenes et du Card. Richelieu, par Mons. I'Abbe 
Richard; k Trevoux, 1705." 222 pp. i2mo. The author, with a 
candor rare indeed where national vanity is interested, strikes the 
balance without hesitation in favor of the foreigner Ximenes. 

4a The catalogue of the various offices of Ximenes occupies nearly 
half a page of Quintanilla. At the time of his death, the chief ones 
that he filled were those of archbishop of Toledo, and consequently 
primate of Spain, grand chancellor of Castile, cardinal of the Roman 
church, inquisitor-general of Castile, and regent 



448 



REGENCY OF XIMENES, 



His authority was literally cemented with blood. His 
immense powers and patronage were perverted to the 
aggrandizement of his family. Though bold to temerity 
in his plans, he betrayed more than once a want of 
true courage in their execution. Though violent and 
impetuous, he could stoop to be a dissembler. Though 
arrogant in the extreme, he courted the soft incense of 
flattery. In his manners he had the advantage over 
the Spanish prelate. He could be a courtier in courts, 
and had a more refined and cultivated taste. In one 
respect he had the advantage over Ximenes in morals. 
He was not, like him, a bigot. He had not the re- 
ligious basis in his composition, which is the foundation 
of bigotry. — ^Their deaths were typical of their charac- 
ters. Richelieu died, as he had lived, so deeply exe- 
crated that the enraged populace would scarcely allow 
his remains to be laid quietly in the grave. Ximenes, 
on the contrary, was buried amid the tears and lamen- 
tations of the people ; his memory was honored even 
by his enemies, and his name is reverenced by his 
countrymen, to this day, as that of a Saint. 



Dr. Lorenzo Galindez de Carbajal, one of the best authorities for 
transactions in the latter part of our History, was born of a respect- 
able family, at Placencia, in 1472. Little is gathered of his early life 
but that he was studious in his habits, devoting himself assiduously to 
the acquisition of the civil and canon law. He filled the chair of pro- 
fessor in this department, at Salamanca, for several years. His great 
attainments and respectable character recommended him to the notice 
of the Catholic queen, who gave him a place in the royal council. In 
this capacity he was constantly at the court, where he seems to have 
maintained himself in the esteem of his royal mistress, and of Ferdi- 
nand after her death. The queen testified her respect for Carbajal 
by appointing him one of the commissioners for preparing a digest of 
tJie Castilian law. He made considerable progress in this arduous 



HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER. 



449 



work ; but how great is uncertain, since, from whatever cause (there 
appears to be a mystery about it), the fruits of his labor were never 
made public ; a circumstance deeply regretted by the Castiliaa jurists. 
Asso y Manuel, Instituciones, Introd., p. 99. 

Carbajal left behind him several historical works, according to Niu. 
Antonio, whose catalogue, however, rests on very slender grounds. 
(Bibliotheca Nova, torn. ii. p. 3.) The work by which he is best 
known to Spanish scholars is his " Anales del Rey Don Fernando el 
Cat61ico," which still remains in manuscript. There is certainly no 
Christian country for which the invention of printing, so liberally 
patronized there at its birth, has done so little as for Spain. Her 
libraries teem at this day with manuscripts of the greatest interest for 
the illustration of every stage of her history ; but which, alas ! in the 
present gloomy condition of affairs, have less chance of coming to the 
light than at the close of the fifteenth century, when the jut of printing 
was in its infancy. 

Carbajal's Annals cover the whole ground of our narrative, from the 
marriage of Ferdinand and Isabella to the coming of Charles V. into 
Spain. They are plainly written, without ambition of rhetorical show 
or refinement. The early part is little better than memoranda of the 
princi[>al events of the period, with particular notice of all the migra- 
tions of the court. In the concluding portion of the work, however, 
comprehending Ferdinand's death and the regency of Ximenes, the 
author is very full and circumstantial. As he had a conspicuous place 
in the government, and was always with the court, his testimony in 
regard to this important period is of the highest value as that of an 
eyewitness and an actor, and, it may be added, a man of sagacity 
and sound principles. No better commentary on the merit of his 
work need be required than the brief tribute of Alvaro Gomez, the 
accomplished biographer of Cardinal Ximenes : " Porro Annates 
Laurentii Galendi Caravajali, quibus vir gravissimus rerumque illarum 
cum primis particeps quinquaginta ferm& annorum memoriam com- 
plexus est, baud vulgariter meam operam juverunt." De Rebus 
gestis, Prsefatio. 

Vol. III.— 29 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

GENERAL REVIEW OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF FERDI- 
NAND AND ISABELLA. 



I 



Policy of the Crovm.— Towards the Nobles. — The Clergy.— Consid- 
eration of the Commons. — Advancement of Prerogative. — Legal 
Compilations. — The Legal Profession. — Trade. — Manufactures. — 
Agriculture. — Restrictive Policy. — Revenues. — Progress ' of Dis- 
covery. — Colonial Administration. — General Prosperity. — Increase 
of Population. — Chivalrous Spirit. — The Period of National Glory. 

We have now traversed that important period of 
history comprehending the latter part of the fifteenth 
and the beginning of the sixteenth century ; a period 
when the convulsions, which shook to the ground the 
ancient political fabrics of Europe, roused the minds 
of its inhabitants from the lethargy in which they had 
been buried for ages. Spain, as we have seen, felt the 
general impulse. Under the glorious rule of Ferdinand 
and Isabella, we have beheld her emerging from chaos 
into a new existence, unfolding, under the influence of 
institutions adapted to her genius, energies of which 
she was before unconscious; enlarging her resources 
from all the springs of domestic industry and commer- 
cial enterprise; and insensibly losing the ferocious 
habits of a feudal age, in the refinements of an intel- 
lectual and moral culture. 

In the fulness of time, when her divided powers had 
( 450 ) 



JiEVJEW^ OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



4S» 



been concentrated under one head, and the system of' 
internal economy completed, we have seen her descend 
into the arena with the other nations of Europe, and 
in a very few years achieve the most important acquisi- 
tions of territory, both in that quarter and in Africa ; 
and finally crowning the whole by the discovery and 
occupation of a boundless empire beyond the waters. 
In the progress of the action we may have been too 
much occupied with its details to attend sufficiently to 
the principles which regulated them. But, now that 
we have reached the close, we may be permitted to 
cast a parting glance over the field that we have trav- 
ersed, and briefly survey the principal steps by which 
the Spanish sovereigns, under Divine Providence, led 
their nation up to such a height of prosperity and 
glory. 

Ferdinand and Isabella, on their accession, saw at 
once that the chief source of the distractions of the 
country lay in the overgrown powers and factious spirit 
of the nobility. Their first efforts, therefore, were 
directed to abate these as far as possible. A similar 
movement was going forward in the other European 
monarchies ; but in none was it crowned with so speedy 
and complete success as in Castile, by means of those 
bold and decisive measures which have been detailed 
in an early chapter of this work.' The same policy was 
steadily pursued during the remainder of their reign \ 
less indeed by open assault than by indirect means." 

s Ante, Part I., chapter 6. 

• Among the minor means for diminishing the consequence of the 
nobility may be mentioned the regulation respecting the " privilegios 
rodados ;" instruments formerly requiring to be countersigned by the 



452 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



■ \ 



Among these, one of the most effectual yas the omis- 
sion to summon the privileged orders to cortes, in 
several of the most important sessions of that body. 
This, so far from being a new stretch of prerogative, 
was only an exercise of the anomalous powers already 
familiar to the crown, as elsewhere noticed. ^ Nor does 
it seem to have been viewed as a grievance by the 
other party, who regarded these meetings with the more 
indifference, since their aristocratic immunities ex- 
empted them from the taxation which was generally 
the prominent object of them. But, from whatever 
cause proceeding, by this impolitic acquiescence they 
surrendered, undoubtedly, the most valuable of their 
rights, — one which has enabled the British aristocracy 
to maintain its political consideration unimpaired, 
while that of the Castilian has faded away into an 
empty pageant.* 

Another practice steadily pursued by the sovereigns 
was to raise men of humble station to offices of the 
highest trust ; not, however, like their contemporary, 
Louis the Eleventh, because their station was humble, 
in order to mortify the higher orders, biit because they 

great lords and prelates, but which, from the time of Ferdinand and Isa- 
bella, were submitted for signature only to officers especially appointed 
for the purpose. Salazar de Mendoza, Dignidades, lib. a, cap. la. 

3 Ante, Introd., sect. i. 

4 A pertinent example of this policy of the sovereigns occurred in 
the cortes of Madrigal, 1476 ; where, notwithstanding the important 
subjects of legislation , none but the third estate were present. ( Pulgar, 
Reyes Cat61icos, p. 94.) An equally apposite illustration is afforded 
by the care to summon the great vassals to the cortes of Toledo, in 
1480, when matter: nearly touching them, as the revocation of their 
honors and estates, were under discussion, but not till then. Ibid., 
p. 165. 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



453 



courted merit wherever it was to be found ;' — ^a policy 
much and deservedly commended by the sagacious 
observers of the time.* The history of Spain does not 
probably afford another example of a person of the 
lowly condition of Ximenes attaining, not merely the 
highest offices in the kingdom, but eventually its un- 
controlled supremacy.' The multiplication of legal 
tribunals and other civil offices afforded the sovereigns 
ample scope for pursuing this policy, in the demand 
created for professional science. The nobles, intrusted 
hitherto with the chief direction of affairs, now saw it 
pass into the hands of persons who had other qualifica- 
tions than martial prowess or hereditary rank. Such 
as courted distinction were compelled to seek it by 
the regular avenues of academic discipline. How ex- 
tensively the spirit operated, and with what brilliant 
success, we have already seen.* But, whatever the 



5 The same principle made them equally vigilant in maintaining the 
purity of those in office. Oviedo mentions that in 1497 they re- 
moved a number of jurisf,, on the charge of bribery and other mal- 
versation, from their seats in the royal council. Quincuagenas, MS., 
dial, de Grizio. 

* See a letter of the council to Charles V., commending the course 
adopted by his grandparents in their promotions to office, apud Car- 
bajal, Anales. MS., afio 1517, cap. 4. 

7 Yet strange instances of promotion are not wanting in Spanish 
history : witness the adventurer Ripperda, in Philip V.'s time, and the 
Prince of the Peace, in our own ; men who, owing their success less 
to their own powers than the imbecility of others, could lay no claim 
to the bold and independent sway exercised by Ximenes. 

* Ante, Part I. chapter 19. — " No os parece d vos," says Oviedo, in 
one of his Dialogues, " que es mejor ganado eso, que les dil su principe 
por sus servicios. e lo que Ilevan justamente de sus oficios, que lo 
que se adquiere robando capas agenas, e matando € vertiendo sangrc 
de Cribtianos?" (Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, quinc. 3, dial. 9.) The 



454 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



aristocracy may have gained in refinement of character, 
it resigned much of its prescriptive power when it con- 
descended to enter the arena on terms of equal cQmpe- 
tition with its inferiors for the prizes of talent and 
scholarship. 

Ferdinand pursued a similar course in his own do- 
minions of Aragon, where he uniformly supported the 
commons, or may more properly be said to have been 
supported by them, in the attempt to circumscribe the 
authority of the great feudatories. Although he accom- 
plished this, to a considerable extent, their power was 
too firmly intrenched behind positive institutions to be 
affected like that of the Castilian aristocracy, whose 
rights had been swelled beyond their legitimate limits 
by every species of usurpation.' 

With all the privileges retrieved from this order, it 
still possessed a disproportionate weight in the political 
balance. The great lords still claimed some of the 
most considerable posts, both civil and military." 

sentiment would have been too enlightened for a Spanish cavalier of 
the fifteenth century. 

9 In the cortes of Calatayud, in 1515, the Aragonese nobles withheld 
the supplies, with the design of compelling the crown to relinquish 
certain rights of jurisdiction which it assumed over their vassals. 
" Les parecio," said the archbishop of Saragossa, in a speech on the 
occasion, " que auian perdido mucho, en que el ceptro real cobrasse 
lo suyo, por su industria. . . . £sto los otros estados del reyno lo 
atribuyeron d gran virtud : y lo estimauan por beneficio inmortal." 
(Zurita, Anales, torn. vi. lib. 10, cap. 93.) The other estates, in fact, 
saw their interests too clearly, not to concur with the crown in this 
assertion of its ancient prerogative. Blancas, Modo de proceder, fol. 100. 

w Such, for example, were those of great chancellor, of admiral, 
and of constable of Castile. The first of these ancient offices was 
permanently united by Isabella with that of archbishop of Toledo. 
The office of admiral became hereditary, after Henry III., m the 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



455 



Their revenues were immense, and their broad lands 
covered unbroken leagues of extent in every quarter of 
the kingdom." The queen, who reared many of their 

noble family of Enriquez, and that of constable in the house of 
Velasco. Although of great authority and importance in their origin, 
and, indeed, in the time of the Catholic sovereigns, these posts gradu- 
ally, after becoming hereditary, declined into mere titular dignities. 
Salazar de Mendoza, Dignidades, lib. 2, cap. 8, lo ; lib. 3, cap. 31. — 
L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 24. 

" The duke of Infantado, head of the ancient house of Mendoza, 
whose estates lay in Castile, and, indeed, in most of the provinces of 
the kingdom, is described by Navagiero as living in great magnificence. 
He maintained a body-guard of 200 foot, besides men-at-arms, and 
could muster more than 30,000 vassals, (Viaggio, fol. 6, 33.) Oviedo 
makes the same statement. (Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, quinc. i, 
dial. 8.) Lucio Marineo, among other things in his curious farrago, 
has given an estimate of the rents, " poco mas 6 menos," of the great 
nobility of Castile and Aragon, whose whole amount he computes at 
one-third of those of the whole kingdom. I will select a few of the 
names familiar to us in the present narrative : 

Enriquez, admiral of Castile, 50,000 ducats income, equal to |l440,ooo. 

Velasco, constable of Castile, 60,000 ducats income, estates in Old Castile. 

Toledo, duke of Alva, 50,000 ducats income, estates in Castile and Navarre. 

Mendoza, duke of Infantado, 50,000 ducats income, estates in Castile and other 
provinces. 

Guzman, duke of Medina Sidonia, 55,000 ducats income, estates in Andalusia. 

Cerda, duke of Medina Celi, 30,000 ducats income, estates in Castile and Anda- 
lusia. 

Ponce de Leon, duke of Arcos, 35,000 ducats income, estates in Andalusia. 

Paclieco, duke of Escalona (marquis of Villena), 60,000 ducats income, estates 
in Castile. 

Cordova, duke of Sessa, 60,000 ducats income, estates in Naples and Andalusia. 

Aguilar, marquis of Priego, 40,000 ducats income, estates in Andalusia and 
Estremadura. 

Mendoza, count of Tendilla, 15,000 ducats income, estates in Castile. 

Pimentel, count of Benavente, 60,000 ducats income, estates in Castile. 

Giroii, count of Urefia, ao.ooo ducats income, estates in Andalusia. 

Silva, count of Cifuentes, 10,000 ducats income, estates in Andalusia. 

(Cosas memorables, fol. 24, 25.) The estimate is confirmed, with 
some slight discrepancies, by Navagiero, Viaggio, fol. 18, 33, et alibi. 
See also Salazar de Mendoza, Dignidades, discurso 2. 



456 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



children in the royal palace, under her own eye, en- 
deavored to draw her potent vassals to the court ;" but 
many, still cherishing the ancient spirit of independ- 
ence, preferred to live in feudal grandeur, surrounded 
by their retainers in their strong castles, and wait 
there, in grim repose, the hour when they might sally 
forth and reassert by arms their despoiled authority. 
Such a season occurred on Isabella's death. The 
warlike nobles eagerly seized it ; but the wily and 
resolute Ferdinand, and afterwards the iron hand of 
Xiinenes, kept them in check, and prepared the way 
for the despotism of Charles the Fifth, round whom 
the haughty aristocracy of Castile, shorn of substan- 
tial power, were content to revolve as the satellites of 
a court, reflecting only the borrowed splendors of 
royalty. 

The queen's government was equally vigilant in 
resisting ecclesiastical encroachment. It may appear 
otherwise to one who casts a superficial glance at her 
reign, and beholds her surrounded always by a troop 
of ghostly advisers, and avowing religion as the great 
end of her principal operations at home and abroad. '' 
It is certain, however, that, while in all her acts she con- 
fessed the influence of religion, she took more effectual 
means than any of her predecessors to circumscribe 



M " En casa de aquellos Principes estaban las hijas de los principales 
sefiores k cavalleros por damas de la Reyna 6 de las Infantas sus hijas, 
y en la corte andaban todos los mayorazgos y hijos de grandes h los 
mas heredados de sus reynos." Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, 
quinc. 4, dial. 44. 

«3 " Como quier que oia el parecer de personas religiosas k de los 
otros letrados que cerca della eran, pero la mayor parte seguia las 
cosas por su arbitrio." Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, part, i, cap. 4. 



HE VIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



457 



the temporal powers of the clergy.** The volume of 
her pragmdticas is filled with laws designed to limit 
their jurisdiction and restrain their encroachments on 
the secular authorities. 's Towards the Roman See, 
she maintained, as we have often had occasion to 
notice, the same independent attitude. By the cele- 
brated concordat made with Sixtus the Fourth, in 1482, 
the pope conceded to the sovereigns the right of nom- 
inating to the higher dignities of the church.'* The 
Holy See, however, still assumed the collation to infe- 
rior benefices, which were too often lavished on non- 



M Lucio Marineo has collected many paiticulars respecting the gfreat 
wealth of the Spanish clergy in his time. There were four metro- 
politan sees in Castile : 

Toledo, income 80,000 ducats. 
St. James, " 34,000 *' 
Seville, " 20,000 " 

Granada, " 10,000 " 

There were twenty-nine bishoprics, whose aggregate revenues, very 
unequally apportioned, amounted to 251,000 ducats. The church liv- 
ings in Aragon were much fewer and lea: er than in Castile. (Cosas 
memorables, fol. 23.) The Venetian Navagiero speaks of the me- 
tropolitan church of Toledo as " the wealthiest in Christendom ;" its 
canons lived in stately palaces, and its revenues, with those of the 
archbishopric, equalled those of the whole city of Toledo. (Viaggio, 
fol. 9.) He notices also the great opulence of the churches of Seville, 
Guadalupe, etc., fol. 11, 13. 

»5 See Pragmdticas del Reyno, fol. 11, 140, 141, 171, et loc. al. — 
From one of these ordinances, it appears the clergy were not back- 
ward in remonstrating against what they deemed an infringement of 
their rights. (Fol. 172.) The queen, however, while she guarded 
against their usurpations, interfered more than once, with her usual 
sense of justice, on their application, to shield them from the encroach- 
ments of the civil tribunals. Riol, Informe, apud Semanario erudito, 
torn. iii. pp. 98, 99. 

«• See Part I. chapter 6, of this History. 

U 



Bl 



i 



458 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



i 



residents and otherwise unsuitable persons. The queen 
sometimes extorted a papal indulgence granting the 
right of presentation for a limited time; on which 
occasions she showed such alacrity that she is known 
to have disposed in a single day of more than twenty 
prebends and inferior dignities. At other times, when 
the nomination made by his Holiness, as not unfre- 
quently happened, was distasteful to her, she would 
take care to defeat it, by forbidding the bull to be 
published until laid before the privy council ; at the 
same time sequestrating the revenues of the vacant 
benefice, till her own requisitions were complied with.'' 
She .was equally solicitous in watching over the 
morals of the clergy, inculcating on the higher prelates 
to hold frequent pastoral communication with their 
suffragans, and to report to her such as were delin- 
quent.'* By these vigilant measures she succeeded in 
restoring the ancient discipline of the church, and 
weeding out the sensuality and indolence which had 
so long defiled it; while she had the inexpressible 
satisfaction to see the principal places, long before 
her death, occupied by prelates whose learning and 
religious principle gave the best assurance of the sta- 
bility of the reformation.'' Few of the Castilian mon- 

*7 See examples of this, in Riol, Informe, apud Semanario erudito, 
torn. iii. pp. 95-102. — Pragmdticas del Reyno, fol. 14. 

'* Riol, Informe, apud Semanario erudito, torn. iii. p. 94. — L. Ma- 
rineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 182. 

»9 Oviedo bears emphatic testimony to this : " En nuestros tiempos 
hd habido ea Espaiia de nuestra Nacion grandes varones Letrados, 
excelentes Perlados y Religiosos y personas que por sus habilidades y 
sciencias hdn subido d las mas altas dignidades de Capelos i de Arzo- 
bispados y todo lo que mas se puede alcanzar, en la Iglesia de Dios.' 
Quincuagenas. MS., dial, de Talavera. — Col. de Cedulas, tom. i. p. 44a 



HE VIE IV OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



459 



archs have been brought more frequently into collision, 
or pursued a bolder policy, with the court of Rome. 
Still fewer have extorted from it such important graces 
and concessions; a circumstance which can only be 
imputed, says a Castilian writer, "to singular good 
fortune and consummate prudence;"* to that deep 
conviction of the queen's integrity, we may also add, 
which disarmed resistance, even in her enemies." 

The condition of the commons under this reign was 
probably, on the whole, more prosperous than in any 

*• " Lo que debe admirar es, que en el tiempo mismo que se conten- 
dia con tanto ardor, obtuvieron los Reyes de la santa Sede mas gracias 
y privilegios que ninguno de sus sucesores ; prueba de su felicidad, 
y de su pnidentisima conducta.'' Riol, Informe, apud Semanario 
erudito, torn. iii. p. 95. 

"' Since the publication of the earlier editions of this work, I have 
met with an instance of Ferdinand's spirit in the assertion of his eccl-- 
siastical rights quite equal to any displayed by his illustrious consort, 
and too remarlcable to be passed over in silence. It was on occasion 
of an infringement of what he deemed the immunities of his crown at 
Naples, It occurred in 1508 ; and in a letter dated from Burgos, May 
22d of that year, he reproves, in no measured terms, his viceroy, the 
count of Rivargoza, for allowing the publication of the papal bull 
which had been the cause of offence. He asks why he did not cause 
the apostolical envoy — curso apostolico — to be seized and hanged on 
the spot I He orders him to recall the mission which had been de- 
spatched to Rome, and declares that if the offensive bull is not at once 
revoked he will withdraw the obedience of the crowns of Castile and 
Aragon from the Holy See! "Y estamos muy determinados si su 
Santidad no rcvoca luego el Breve y los autos por virtud del fechos, de 
le guitar la obedUncia de todos los Reynos de las Coronas de Castilla y 
Aragon y de facer otras provisiones convenientes k caso tan grave y de 
tanta importancia." It is curious to see how the commentators of a 
later date endeavor to reconcile this bold bearing of the Catholic king 
with his loyalty as a true son of the church. A copy of the original 
document in the royal archives of Naples may be found in the Obras 
I'n^ditas de Quevedo, Madrid, 1794, tom. xi. p. 3. 






■•M 



46o 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA, 



Other period of Spanish history. New avenues to 
wealth and honors were opened to them ; and persons 
and property were alike protected under the fearless 
and impartial administration of the law. "Such was 
the justice dispensed to every one under this auspicious 
reign," exclaims Marineo, "that nobles and cavaliers, 
citizens and laborers, rich and poor, masters and 
servants, all equally partook of it."=' We find no 
complaints of arbitrary imprisonment, and no attempts, 
so frequent both in earlier and later times, at illegal 
taxation. In this particular, indeed, Isabella mani- 
fested the greatest tenderness for her people. By her 
commutation of the capricious tax of the alcavala for 
a determinate one, and still more by transferring its 
collection from the revenue officers to the citizens 
themselves, she greatly relieved her subjects.'^ 

Finally, notwithstanding the perpetual call for troops 

93 " Porque la igualidad de la justicia que los bienauenturados 
Prinoipes hazian era tal, que todos los hombres de qualquier condicion 
que fuessen : aora nobles, y caualleros : aora plebeyos, y labradores, y 
ricos, o pobres, flacos, o fuertes, se&ores, o sieruos en lo que a la justicia 
tocaua todos fuessen iguales." Cosas memorables, fol. i8o. 

"S These beneficial changes were made with the advice and through 
the agency of Ximenes. (Gomez, De Rebus gestis, fol. 24. — Quin- 
tanilla, Archetypo, p. 181.) The alcavala, a tax of one-tenth on all 
transfers of property, produced more than any other branch of the 
revenue. As it was originally designed, more than a century before, 
to furnish funds for the Moorish war, Isabella, as we have seen in 
her testament, entertained great scruples as to the right to continue 
it, without the confirmation of the people, after that was terminated. 
Ximenes recommended its abolition, without any qualification, to 
Charles V., but in vain. (lidem auct., ubi supra.) Whatever be 
thought of its legality, there can be no doubt it was one of the most 
successful means ever devised by a government for shackling the 
industry and enterprise of its subjects. 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



461 



i^ 



for the military operations in which the government 
was constantly engaged, and notwithstanding the ex- 
ample of neighboring countries, there was no attempt 
to establish that iron bulwark of despotism, a standing 
army; at least, none nearer than that of the voluntary 
levies of the hermandad, raised and paid by the people. 
The queen never admitted the arbitrary maxims of 
Ximenes in regard to the foundation of government. 
Hers was essentially one of opinion, not force."* Had 
it rested on any other than the broad basis of public 
opinion, it could not have withstood a day the violent 
shocks to which it was early exposed, nor have achieved 
the important revolution that it finally did, both in the 
domestic and foreign concerns of the country. 

The condition of the kingdom, on Isabella's acces- 
sion, necessarily gave the commons unwonted consid- 
eration. In the tottering state of her affairs, she was 
obliged to rest on their strong arm for support. It 
did not fail her. Three sessions of the legislature, or 
rather the popular branch of it, were held during the 
two first years of her reign. It was in these early 
assemblies that the commons bore an active part in 

34 A pragmatic was issued, September i8th, 1495, prescribing the 
weapons and the seasons for a regular training of the militia. The 
preamble declares that it was made at the instance of the representa- 
tives of the cities and the nobles, who complained that, in conse- 
quence of the tranquillity which the kingdom, tlirough the divine 
mercy, had for some years enjoyed, the people were very generally 
unprovided with arms, offensive or defensive, having sold or suifered 
them to fall into decay, insomuch that, in their present condition, they 
would be found wholly unprepared to meet either domestic disturbance 
or foreign invasion. (Pragmaticas del Reyno, fol. 83.) What a tribute 
does this afford, in that age of violence, to the mild, paternal character 
of the administration I 



46a 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA, 



concocting the wholesome system of laws which re- 
stored vitality and vigor to the exhausted republic.'* 

After this good work was achieved, the sessions of 
that body became more rare. There was less occasion 
for them, indeed, during the existence of the herman- 
dad, which was of itself an ample representation of the 
Castilian commons, and which, by enforcing obedi- 
ence to the law at home, and by liberal supplies for 
foreign war, superseded in a great degree the call for 
more regular meetings of cortes."* The habitual econ- 
omy, too, not to say frugality, which regulated the 
public as well as private expenditure of the sovereigns, 
enabled them, after this period, with occasional excep- 
tions, to dispense with other aid than that drawn from 
the regular revenues of the crown. 

There is every ground for believing that the political 
franchises of the people, as then understood, were uni- 
formly respected. The number of cities summoned 
to cortes, which had so often varied according to the 
caprice of princes, never fell short of that prescribed 
by long usage. On the contrary, an addition was 
made by the conquest of Granada; and in a cortes 
held soon after the queen's death we find a most nar- 
row and impolitic remonstrance of the legislature itself 



"S The most important were those of Madrigal, in 1476, and of 
Toledo, in 1480, to which I have often had occasion to refer. " Las 
mas notables," say Asso and Manuel, in reference to the latter. " y 
£unosas de este Reynado, en el qual podemos asegurar, que tuvo 
principio el mayor aumento, y arreglo de nuestra Jurisprudencia." 
(Instituciones, Introd., p. 91.) Marina notices this cortes with equal 
panegyric. (Teorfa, torn. i. p. 75.) See also Sempere, Hist, des Cort&s, 

p. 197. 
* See Part I. chapters 10, ii, et .ilibi. 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



463 



against the alleged unauthorized extension of the privi- 
lege of representation.'' 

In one remarkable particular, which may be thought 
to form a material exception to the last observations, 
the conduct of the crown deserves to be noticed. This 
was, the promulgation oi pragmdticaSj or royal ordi- 
nances, and that to a greater extent, probably, than 
under any other reign, before or since. This impor- 
tant prerogative was claimed and exercised, more or 
less freely, by most European sovereigns in ancient 
times. Nothing could be more natural than that the 
prince should assume such authority, or that the peo- 
ple, blind to the ultimate consequences, and impatient 
of long or frequent sessions of the legislature, should 
acquiesce in the temperate use of it. As far as these 
ordinances were of an executive character, or designed 
as supplementary to parliamentary enactments, or in 
obedience to previous suggestions of cortes, they ap- 
pear to lie open to no constitutional objections in 
Castile."^ But it was not likely that limits somewhat 



■■•■■. 



»7 At Valladolid, in 1506. The number of cities having right of 
representation, " que acostumbran continoamente embiar procuradores 
d cortes," according to Pulgar, was seventeen. (Reyes Catolicos, cap. 
95.) This was before Granada was added. Martyr, writing some 
years after that event, enumerates only sixteen as enjoying the privilege. 
(Opus Epist., epist. 460.) Pulgar's estimate, however, is corroborated 
by the petition of the cortes of Valladolid, which, with more than usual 
effrontery, would limit the representation to eighteen cities, as pre- 
scribed "por algunas leyes 6 inmemorial uso." Marina, Teoria, torn, 
i. p. 161. 

"8 Many of these pragm&ticas purport, in their preambles, to be 
made at the demand of cortes ; many more at the petition of corpora- 
tions or individuals ; and many from the good pleasure of the sover- 
eigns, bound to " remedy all grievances and provide for the exigencies 



m 



464 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



y 



loosely defined would be very nicely observed ; and 
under preceding reigns this brancii of prerogative had 
been most intolerably abused. "• 

A large proportion of these laws are of an econom- 
ical character, designed to foster trade and manufac- 
tures and to secure fairness in commercial dealings. ^'^ 
Many are directed against the growing spirit of luxury, 
and many more occupied with the organization of 
the public tribunals. Whatever be thought of their 
wisdom in some cases, it will not be easy to detect any 

of the state." These ordinances very frequently are stated to have 
been made with the advice of the royal council. They were proclaimed 
in the public squares of the city in which they were executed, and 
afterwards in those of the princip.il towns in the kingdom. The doctors 
Asso and Munuel divide pragm&ticas into two classes ; those made at 
the instance of cortes, and those emanating from the " sovereign, as 
supreme legislator of the kingdom, moved by his anxiety for the com- 
mon weal." " Muchas de este g^nero," they add, " contiene el libro 
raro intitulado Pragm&ticas del Reyno, que se imprimi6 la primera 
vez en Alcald en 1528." (Instituciones, Introd., p. no.) This is an 
error ; — see note 44, infra. 

39 " Por la presente premdtica-sencion," said John II., in one of his 
ordinances, " lo cual todo € cada cosa dello 6 parte dello quiero 6 
mando 6 ordeno que se guarde i cumpla daqui adelante para siempre 
jamds en todas las cibdades 6 villas e logares non embargante cuales- 
quier leyes i fueros i derechos i ordenamientos, constituciones 6 
posesiones 6 premdticas-senciones, 6 usos e costumbres, ca en cuanto d 
esto ataRe yo los abrogo 6 derogo." (Marina, Teoria, torn. ii. p. 316.) 
This was the very essence of despotism ; and John found it expedient 
to retract these expressions on the subsequent remonstrance of cortes. 

30 Indeed, it is worthy of remark, as evincing the progress of civiliza- 
tion under this reign, that most of the criminal legislation is to be 
referred to its commencement, while the laws of the subsequent period 
chiefly concern the new relations which grow out of an increased 
domestic industry. It is in the " Ordenan9as reales," and " Leyes de 
la Hermandad," both published by 1485, that we must look for the 
measures against violence and rapine. 



JtEVIElV OF THEIR ADMINISTKATION. 465 

attempt to innovate on the settled principles of crim- 
inal jurisprudence or on those regulating the transfer 
of property. When these were to be discussed, the 
sovereigns were careful to call in the aid of the legis- 
lature ; an example which found little favor with their 
successors. >* It is good evidence of the public con- 
fidence in the government, and the generally beneficial 
scope of these laws, that, although of such unprece- 
dented frequency, they should have escaped parlia- 
mentary an imad version. *• But, however patriotic the 
intentions of the Catholic sovereigns, and however 
safe, or even salutary, the power intrusted to such 
hands, it was a fatal precedent, and under the Austrian 

3* Thus, for example, the important criminal laws of the Hermandad, 
and the civil code called the " Laws of Toro," were made under the 
express sanction of the commons. (Leyes de la Hermandad, fol. i. — 
Quademo de las Leyes y nuevas Decisiones hechas y ordenadas en la 
Ciudad de Toro (Medina del Campo, 1555), fol. 49.) Nearly all, if not 
all, the acts of the Catholic sovereigns introduced into the famous code 
of the " Ordenan9as reales" were passed in the cortes of Madrigal, in 
X476, or Toledo, in 1480. 

3a It should be stated* however, that the cortes of Valladolid, in 
1506, two years after the queen's death, enjoined Philip and Joanna 
to make no laws without the consent of cortes ; remonstrating, at the 
same time, against the existence of many royal pragm&ticas, as an 
evil to be redressed. " Y por esto se estableci6 lei que no hiciesen ni 
renovasen leyes sino en cortes. . . . Y porque fuera de esta 6rden se 
han hecho muchas premdticas de que cstos vuestros reynos se tienen 
por agraviados, manden que aquellas se revean y provean y remedien 
los agravios que las tales premdticas tienen." (Marina, Teorfa, torn, 
ii. p. 218.) Whether this is to be understood of the ordinances of the 
reigning sovereigns, or their predecessors, may be doubted. It is 
certain that the nation, however it may have acquiesced in the exer- 
cise of this power by the late queen, would not have been content 
to resign it to such incompetent hands as those of Philip and tils crazy 
wife. 

Vol. III.— 30 v* 



466 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



dynasty became the most effectual lever for overturning 
the liberties of the nation. 

. The preceding remarks on the policy observed 
towards the commons in this reign must be further 
understood as applying with far less qualification to 
the queen than to her husband. The latter, owing 
perhaps to the lessons which he had derived from his 
own subjects of Aragon, "w^ho never abated one jot 
of their constitutional rights," says Martyr, **at the 
command of a king,"33 and whose meetings generally 
brought fewer supplies to the royal coffers than griev- 
ances to redress, seems to have had little relish for 
popular assemblies. He convened them as rarely as 
possible in Aragon,^* and, when he did, omitted no 
effort to influence their deliberations.^s He antici- 



33 " Liberi patriis legibus, nil imperio Regis gubemantur." Opus 
Epist., epist. 438. 

3* Capmany, however, understates the number, when he limits it ;o 
four sessions only during this whole reign. Prdctica y Estilo, p. 62. 

3S See Part II., chapter 12, note 8, of this History, — " Si quis aliquid," 
says Martyr, speaking of a cortes general hdd at Monzon, by Queen 
Germaine, "sibi contra jus illatum putat, aut a regia coronS, quaequam 
deberi existimat, nunquam dissolvuntur conventus, donee conquerenti 
satisfiat, neque Regibus parere in exigendis pecuniis, solent aliter. 
Regina quotidie scribit, se vexari eorum petitionibus, nee exsolvere se 
quire, quod se maxime optare ostendit. Rex imminentis necessitatis 
bellicae vim proponit, ut in aliud tempus querelas differant, per literas, 
per nuntios, per ministros, conventum prcesidentesque hortatur monet- 
que, et summissis fere verbis rogare videtur." 1512. (Opus Epi-^t., 
epist. 493.) Blancas notices the astuteness of Ferdinand, who, instead 
of money granted by the Aragonese with difficulty and reservations, 
usually applied for troops at once, which were furnished and paid by 
the state. (Modo de proceder, fol. 100, loi.) Zurita tells us thil 
both the king and queen were averse to meetings of cortes in Castile 
oftener than .ibsolutely necessary, and Loth took care, on such oo- 



RE VIE IV OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



467 



pated, perhaps, similar difficulties in Castile, after his 
second marriage had lost him the affections of the 
people. At any rate, he evaded calling them together 
on more than one occasion imperiously demanded by 
the constitution ;3* and, when he did so, he invaded 
their privileges,'' and announced principles of govern- 
ment '" which t'irmed a discreditable, and, it must be 
admitted, rare exception to the usual tenor of his ad- 
ministration. Indeed, the most honorable testimony 

casions, to have their own agents near the deputies, to influence their 
proceedings. " Todas las vezes que en lo passado el Rey, y la Reyna 
dona Isabel llamauan A cortes en Castilla, temian de las Ilamar: y 
despues de Uamados, y ayuntados los procuradores, ponian tales per- 
sonas de sn parte, que continuamente se juntassen con ellos; per 
escusar lo que podria resultar de aquellos ayuntamientos: y tambien 
por darles A entender, que no tenian tanto poder, quanto ellos se ima- 
ginauan." (Anales, torn. vi. fol. 96.) This course is as repugnant to 
Isabella's character as it is in keeping with her husband's. Under 
their joint administration, it is not always easy to discriminate the part 
which belongs to each. Their respective characters, and political 
conduct in affairs where they were separately concerned, furnish us 
a pretty safe clue to our judgment in others. 

36 As, for example, both when he resigned and resumed the regency. 
See Part II,, chapters 17, 20. 

37 In the first cortes after Isabella's death, at Toro, in 1505, Ferdi- 
nand introduced the practice, which has since obtained, of administering 
an oath of secrecy to the deputies, as to the proceedings of the session ; 
a serious wound to popular representation. (Marina, Teoria, torn. i. 
p. 273.) Capmany (Prdctica y Estilo, p. 232) errs in describing this 
as " un arteficio Maquiav^lico inventado por la politica Alemana." 
The German Machiavelism has quite sins enough in this way to 
answer for. 

38 The introductory law to the " Leyes de Toro" holds this strange 
language: " Y porque al rey pertenesce y ha poder de hazer fueros 
y leyes, y de las interpretar y emendar donde vieren que cumple," etc. 
(Leyes de Toro, fol. 2.) What could John II., or any despot of the 
Austrian line, claim more ? 



468 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



is borne to its general equity and patriotism by a cortes 
convened soon after the queen's death, when the tribute, 
as far as she was concerned, still more unequivocally, 
must have been sincere.^' A similar testimony is af- 
forded by the panegyrics and the practice of the more 
liberal Castilian writers, who freely resort to this reign 
as the great fountain of constitutional precedent. ♦• 

The commons gained political consideration, no 
doubt, by the depression of the nobles; but their 
chief gain lay in the inestimable blessings of domestic 
tranquillity and the security of private rights. The 
crown absorbed the power, in whatever form, retrieved 
from the privileged orders; the pensions and large 
domains, the numerous fortified places, the rights of 
seigniorial jurisdiction, the command of the military 
orders, and the like. Other circumstances conspired 
to raise the regal authority still higher; as, for ex- 
ample, the international relations then opened with 
the rest of Europe, which, whether friendly or hostile, 
were conducted by the monarch alone, who, unless to 
obtain supplies, rarely condescended to seek the inter- 
vention of the other estates ; the concentration of the 
dismembered provinces of the Peninsula under one 
government ; the immense acquisitions abroad, whether 
from discovery or conquest, regarded in that day as 
the property of the crown, rather than of the nation ; 

39 See the address of the cortes, in Marina, Teoria, torn. i. p. 282. 

40 Among the writers repeatedly cited by me, it is enough to point 
out the citizen Marina, who has derived more illustrations of his liberal 
theory of the constitution from the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella 
than from any other, and who loses no opportunity of panegyric on 
their " paternal government," and of contrasting it with the tyrannical 
policy of later times. 



RF.VIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



469 



and, finally, the consideration flowing from the per- 
sonal character and long successful rule of the Catholic 
sovereigns. Such were the manifold causes which, 
without the imputation of a criminal ambition, or in- 
difference to the rights of their subjects, in Ferdinand 
and Isabella, all combined to swell the prerogative to 
an unprecedented height under their reign. 

This, indeed, was the direction in which all the 
governments of Europe, at this period, were tending. 
The people, wisely preferring a single master to a mul- 
titude, sustained the crown in its efforts to recover 
from the aristocracy the enormous powers it so grossly 
abused. This was the revolution of the fifteenth and 
sixteenth centuries. The power thus deposited in a 
single hand was found in time equally incompatible 
with the great ends of civil government; while it 
gradually accumulated to an extent which threatened 
to crush the monarchy by its own weight. But the 
institutions derived from a Teutonic origin have been 
found to possess a conservative principle, unknown to 
the fragile despotisms of the East. The seeds of lib- 
erty, though dormant, lay deep in the heart of the 
nation, waiting only the good time to germinate. That 
time has at length arrived. Larger experience and a 
wider moral culture have taught men not only the 
extent of their political rights, but the best way to 
secure them. And it is the reassertion of these by the 
great body of the people which now constitutes the 
revolution going forward in most of the old communi- 
ties of Europe. The progress of liberal principles must 
be controlled, of course, by the peculiar circumstances 
and character of the nation ; but their ultimate triumph, 



47© 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



in every quarter, none can reasonably distrust. May it 
not be abused ! 

The prosperity of the country under Ferdinand and 
Isabella, its growing trade and new internal relations, 
demanded new regulations, which, as before noticed, 
were attempted to be supplied by the pragmdticas. 
This was adding, however, to the embarrassments of a 
jurisprudence already far too cumbrous. The Castilian 
lawyer might despair of a critical acquaintance with 
the voluminous mass of legislation which, in the form 
of municipal charters, Roman codes, parliamentary 
statutes, and royal ordinances, were received as author- 
ity in the courts.*' The manifold evils resulting from 
this unsettled and conflicting jurisprudence had led 
the legislature repeatedly to urge its digest into a more 
simple and uniform system. Some approach was made 
towards this in the code of the *' Ordenangas Reales," 
compiled in the early part of the queen's reign. ♦• The 
great body of Pragmdticas, subsequently issued, were 
also collected into a separate volume by her command,*^ 

41 Marina enumerates no less than nine separate codes of civil and 
municipal law in Castile, by which the legal decisions were to be 
regulated, in Ferdinand and Isabella's time. Ensayo hist6rico-critico 
sobre la antigua Legislacion de Castilla (Madrid, 1808), pp. 383-386. 
Asso y Manuel, Institutiones, Introd. 

*» See Part I., chapter 6, of this History. 

43 " A collection," says Senor Clemencin, " of the last importance, 
and indispensable to a right understanding of the spirit of Isabella's 
government, but, nevertheless, little known to Castilian writers, not 
excepting the most learned of them." (Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., 
torn. vi. Ilust. 9.) No edition <■{ the Pragmliticas has appeared since 
the pubhcation of Philip II. 's " Nueva Recopilacion," in 1567, in which 
a large portion of them are embodied. The remainder having no 
further authority, the work has gradually fallen into oblivion. But, 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



471 



and printed the year before her death.** These two 
codes may therefore be regarded as embracing the 
ordinary legislation of her reign. 

In 1505 the celebrated little code, called "Leyes de 
Toro," from the place where the cortes was held, 
received thr sanction of that body.*' Its laws, eighty- 
four in number, and designed as supplementary to 
those already existing, are chiefly occupied with the 
rights of inheritance and marriage. ' It is here that 
the ominous term "mayorazgo" may be said to have 
been naturalized in Castilian jurisprudence.** The 

whatever be the cause, the fact is not very creditable to professional 
science in Spain. 

44 The earliest edition was at Alcald de Henares, printed by Lanza- 
lao Polono, in 1503, It was revised and prepared for the press by 
Johan Ramirez, secretary of the royal council, from whom the work 
is often called " Pragmdticas de Ramirez." It passed through several 
editions by 1550. Clemencin (ubi supra) enumerates five ; but his 
list is incomplete, as the one in my possession, probably the second, has 
escaped his notice. It is a fine old folio, in black letter, containing in 
addition some ordinances of Joanna, and the " Laws of Toro," in 193 
folios. On the last is this notice by the printer : " Fue ympressa la 
presente obra en la muy noble y muy leal cibdad de Seuilla, por Juan 
Varela ympressor de libros. Acabose a dos dias del mes de otubre 
de mill y veynte aiios." The first leaf after the table of contents ex- 
hibits the motives of its publication : " E porque como algunas de 
ellas (pragmdticas sanciones 6 cartas) ha mucho tiempo que se dieron, 
^ otras se hicieron en diversos tiempos, estan derramadas por muchas 
partes, no se saben por todos, 6 aun muchas de las dichas justicias no 
tienen complida noticia de todas ellas, paresciendo ser necesario k pro- 
vechoso ; mandamos d los del nuestro consejo que las hiciesen juntar 
€ corregir 6 impremir," etc. 

45 " Leyes de Toro," say Asso and Manuel, "veneradas tanto desde 
entonces, que se les dl6 el primer lugar de valimiento sobre todas las 
del Reyno." Instituciones, Introd., p. 95. 

46 See the sensible memorial of Jovellanos, " Informe al Real y Su- 
premo Consejo en el Expediente de Ley agraria." Madrid, 179S.— 






I 



47 a 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



peculiar feature of these laws, aggravated in no slight 
degree by the glosses of the civilians,*' is the facility 
which they give to entails; a fatal facility, which, 
chiming in with the pride and indolence natural to 
the Spanish character, ranks them among the most 
efficient agents of the decay of husbandry and the 
general impoverishment of the country. 

Besides these codes, there were the "Leyes de la 
Hermandad,"*^ the "Quaderno de Alcavalas," with 
others of less note for the regulation of trade, made in 
this reign.** But still the great scheme of a uniform 
digest of the municipal law of Castile, although it occu- 
pied the most distinguished jurisconsults of the time, 
was unattained at the queen's death.»» How deeply it 

There have been several editions of this code since the first of 1505. 
(Marina, Ensayo, No. 450.) I have copies of two editions, in black 
letter, neither of them known to Marina ; one, above noticed, printed 
at Seville, in 1520; and the other at Medina del Campo, in 1555. 
probably the latest. The laws were subsequently incorporated in the 
" Nueva Recopilacion." 

47 " Elsta ley," says Jovellanos, " que los jurisconsultos llaman d boca 
llena injusta y bdrbara, lo es mucho mas por la extension que los prag- 
mdticos le dieron en sus comentarios." (Informe, p. 76, nota.) The 
edition of Medina del Campo, in 1555, is swelled by the commenta- 
ries of Miguel de Cifuentes, till the text, in the language of bibliog- 
raphers, looks like " cymba in oceano." 

48 Ante, Part I. chapter 6. 

49 Leyes del Quaderno nuevo de las Rentas de las Alcavalas y Fran- 
quezas, hecho en la Vega de Granada (Salamanca, 1550) ; a little code 
of 37 folios, containing 147 laws for the regulation of the crown rents. 
It was made in the Vega of Granada, December loth, 1491. Th« 
greater part of these laws, like so many others of this reign, have been 
admitted into the " Nueva Recopilacion." 

so At the head of these, undoubtedly, must be placed Dr. Alfonso Diaz 
de Montalvo, noti :ed more than once In the course of this History. 
He illustrated three successive reigns bv his labors, which he con- 



/REVIEW OF TIIEIK ADMINISTRATION. 



473 



engaged her mind in that hour is evinced by the clause 
in her codicil in which she bequeaths the consummation 
of the work, as an imperative duty, to her successors.** 
It was not completed till the reign of Philip the Second ; 
and the large proportion of Ferdinand and Isabella's 
laws admitted into that famous compilation shows the 
prospective character of their legislation, and the un- 
common discernment with which it was accommodated 
to the peculiar genius and wants of the nation. s» 

The immense increase of empire, and the correspond- 
ing development of the national resources, not only 






I m 



tinued to the close of a long life, and after he had become blind. The 
Catholic sovereigns highly appreciated his services, and settled a pen- 
sion on him of 30,000 maravedis. Besides his celebrated compilation 
of the " Ordenan9as reales," he wrote commentaries on the ancient 
code of the " Fuero real," and on the " Siete Partidas," printed for the 
first time under his own eye, in 1491. (Mendez, Typographia Espa- 
fiola, p. 183.) Marina (Ensayo, p. 405) has bestowed a beautiful 
eulogium on this venerable lawyer, who first gave to light the principal 
.Spanish codes, and introduced a spirit of criticism into the national 
jurisprudence, 

S' This gigantic work was committed, wholly or in part, to Dr. 
Lorenzo Galindez de Carbajal. He labored many years on it, but the 
results of his labors, as elsewhere noticed, have never been communi- 
cated to the public. See Asso y Manuel, Instituciones, pp. 50, 99, — 
Marina, Ensayo, pp. 392, 406, — and Clemencin, whose Ilust. 9 exhibits 
a most clear and satisfactory view of the legal compilations under this 
reign. 

5» Lord Bacon's comment on Henry VH.'s laws might apply with 
equal force to these of Ferdinand and Isabella: " Certainly his times 
for good commonwealth's laws did excel. . . . For his laws, whoso 
marks them well, are deep, and not vulgar; not made upon the spur 
of a particular occasion for the present, but out of providence of the 
future, to make the estate of his people still more rmd more happy ; 
after the manner of the legislators in ancient and hcoical times." Hist. 
of Henry VH., Works (ed. 1819), vol. v. p. 60. 



474 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



\ \ 



demanded new laws, but a thorough reorganization of 
every department of the administration. Laws may be 
received as indicating the disposition of the ruler, 
whether for good or for evil ; but it is in the conduct 
of the tribunals that we are to read the true character 
of his government. It was the upright and vigilant 
administration of these which constituted the best claim 
of Ferdinand and Isabella to the gratitude of their 
country. To facilitate the despatch of business, it was 
distributed among a number of bureaus or councils, at 
the head of which stood the "royal council," whose 
authority and functions I have already noticed." In 
order to leave this body more leisure for its executive 
duties, a new audience, or chancery, as it was called, 
was established at Valladolid, in 1480, whose judges 
were drawn from the members of the king's council. 
A similar tribunal was instituted, after the Moorish con- 
quests, in the southern division of the monarchy ; and 
both had supreme jurisdiction over all civil causes, 
which were carried up to them from the inferior audi- 
ences throughout the kingdom.** 

The "council of the supreme" was placed over the 
Inquisition with a special view to the interests of the 
crown J an end, however, which it very imperfectly 
answered, as appears from its frequent collision with 
the royal and secular jurisdictions. ** The "council 

S3 Ante, Part I., chapter 6. 

5* Pragmdticas del Reyno, fol. 24, 30, 39. — Recop. de las Leyes 
(ed. 1640), torn. i. lib. 2, tit. 5, leyes i, 2, 3, 11, 12, 20 ; tit. 7, ley 1. — 
Ordenan9as reales, lib. 2, tit. 4. — The southern chancery, first opened 
at Ciudad Real, in 1494, was subsequently transferred by the sover- 
eigns to Granada. 

S5 Ante, Part I., chapter 7, note 39. 



HE VIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



475 



of the orders" had charge, as the name imports, of the 
great military fraternities.^* The ** council of Aragon" 
was intrusted with the general administration of that 
kingdom and its dependencies, including Naples, and 
had besides extensive jurisdiction as a court of appeal." 
Lastly, the "council of the Indies" was instituted by 
Ferdinand, in 15 ii, for the control of the American 
department. Its powers, comprehensive as they were 
in its origin, were so much enlarged under Charles the 
Fifth and his successors that it became the depository 
of all law, the fountain of all nominations, both ecclesi- 
astical and temporal, and the supreme tribunal, where 
all questions, whether of government or trade in the 
colonies, were finally adjudicated.* 

S« Ante, Part I., chapter 6, note 34. 

57 Riol, Informe, apud Semanario erudito, torn. iii. p. 149. It con- 
sisted of a vice-chancellor, as president, and six ministers, two from 
each of the three provinces of the crown. It was consulted by the 
king on all appointments and matters of government. The Italian 
department was committed to a separate tribunal, called the council of 
Italy, in 1556. Capmany (Mem. de Barcelona, tom. iv. Apend. 17) 
has explained at length the functions and authority of this institution. 

58 See the nature and broad extent of these powers, in Recop. de las 
Leyes de las Indias, tom. i. lib. 2, tit. 2, leyes i, 2. — Also Solorzano, 
Polftica Indiana, tom. ii. lib. 5, cap. 15 ; who goes no further back 
than the remodelling of this tribunal under Charles V. — Riol, Informe, 
apud Semanario erudito, tom. iii. pp. 159, 160. — The third volume of 
the Semanario erudito, pp. 73-233, contains a report, drawn up by 
command of Philip V., in 1726, by Don Santiago Agustin Riol, on 
the organization and state of the various tribunals, civil and ecclesias- 
tical, under Ferdinand and Isabella; together with an account of the 
papers contained in their archives. It is an able memorial, replete 
with curious information. It is singular that this interesting and au- 
thentic document should have been so little consulted, considering the 
popular character of the collection in which it is preserved. I do not 
recollect ever to have met with a reference to it in any author. It was 



476 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



r 



Such were the forms which the government assumed 
under the hands of Ferdinand and Isabella. The gr^at 
concerns of the empire were brought under the control 
of a few departments, which looked to the crown as 
their common head. The chief stations were occu- 
pied by lawyers, who were alone competent to the 
duties ; and the precincts of the court swarmed with a 
loyal militia, who, as they owed their elevation to its 
patronage, were not likely to interpret the law to the 
disparagement of prerogative.* 

The greater portion of the laws of this reign are 
directed, in some form or other, as might be expected, 
to commerce and domestic industry. Their very large 
mimber, however, implies an extraordinary expansion 
of the national energy and resources, as well as a most 
earnest disposition in the government to foster ihem. 
The wisdom of these efforts, at all times, is not equally 
certain. I will briefly enumerate a few of the most 
characteristic and important provisions. 

By a pragmatic of 1500, all persons, whether natives 
or foreigners, were prohibited from shipping goods in 
foreign bottoms from a port where a Spanish ship could 
be obtained.** Another prohibited the sale of vessels 

by mere accident, in the absence of a general index, that I stumbled 
on it in the mare magnum in which it is ingulfed. 

S9 " Pusieron los Reyes Catdlicos," says the penetrating Mendoza, 
" el govierno de la justicia, 1 cosas publicas en manos de Letrados, 
gente media entre los grandes i pequenos, sin ofensa de los unos ni de 
los otros. Cuya profesion eran letras legales, comedimiento, secreto, 
verdad, vida liana, i sin corrupcion de costumbres." Guerra de 
Granada, p. 15. 

* Granada, September 3d. Pragmdticas del Reyno, fol. 135. — A 
pragmatic of simila'- import was issued by Henry III. Navarrete, 
Coleccion de Viages, torn, i., Introd., p. 46. 



1 i 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



477 



to foreigners.*' Another offered a large premium on 
all vessels of a certain tonnage and upwards j *" and 
others held out protection and various immunities to 
seamen.*' The drift of the first of these laws, like that 
of the famous English navigation act, so many years 
later, was, as the preamble sets forth, to exclude for- 
eigners from the carrying trade; and the others were 
equally designed to build up a marine, for the defence 
as well as commerce of the country. In this, the sov- 
ereigns were favored by their important colonial acqui- 
sitions, the distance of which, moreover, made it 
expedient to employ vessels of greater burden than 
those hitherto used. The language of subsequent laws, 
as well as various circumstances within our knowledge, 
attests the success of these provisions. The number of 
vessels in the merchant service of Spain at the beginning 
of the sixteenth century amounted to a thousand, 
according to Campomanes.** We may infer the flour- 
ishing condition of their commercial marine from their 
military, as shown in the armaments sent at different 
times against the Turks or the Barbary corsairs.'^ The 
convoy which accompanied the infanta Joanna to Flan- 
ders in 1496 consisted of o»e hundred and thirty ves- 
sels, great and small, having a force of more than 

*» Granada, August nth, 1501. Pragmdticas del Reyno, fol. 137. 
*» Alfaro, November loth, 1495. Ibid., fol. 136. 
«3 See a number of these, collected by Navarrete, Coleccion de 
Viages, Introd., pp. 43, 44. 

64 Cited by Robertson, History of America, vol. iii. p. 305. 

65 The fleet fitted out against the Turks, in 1482, consisted of seventy 
sail ; and that under Gonsalvo, in 1500, of sixty, large and small. 
(Ante, Part I., chapter 6; Part II., chapter 10.) Sec other expedi- 
tions, enumerated by Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, lorn. i. p. 50. 



478 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



twenty thousand men on board ; a formidable equip- 
ment, inferior only to that of the far-famed " Invincible 
Armada." ** 

A pragmatic was passed, in 1491, at the petition of 
the inhabitants of the northern provinces, rviniiring 
English and other foreign traders to take their returns 
in the fruits or merchandise of the country, and not in 
gold or silver. This law seems to have been designed 
less to benefit the manufacturer than to preserve the 
precious metals in the country.*^ It was the same in 
purport with other laws prohibiting the exportation of 
these metals, whether in coin or bullion. They were 
not new in Spain, nor indeed peculiar to her.** They 

** Cura de los Palacios, MS., cap. 153 ; who, indeed, estimates the 
complement of this fleet at 25,000 men ; a round number, which must 
certainly include persons of every description. The Invincible Armada 
consisted, according to Dunham, of about 130 vessels, large and small, 
20,000 soldiers, and 8000 seamen. (History of Spain and Portugal, 
vol. V. p. 59.) The estimate falls below th.at of most writers. 

*7 En el real de la vcga de Granada, December 20th. (Pragmdticas 
del Reyno, fol. 133.) " Y les apercibays," enjoins the ordinance, "que 
los marauedis porque los vendieren los han de sacar de nuestros reynos 
en mercadurias : y ni en oro ni en plata ni en moneda amonedada de 
manera que no pueden pretender ygnorancia : y den fian9as lianas y 
abonadas de lo fazer y cumplir assi : y si fallaredes que sacan o lleuan 
oro o plata o moneda contra el tenor y forma de las dichas leyes y desta 
nuestra carta mandamos vos que gelo torneys : y sea perdido conio 
las dichas leyes mandan, y denias cayan y incurran en las penas en las 
leyes de nuestros reynos contenidas contra los que sacan oro o plata o 
moneda fuera dellos sin nuestra licencia y mandado : las quales exe- 
cutad en ellos y en sus fiadores." — See also a law of similar import, 
in the following year, 1492, apud Col. de Cedulas, tom. i. no. 67. 

** Pragmaticas del Reyno, fol. 92, 134. — These laws were as old as 
the fourteenth century in Castile, and had been renewed by every suc- 
ceeding monarch, from the time of John I. (Ordenan9as reales, lib. 
6, tit 9, leyes 17-22.) Similar ones were passed under the contcm- 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



479 



proceeded on the principle that gold and silver, inde- 
pendently of their value as a commercial medium, con- 
stituted, in a i)eculiar sense, the wealth of a country. 
This error, common, as I have said, to other Euroi)ean 
nations, was eminently fatal to Spain, since the produce 
of its native mines before the discovery of America,* 
and of those in that quarter afterwards, formed its 
great staple. As such, these metals should have enjoyed 
every facility for transportation to other countries, 
where their higher value would afford a corresponding 
profit to the exporter. 

The sumptuary laws of Ferdinand and Isabella are 
open, for the most part, to the same objections with 
those just noticed. Such laws, prompted in a great 
degree, no doubt, by the declamations of the clergy 
against the pomps and vanities of the world, were 
familiar in early times to most European states. There 
was ample scope for them in Spain, where the example 
of their Moslem neighbors had done much to infect all 
classes with a fondness for sumptuous apparel and a 
showy magnificence of living. Ferdinand and Isabella 
fell nothing short of the most zealous of their prede- 
cessors in their efforts to restrain this improvident 
luxury. They did, however, what few princes on the 
like occasions have done, — enforced the precept by 
their own example. Some idea of their habitual econ- 

porary princes, Henry VII. and VIII. of England, James IV. of Scot- 
land, etc, 

*9 " Btilucis malleator Hispanae," 

says Marti.il, noticing the noise made by tlie gold- eaers, hammering 
out the Spanish ore, as one of the chief annoyances which drov i him 
from the capital (lib. 12, ep. 57). See also the precise statement of 
Pliny, cited Part I., chapter 8, of this History. 



48o 



FERDINAND AND IS..BELLA. 



omy, or rather frugality, may be formed from a remon- 
strance presented by the commons to Charles the Fifth, 
soon after his accession, which represents his daily 
household expenses as amounting to one hundred and 
fifty thousand maravedis ; while those of the Catholic 
sovereigns were rarely fifteen thousand, or one-tenth 
of that sum.?" 

They passed several salutary laws for restraining the 
ambitious expenditure at weddings and funerals, — as 
usual, most affected by those who could least afford it.'' 
In 1494 they issued a pragmatic prohibiting the impor- 
tation or manufacture of brocades„or of gold or silver 
embroidery, and also plating with these metals. The 
avowed object was to check the growth of luxury and 
the waste of the precious metals.'" 

These provisions had the usual fate of laws of this 
kind. They gave an artificial and still higher value to 
the prohibited article. Some evaded them. Others 
indemnified themselves for the privation by some other 

70 " Porque haci^ndose ansi al modo i costumbre de los dichos 
senores Reyes pasados, cesardn los inmensos gastos y sin provecho que 
en la mesa 6 casa de S. M. se hacen ; pues el daiio desto notoriamente 
paresce porque se halla en el plato real y en los platos que se hacen d 
los privados e criados de su casa gastarse cada un dia ciento y cin- 
cuenta mil maravedis ; y los cat61icos Reyes D. Hernando i Dofia 
Isabel, seyendo tan excelentes y tan poderosos, en su plato y en el 
plato del principe D. Joan que haya gl6ria, i de las seiioras infantas 
con gran niimero y multitud de damas no se gastar cada un dia, 
seyendo mu: abastados como de tales Reyes, mas de doce d quince 
mil maravedis." Peticion de la Junta de Tordesillas, October 20, 
1520, apud Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 230, 

7» In 1493; repeated in 1501. Recop, de las Leyes, tom. ii. fol. 3. — 
In 1502. Pragmdticas del Reyno, fol. 139. 

7» At Segovia, September 2d ; also in 1496 and 1498. Pragmdticas 
del Reyno, fol. 123, 125, 126. 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 481 

and scarcely less expensive variety of luxury. Such, for 
example, were the costly silks which came into more 
general use after the conquest of Granada. But here 
the government, on remonstrance of the cortes, again 
interposed its prohibition, restricting the privilege of 
wearing them to certain specified classes." Nothing, 
obviously, could be more impolitic than these various 
provisions directed against manufactures, which, under 
proper encouragement, or indeed without any, from 
the peculiar advantages afforded by the country, might 
have formed an important branch of industry, whether 
for the supply of foreign markets or for home consump- 
tion. 

Notwithstanding these ordinances, we find one, in 
1500, at the petition of the silk-growers in Granada, 
against the introduction of silk thread from the king- 
dom of Naples ; '* thus encouraging the production of 
the raw material, while they interdicted the uses to 
which it could be applied. Such are the inconsistencies 
into which a government is betrayed by an over-zealous 
and impertinent spirit of legislation ! 

The chief exports of the country in this reign were 
the fruits and natural products of the soil, the minerals, 
of which a great variety was deposited in its bosom, and 
the simpler manufactures, as sugar, dressed skins, oil, 

73 At Granada, in 1499. — This on petition of cortes, in the year pre- 
ceding. Sempere, in his sensible " Historia del Luxo," has exhibited 
the series of the manifold sumptuary laws in Castile. It is a history of 
the impotent struggle of authority against the indulgence of the in- 
nocent propensities implanted in our nature, and naturally increasing 
with increasing wealth and civilization. 

74 En la nombrada y gran cibdad de Granada, Agosto 20. Prag- 
indticas del Reyno, fol. 135. 

Vol. 111.— 31 V 



f,,' 



%A 



482 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



wine, steel, etc.'* The breed of Spanish horses, cele- 
brated in ancient times, had been greatly improved by 
the cross with the Arabian. It had, however, of late 
years fallen into neglect ; until the government, by a 
number of judicious laws, succeeded in restoring it to 
such repute that this noble animal became an extensive 
article of foreign trade.'* But the chief staple of the 
country was wool; which, since the introduction of 
English sheep at the close of the fourteenth century, 
had reached a degree of fineness and beauty that enabled 
it, under the present reign, to compete with any other 
in Europe." 

To what extent the finer manufactures were carried, 
or made an article of export, is uncertain. The vague- 

75 Pragmdticas del Reyuo, passim. — Diccionario geogrdfico-hist. de 
Espaiia, torn. i. p. 333. — Capmany, Mem. de Barcelona, torn. iii. part. 
3, cap. 2. — Mines of lead, copper, and silver were wrought extensively 
in Guipuzcoa and Biscay. — Col. de Ced., torn. i. no. 25. 

76 Pragmdticas del Reyno, fol. 127, 128. — Ante, Part II., chapter 
3, note 12. — The cortes of Toledo, in 1525, complained " que habia 
tantos caballos Espanoles en Francia como en Castilla." (Mem. de la 
Acad, de Hist., tom. vi. p. 285.) The trade, however, was contraband ; 
the laws against the exportation of horses being as ancient as the time 
of Alfonso XI. (See also Ordenan9as reales, fol. 85, 86.) Laws can 
never permanently avail against national prejudices. Those in favor 
of mules have been so strong in the Peninsula, and such the conse- 
quent decay of the fine breed of horses, that the Spaniards have been 
compelled to supply themselves with the latter from abroad. Bour- 
goanne reckons that 20,000 were annually imported into the country 
from France at the close of the last century. Travels in Spain, tom. i. 
chap. 4. 

77 Hist, del Luxo, tom. i. p. 170. — " Tiene muchas ouejas," says 
Marineo, " cuya lana es tan singular, que no solamente se aprouechan 
della en Espana, mas tambien se lleua en abundancia a otras partes." 
(Cosas memorables, fol. 3.) He notices especially the fine wool of 
Molina, in whose territory 400,000 sheep pastured, fol. 19. 



REi'IEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 483 

ness of statistical information in these early times has 
given rise to much crude speculation and to extravagant 
estimates of their resources, which have been met by a 
corresponding skepticism in later and more scrutinizing 
critics. Capmany, the most acute of these, has advanced 
the opinion that the coarser cloths only were manufac- 
tured in Castile, and those exclusively for home con- 
sumption. '* The royal ordinances, however, imply, in 
the character and minuteness of their regulations, a very 
considerable proficiency in many of the mechanic arts.™ 
Similar testimony is borne by intelligent foreigners 
visiting or residing in the country at the beginning of 
the sixteenth century, who notice the fine cloths and 
manufacture of arms in Segovia,** the silks and velvets 
of Granada and Valencia,** the woollen and silk fabrics 
of Toledo, which gave employment to ten thousand 
artisans,®" the curiously-wrought plate of Valladolid,®' 

78 Mem. de Barcelona, torn. iii. pp. 338, 339. — " Or if ever exported," 
he adds, " it was at some period long posterior to the discovery of 
America." 

79 Pragmdticas del Reyno, passim. — Many of them were designed 
to check impositions, too often practised in the manufacture and sale 
of goods, and to keep them up to a fair standard. 

*> L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. ii. 

8' Ibid., fol. 19. — Navagiero, Viaggio, fol. 26. — The Venetian min- 
ister, however, pronounces them inferior to the silks of his own country. 

82 " Proueyda," says Marineo, " de todos officios, y artes mecdnicas 
que en ella se exercitan mucho : y principalmente en lanor, y exercicio 
de lanas, y sedas. Por las quales dos cosas biuen en esta ciudad mas 
de diez mil personas. Es de mas desto la ciudad muy rica, por los 
grandes tratos de mercadurias." Cosas memorables, fol. 12. 

83 Ibid., fol. 15. — Navagiero, a more parsimonious eulogist, remarks, 
nevertheless, " Sono in Valladolid assai artefici di ogni sorte, e se vi 
lavora benessimo de tutte le arti, e sopra tutto d'argenti, e vi son 
tanti argenteri quanti non sono in due altre tcrre." Viaggio, fol. 35. 



484 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



and the fine cutlery and glass manufactures of Barcelona, 
rivalling those of Venice.** 

The recurrence of seasons of scarcity, and the fluc- 
tuation of prices, might suggest a reasonable distrust of 
the excellence of the husbandry under this reign.* The 
turbulent condition of the country may account for this 
pretty fairly during the early part of it. Indeed, a neglect 
of agriculture to the extent implied by these circum- 
stances is wholly irreconcilable with the general tenor 
of Ferdinand and Isabella's legislation, which evidently 
relies on this as the main spring of national prosperity. 
It is equally repugnant, moreover, to the reports of 
foreigners, who could best con pare the state of the 
country with that of others at the same period. They 
extol the fruitfulness of a soil which yielded the products 
of the most opposite climes; the hills clothed with 
vineyards and plantations of fruit-trees, much more 
abundant, it would seem, in the northern regions than 
at the present day; the valleys and delicious vegas, 
glowing with the ripe exuberance of southern vegeta- 
tion ; extensive districts, now smitten with the curse of 
barrenness, where the traveller scarce discerns the ves- 
tige of a road or of a human habitation, but which then 



84 Geron. Paulo, a writer at the close of the fifteenth century, cited 
by Capmany, Mem. de Barcelona, torn. i. part. 3, p. 23. 

85 The twentieth Ilustracion of Sefior Clemencin's invaluable com- 
pilation contains a table of prices of grain, in different parts of the 
kingdom, under Ferdinand and Isabella. Take, for example, those 
of Andalusia. In 1488, a year of great abundance, ^^ fanega of 
wheat sold in Andalusia for 50 maravedis; in 1489, it rose to 100; 
in 1505, a season of great scarcity, to 375, and even 600; in 1508, 
it was at 306 ; and in 1509, it had fallen to 85 maravedis. Mem. de 
la Acad, de Hist., torn. vi. pp. 551, 552. 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



485 



teemed with all that was requisite to the sustenance of 
the populous cities in their neighborhood.* 

The inhabitant of modern Spain or Italy, who wan- 
ders amid the ruins of their stately cities, their grass- 
grown streets, their palaces and temples crumbling into 
dust, their massive bridges choking up the streams they 
once proudly traversed, the very streams themselves, 
which bore navies on their bosoms, shrunk into too 
shallow a channel for the meanest craft to navigate, — 
the modern Spaniard who surveys these vestiges of a 
giant race, the tokens of his nation's present degen- 
eracy, must turn for relief to the prouder and earlier 
period of her history, when only such great works 

^ Compare, for example, the accounts of the environs of Toledo 
and Madrid, the two most considerable cities in Castile, by ancient 
and modem travellers. One of the most intelligent and recent of the 
latter, in his journey between these two capitals, remarks, " There is 
sometimes a visible track, and sometimes none ; most commonly we 
passed over v/ide sands. The country between Madrid and Toledo, 
I need scarcely say, is ill peopled and ill cultivated ; for it is all a part 
of the same arid plain that stretches on every side around the capital, 
and which is bounded on this side by the Tagus. The whole of the 
way to Toledo, I passed through only four inconsiderable villages, and 
saw two others at a distance. A great part of the land is unculti- 
vated, covered with furze and aromatic plants; but here and there 
some com land is to be seen." (Inglis, Spain in 1830, vol. i. p. 366,) 
What a contrast does all this present to the language of the Italians, 
Navagiero and Marineo, in whose time the country around Toledo 
" surpassed all other districts of Spain in the excellence and fmitful- 
ness of the soil ;" which, " skilfully irrigated by the waters of the 
Tagus, and minutely cultivated, fumished every variety of fmit and 
vegetable produce to the neighboring city ;" while, instead of the sun- 
burnt plains around Madrid, it is described as situated " in the bosom 
of a fair country, with an ample territory, yielding rich harvests of com 
and wine, and all the other aliments of life." Cosas memorables, fol. 
la, 13.— Viaggio, fol. 7, 8. 



486 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



W 



could have been achieved \ and it is no wonder that 
he should be led, in his enthusiasm, to invest it with a 
romantic and exaggerated coloring.^' Such a period 
in Spain cannot be looked for in the last, still less in 
the seventeenth century, for the nation had then reached 
the lowest ebb of its fortunes ; " nor in the close of the 
sixteenth, for the desponding language of cortes shows 
that the work of decay and depopulation had then 
already begun.®* It can only be found in the first half 
of that century, in the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, 
and that of their successor, Charles the Fifth ; in 
which last, the state, under the strong impulse it had 
received, was carried onward in the career of pros- 

B; Capmany has well exposed some of these extravagances. (Mem. 
de Barcelona, torn. iii. part. 3, cap. 2.) The boldest of them, how- 
ever, may find a warrant in the declarations of the legislature itself. 
" En los lugares de obrages de lanas," asserts the cortes of 1594, 
" donde se solian labrar veinte y treinta mil arrobas, no se labran 
hoi seis, y donde habia seflores de ganado de grandisima cantidad, 
han disminiiido en la misma y mayor proporcion, acaeciendo lo mismo 
en todas las otras cosas del comercio universal y particular. Lo cual 
hace que no haya ciudad de las principales destos rhinos ni lugar 
ninguno, de donde no falte notable vecindad, como se echa bien de 
ver en la muchedumbre de casas que estan cerradas y despobladas, 
y en la baja que han dado los arrendamientos de las pocas que se 
arriendan y habitan." Apud Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., tom. vi. p. 

304' 

88 A point which most writers would probably agree in fixing at 
Z700, the year of Charles II.'s death, the last and most imbecile of the 
Austrian dynasty. The population of the kingdom at this time had 
dwindled to 6,000,000. See Laborde (Itineraire, tom. vi. pp. 125, 143, 
ed. 1830), who seems to have better foundation for this census than 
for most of those in his table. 

89 See the unequivocal language of cortes, under Philip II. (supra). 
With every allowance, it infers an alarming decline in the prosperity 
of the nation. 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 487 



parity, in spite of the ignorance and mismanagement 
of those who guideu it. 

There is no country which has been guilty of such 
wild experiments, or has shown, on the whole, such 
profound ignorance of the true principles of econom- 
ical science, as Spain under the sceptre of the family 
of Austria. And, as it is not always easy to discrimi- 
nate between their acts and those of Ferdinand and 
Isabella, under whom the germs of much of the sub- 
sequent legislation may be said to have been planted, 
this circumstance has brought undeserved discredit on 
the government of the latter. Undeserved, because 
laws mischievous in their eventual operation were not 
always so at the time for which they were originally 
devised ; not to add that what was intrinsically bad 
has been aggravated tenfold under the blind legislation 
of their successors.** It is also true that many of the 

90 One has only to read, for an evidence of this, the lib. 6, tit. 18, of 
the " Nueva Recopilacion," on " cosas prohibidas;" the laws on gild- 
ing and plating, lib. 5, tit. 24 ; on apparel and luxury, lib, 7, tit. 12 ; 
on woollen manufactures, lib. 7, tit. 14-17, et leges al. Perhaps no 
stronger proof of the degeneracy of the subsequent legislation can be 
given than by contrasting it with that of Ferdinand and Isabella in two 
important laws. i. The sovereigns, in 1492, required foreign traders 
to take their returns in the products and manufactures of the country. 
By a law of Charles V., in 1552, the exportation of numerous domes- 
tic manufactures was prohibited, and the foreign trader, in exchange 
for domestic wool, was required to import into the country a certain 
amount of linen and woollen fabrics. 2. By an ordinance, in 1500, 
Ferdinand and Isabella prohibited the importation of sillc thread from 
Naples, to encourage its production at home. This appears from the 
tenor of subsequent laws to have perfectly succeeded. In 1552, how- 
ever, a law was passed interdicting the export of manufiictured silk 
and admitting the importation of the raw material. By this sagacious 
provision, both the culture of silk and the manufacture were speedily 
crushed in Castile. 



|il 



488 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



most exceptionable laws sanctioned by their names are 
to be charged on their predecessors, who had ingrafted 
their principles into the system long before;'' and 
many others are to be vindicated by the general prac- 
tice of other nations, which authorized retaliation on 
the score of self-defence.*" 

Nothing is easier than to parade abstract theorems — 
true in the abstract — in political economy; nothing 
harder than to reduce them to practice. That an indi- 
vidual will understand his own interests better than the 
government can, or, what is the same thing, that trade, 
if let alone, will find its way into the channels on the 
whole most advantageous to the community, few will 
deny. But what is true of all together is not true of 
any one singly; and no one nation can safely act on 
these principles, if others do not. In point of fact, no 
nation has acted on them since the formation of the 
present political communities of Europe. All that a 
new state, or a new government in an old one, can 
now propose to itself is, not to sacrifice its interests to 
a speculative abstraction, but to accommodate its insti- 
tutions to the great political system of which it is a 
member. On these principles, and on the higher obli- 
gation of providing the means of national independ- 
ence in its most extended sense, much that was bad in 
the economical policy of Spain at the period under 
review may be vindicated. 

91 See examples of these in the reigns of Henry III. and John II. 
(Recop. de las Leyes, torn. ii. fol. i8o, i8i.) Such also were the 
numerous tariffs fixing the prices of grain, the vexatious class of sump- 
tuary laws, those for the regulation of the various crafts, and, above 
all, on the exportation of the precious metals. 

»» The English Statute Book alone will furnish abundant proof of 



HE VIE IV OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 489 

It would be unfair to direct our view to the restrict- 
ive measures of Ferdinand and Isabella without noticing 
also the liberal tenor of their legislation in regard to a 
great variety of objects. Such, for example, are the 
laws encouraging foreigners to settle in the country;"* 
those for facilitating communication by internal im- 
provements, roads, bridges, canals, on a scale of un- 
precedented magnitude ; ** for a similar attention to the 
wants of navigation, by constructing moles, quays, 
lighthouses along the coast, and deepening and extend- 
ing the harbors, "to accommodate," as the acts set 
forth, "the great increase of trade;" for embellishing 
and adding in various ways to the accommodations of 
the cities ; * for relieving the subject from onerous tolls 
and oppressive monopolies ; * for establishing a uniform 

this, in the exclusive regulations of trade and navigation existing at 
the close of the fifteenth century. Mr. Sharon Turner has enumer- 
ated many, under Henry VIII., of similar import with, and, indeed, 
more partial in their operation than, those of Ferdinand and Isabella. 
History of England, vol. iv. pp. 170 et seq. 

93 Ordenan<;as reales, lib. 6, tit. 4, ley 6. 

94 Archivo de Simancas ; in which most of these ordinances appear 
to be registered. — Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., tom. vi. Ilust. n. — See 
also Col. de C^dulas, tom. ii. p. 443 ; tom. iv. nos. 33, 38. 

95 " Ennoblescence los cibdades ^ villas en tener casas grandes t bien 
fcchas en que fagan sus ayuntamientos k concejos," etc. (Ordenan9as 
reales, lib. 7, tit. i, ley i.) Sefior Clemencin has specified the nature 
and great variety of these improvements, as collected from the archives 
of the different cities of the kingdom. Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., 
tom. vi, Ilust. II. — Col. de C^dulas, tom. iv. no. 9. 

9* Col. de C6dulas, tom. i. nos. 71, 72. — Pragmdticas del Reyno, fol. 
63, 91, 93.~Recop. de las Leyes, lib. 5, tit. 11, ley 12, — Among the 
acts for restricting monopolies may be mentioned one which prohibited 
the nobility and great landholders from preventing their tenants' open- 
ing inns and houses of entertainment without their especial license. 
(Pragmdticas del Reyno, 1492, fol. 96.) The same abuse, however, 

V* 



490 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



currency and standard of weights and measures through- 
out the kingdom,'' objects of unwearied solicitude 
through this whole reign j for maintaining a police which, 
from the most disorderly and dangerous, raised Spain, 
in the language of Martyr, to be the safest country in 
Christendom ; »* for such equal justice as secured to every 
man the fruits of his own industry, inducing him to 
embark his capital in useful enterprises; and, finally, 
for enforcing fidelity to contracts," of which the sover- 
eigns gave such a glorious example in their own ad- 
ministration as effectually restored that public credit 
which is the true basis of public prosperity. 

While these important reforms were going on in the 
interior of the monarchy, it experienced a greater 
change in its external condition by the immense aug- 
mentation of its territory. The most important of its 
foreign acquisitions were those nearest home, Granada 
and Navarre ; at least, they were the ones most capable, 
from their position, of being brought under control 
and thoroughly and permanently identified with the 
Spanish monarchy. Granada, as we have seen, was 
placed under the sceptre of Castile, governed by the 
same laws, and represented in its cortes, being, in the 



is noticed by Madame d'Aulnoy, in her " Voyage d'Espagne," as still 
existing, to the great prejudice of travellers, in the seventeenth century. 
Dunlop, Memoirs of Philip IV. and Charles II., vol. ii. chap. ii. 

97 Pragmdticas del Reyno, fol. 93-112. — Recop, de las Leyes, lib. 5^ 
tit. 21, 23. 

98 " Ut nulla unquam per se tuta regio, tutiorem se fuisse jactare 
possit." Opus Epist., epist. 31. 

99 For various laws tending to secure this, and prevent frauds in 
trade, see Ordenan9as reales, lib, 3, tit. 8, ley 5. — Pragmdticas del 
Reyno, fol. 45, 66, 67, et alibi. — Col. de C^dulas, torn. ii. no. 63. 



RE VIE IV OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



491 



Strictest sense, part and parcel of the kingdom. Na- 
varre was also united to the same crown. But its 
constitution, which bore considerable analogy to that 
of Aragon, remained substantially the same as before. 
The government, indeed, was administered by a vice- 
roy ; but Ferdinand made as few changes as possible, 
permitting it to retain its own legislature, its ancient 
courts of law, and its laws themselves. So the forms, 
if not the spirit, of independence continued to survive 
its union with the victorious state.'" 

The other possessions of Spain were scattered over 
the various quarters of Europe, Africa, and America. 
Naples was the conquest of Aragon ; or, at least, made 
on behalf of ihat crown. The queen appears to have 
taken no part in the conduct of that war, whether dis- 
trusting its equity, or its expediency, in the belief that 
a distant possession in the heart of Europe would prob- 
ably cost more to maintain than it was worth. In fact, 
Spain is the only nation in modern times which has 
been able to keep its hold on such possessions for any 
very considerable period ; a circumstance implying more 
wisdom in her policy than is commonly conceded to 
her. The fate of the acquisitions alluded to forms no 
exception to the remark ; and Naples, like Sicily, con- 
tinued permanently ingrafted on the kingdom of Aragon. 

A fundamental change in the institutions of Naples 
became requisite to accommodate them to its new rela- 



"0 The fullest, though a sufficiently meagre, account of the Navar- 
rese constitution, is to be found in Capmany's collection, " Prdctica y 
Estilo" (pp. 250-258), and in the " Diccionario geogrdfico-hist. de 
EspafLa" (torn. ii. pp. 140-143). The historical and economical details 
in the latter are more copious. 



49« 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA, 



tions. Its great offices of state and its legal tribunals 
were reorganized. Its jurisprudence, which, under the 
Angevin race, and even the first Aragonese, had been 
adapted to French usages, was now modelled on the 
Spanish. The various innovations were conducted by 
the Catholic king with his usual prudence; and the 
reform in the legislation is commended by a learned 
and impartial Italian civilian, as breathing a spirit of 
moderation and wisdom."* He conceded many priv- 
ileges to the people, and to the capital especially, 
whose venerable university he resuscitated from the 
decayed state into which it had fallen, making liberal 
appropriations from the treasury for its endowment. 
The support of a mercenary army, and the burdens 
incident to the war, pressed heavily on the people 
during the first years of his reign. But the Neapoli- 
tans, who, as already noticed, had been transferred too 
often from one victor to another to be keenly sensible 
to the loss of political independence, were gradually 
reconciled to his administration, and testified their 
sense of its beneficent character by celebrating the 
anniversary of his death, for more than two centuries, 
with public solemnities, as a day of mourning through- 
out the kingdom.*" 

xoi '< Queste furono," says Giannone, " le prime leggi che ci diedero 
gli Spagnuoli : leggi tutte provvide e savie, nello stabilir delta quali 
furono veramente gli Spagnuoli piii d' ogni altra nazione avveduti, e 
piii esatti imitatori de' Romani." Istoria di Napoli, lib, 30, cap. 5. 

»<» Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, lib. 29, cap. 4 ; lib. 30, cap. i, 2, S- — 
Signorelli, Coltura nelle Sicilie, torn. iv. p. 84. — Every one knows the 
persecutions, the exile, and long imprisonment, which Giannone suf- 
fered for the freedom with which he treated the clergy in his philo- 
sophical history. The generous conduct of Charles of Bourbon to his 
heirs is not so well known. Soon after his accession to the throne 



Rl'lVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATIOiV. 



493 



But far the most important of the distant acquisi- 
tions of Spain were those secured to her by the genius 
of Columbus and the enlightened patronage of Isa- 
bella. Imagination had ample range in the boundless 
perspective of these unknown regions ; but the results 
actually realized from the discoveries, during the 
queen's life, were comparatively insignificant. In a 
mere financial view, they had been a considerable 
charge on the crown. This was, indeed, partly owing 
to the humanity of Isabella, who interfered, as we 
have seen, to prevent the compulsory exaction of In- 
dian labor. This was subsequently, and immediately 
after her death indeed, carried to such an extent that 
nearly half a million of ounces of gold were yearly 
drawn from the mines of Hispaniola alone.*"' The 
pearl-fisheries,'"* and the culture of the sugar-can^', 
introduced from the Canaries,"* yielded large returns 
under the same inhuman system. 

Ferdinand, who enjoyed, by the queen's testament, 
half the amount of the Indian revenues, was now fully 

of Naples, that prince settled a liberal pension on the son of the 
historian, declaring that " it did not comport with the honor and 
dignity of the government to permit an individual to languish in 
indigence, whose parent had been the greatest man, the most useful 
to the state, and the most unjustly persecuted, that the age had pro- 
duced." Noble sentiments, giving additional grace to the act which 
they accompanied. See the decree, cited by Comiani, Secoli della 
Letteratura Italiana (Brescia, 1804-1813), tom. ix. art. 15. 

'03 Herrera, Indias occidentales, dec. i, lib. 6, cap. i8. — According 
to Martyr, the two mints of Hispaniola yielded 300,000 pounds of gold 
annually. De Rebus Oceanicis, dec. i, lib. 10. 

"4 The pearl-fisheries of Cubagua were worth 75.000 ducats a year. 
Herrera, Indias occidentales, dec. i, lib. 7, cap. 9. 

ws Oviedo, Historia natural de las Indias, lib, 4, cap. 8. — Gomez, 
De Rebus gestis, fol. 165. 



494 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA, 



awakened to their importance. It would be unjust, 
however, to suppose his views limited to immediate 
pecuniary profits ; for the measures he pursued were, 
in many respects, well contrived to promote the nobler 
ends of discovery and colonization. He invited the 
persons most eminent for nautical science and enter- 
prise, as Pinzon, Solis, Vespucci, to his court, where 
they constituted a sort of board of navigation, con- 
structing charts, and tracing out new routes for pro- 
jected voyages."* The conduct of this department 
was intrusted to the last - mentioned navigator, who 
had the glory, the greatest which accident and caprice 
ever granted to man, of giving his name to the new 
hemisphere. 

Fleets were now fitted out on a more extended 
scale, which might vie, indeed, with the splendid 
equipments of the Portuguese, whose brilliant suc- 
cesses in the East excited the envy of their Castilian 
rivals. The king occasionally took a share in the 
voyage, independently of the interest which of right 
belonged to the crown. "^ 

The government, however, realized less from these 
expensive enterprises than individuals, many of whom, 
enriched by their official stations, or by accidentally 
falling in with some hoard of treasure among the sav- 
ages, returned home to excite the envy and cupidity of 
their countrymen."* But the spirit of adventure was too 

106 Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, torn. iii. documentos 1-13, — 
Herrera, Indias occidentales, dec, i, lib. 7, cap. i. 

107 Navarrete, Coleccion de Viages, torn. iii. pp. 48, 134. 

'°8 Bernardin de Santa Clara, treasurer of Hispaniola, amassed, 
during a few years' residence there, 96,000 ounces of gold. This same 
tiouveau riche used to serve gold dust, says Herrera, instead of salt, at 



HE VIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



495 



high among the Castilians to require such incentive, 
especially when excluded from its usual field in Africa 
and Europe. A striking proof of the facility with 
which the romantic cavaliers of that day could be 
directed to this new career of danger on the ocean 
was given at the time of the last-meditated expedition 
into Italy under the Great Captain. A squadron of 
fifteen vessels, bound for the New World, was then 
riding in the Guadalquivir. Its complement was lim- 
ited to one thousand two hundred men ; but, on Fer- 
dinand's countermanding Gonsalvo's enterprise, more 
than three thousand volunteers, many of them of noble 
family, equipped with unusual magnificence for the 
Italian service, hastened to Seville and pressed to be 
admitted into the Indian armada."* Seville itself was 
in a manner depopulated by the general fever of emi- 
gration, so that it actually seemed, says a contempo- 
rary, to be tenanted only by women."" 

In this universal excitement, the progress of discov- 
ery was pushed forward with a success, inferior, indeed, 
to what might have been effected in the present state 
of nautical skill and science, but extraordinary for the 
times. The winding depths of the Gulf of Mexico 

his entertainments. (Indias occiden tales, dec. i, lib. 7, cap. 3.) Many 
believed, according to the same author, that gold was so abundant as 
to be dragged up in nets from the beds of the rivers ; lib. 10, cap. 14. 

>09 Ante, Part II., chapter 24. — Herrera, Indias occidentales, dec. i, 
lib. 10, cap. 6, 7. 

no •• Per esser Sevilla nel loco che fe, vi vanno tanti di loro alle 
Indie, che la cittk resta mal popolata, e quasi in man di donne." 
(Navagiero, Viaggio, fol. 15.) Horace said, fifteen centuries before, 



" Impiger extrcmos ciirris mercator ad Indos, 
Per mare pauperieni fugiens, per saxa, per ignes." 



I 
n 



Epist. i. I. 



\ 



I 




496 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



were penetrated, as well as the borders of the rich but 
rugged isthmus which connects the American conti- 
nents. In 1512, Florida was discovered by a romantic 
old knight, Ponce de Leon, who, instead of the magical 
fountain of health, found his grave there.'" Solis, 
another navigator, who had charge of an expedition, 
projected by Ferdinand,'" to reach the South Sea by 
the circumnavigation of the continent, ran down the 
coast as far as the great Rio de la Plata, where he also 
was cut oflf by the savages. In 15 13, Vasco Nuflez de 
Balboa penetrated, with a handful of men, across the 
narrow part of the Isthmus of Darien, and from the 
summit of the Cordilleras, the first of Europeans, was 
greeted with the long-promised vision of the southern 
ocean."' 

The intelligence of this event excited a sensation in 
Spain inferior only to that caused by the discovery of 
America. The great object which had so long occupied 
the imagination of the nautical men of Europe, and 

»" Herrera, Indias occidentales, dec. i, lib. 9, cap. 10. — Almost all 
the Spanish expeditions in the New World, whether on the northern 
or southern continent, have a tinge of romance beyond what is found 
in those of other European nations. One of the most striking and 
least familiar of them is that of Ferdinand de Soto, the ill-fated dis- 
coverer of the Mississippi, whose bones bleach beneath its waters. 
His adventures are told with uncommon spirit by Mr. Bancroft, vol. i. 
chap. 2, of his History of the United States, 

»" Herrera, Indias occidentales, dec. 2, lib, i, cap, 7, 
«'3 The life of this daring cavalier forms one in the elegant series of 
national biographies by Quintana, "Vidas de Espafloles cilebres" 
(tom. ii. pp. 1-82), and is familiar to the English reader in Irving's 
*' Companions of Columbus," The third volume of Navarrete's labo- 
rious compilation is devoted to the illustration of the minor Spanish 
voyagers, who followed up the bold track of discovery, between 
Columbus and Cortes, Coleccion de Viages. 



A' E VIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION: 



497 



formed the purpose of Columbus's last voyage, the 
discovery of a communication with these far western 
waters, was accomplished. The famous spice islands, 
from which the Portuguese had drawn such countless 
sums of wealth, were scattered over this sea ; and the 
Castilians, after a journey of a few leagues, might 
launch their barks on its quiet bosom, and reach, and 
perhaps claim, the coveted possessions of their rivals, 
as falling west of the papal line of demarcation. Such 
were the dreams, and such the actual progress of dis- 
cover , u the close of Ferdinand's reign. 

Our . ; •. ion of the dauntless heroism displayed 
by the ei !_, ^panish navigators, in their extraordinary 
career, is much qualified by a consideration of the 
cruelties with which it was tarnished ; too great to be 
either palliated or passed over in silence by the his- 
torian. As long as Isabella lived, the Indians found 
an efficient friend and protector; but "her death," 
says the venerable Las Casas, ** was the signal for their 
destruction.""* Immediately on that event, the system 
of repartimientos, originally authorized, as we have 
seen, by Columbus, who seems to have had no doubt, 
from the first, of the crown's absolute right of property 
over the natives,"^ was carried to its full extent in the 
colonies."' Every Spaniard, however humble, had his 
proportion of slaves ) and men, many of them not only 

xu Las Casas, Memoire, CEuvres, ed. de Llorente, torn. i. p. i88. 

lis " Y crean (Vuestras Altezas) questa isla y todas las otras son asl 
suyas como Castilla, que aqui no falta salvo asiento y mandarles hacer 
lo que quisieren." Prlmera Carta de Colon, apud Navarrete, Colec- 
cion de Viages, torn. i. p, 93. 

"* Herrera, Indias occidentales, dec. i, lib. 8, cap. 9. — Las Casas, 
CEuvres, ^d. de Llorente, torn. i. pp. 328, 239. 
Vol. III.— 32 



498 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



incapable of estimating the awful responsibility of the 
situation, but without the least touch of humanity in 
their natures, were individually intrusted with the un- 
limited disposal of the lives and destinies of their 
fellow-creatures. They abused this trust in the grossest 
manner; tasking the unfortunate Indian far beyond 
his strength, inflicting the most refined punishments 
on the indolent, and hunting down those who resisted 
or escaped, like so many beasts of chase, with ferocious 
bloodhounds. Every step of the white man's progress 
in the New World may be said to have been on the 
corpse of a native. Faith is staggered by the recital 
of the number of victims immolated in these fair 
regions within a very few years after the discovery ; 
and the heart sickens at the loathsome details of bar- 
barities recorded by one who, if his sympathies have 
led him sometimes to overcolor, can never be suspected 
of wilfully misstating facts of which he was an eye- 
witness."' A selfish indifference to the rights of the 
original occupants of the soil is a sin which lies at the 
door of most of the primitive European settlers, 

*»7 See the various Memorials of Las Casas, some of them expressly 
prepared for the Council of the Indies. He affirms that more than 
12,000,000 lives were wantonly destroyed in the New World within 
thirty-eight years after the discovery, and this in addition to those ex- 
terminated in the conquest of the country. (CEuvres, ^d. de Llorente, 
tom. i. p. 187.) Herrera admits that Hispaniola was reduced, in 'ess 
than twenty-five years, from 1,000,000 to 14,000 souls. (Indias occi- 
dentales, dec. i, lib. 10, cap. 12.) The numerical estimates of a large 
savage population must, of course, be in a great degree hypothetical. 
That it was large, however, in these fair regions, may readily be in- 
ferred from the facilities of subsistence and the temperate habits of the 
natives. The minimum sum in the calculation, when the number had 
dwindled to a few thousand, might be more easily ascertained, 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



499 



whether papist or puritan, of the New World. But it 
is light, in comparison with the fearful amount of 
crimes to be charged on the early Spanish colonists; 
crimes that have, perhaps, in this world, brought down 
the retribution of Heaven, which has seen fit to turn 
this fountain of inexhaustible wealth and prosperity to 
the nation into the waters of bitterness. 

It may seem strange that no relief was afforded by 
the government to these oppressed subjects. But Fer- 
dinand, if we may credit Las Casas, was never permitted 
to kflow the extent of the injuries done to them."^ He 
was surrounded by men in the management of the In 
dian department, whose interest it was to keep him in 
ignorance."' The remonstrances of some zealous mis- 
sionaries led him,*" in 1501, to refer the subject of the 
repartimientos to a council of jurists and theologians. 
This body yielded to the representations of the advo- 

"8 CEuvres, ^d. de Llorente, torn. i. p. 228. 

»'9 One resident at the court, says the bishop of Chiapa, was pro- 
prietor of 800 and another of iioo Indians. (CEuvres, 6d. de Llorente, 
torn. i. p. 238.) We learn their names from Herrera. The first was 
Bishop Fonseca, the latter the comendador Conchillos, both prominent 
men in the Indian department. (Indias occidentales, dec. i, lib. 9, 
cap. 14.) The last-named person was the same individual sent by 
Ferdinand to his daughter in Flanders and imprisoned there by the 
archduke Philip. After that prince's death, he experienced signal 
favors from the Catholic king, and amassed great wealth as secretary 
of the Indian board. Oviedo has devoted one of his dialogues to him. 
Quincuagenas, MS., bat. i, quinc. 3, dial. 9. 

»»> The Dominican and other missionaries, to their credit be it told, 
labored with unwearied zeal and courage for the conversion of the 
natives and the vindication of their natural rights. Yet these were the 
mea who lighted the fires of the Inquisition in their own land. To 
such opposite results may the same principle lead, under different 
circumstances I 



Soo 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



cates of the system, that it was indispensable for main- 
taining the colonies, since the European was altogether 
unequal to labor in this tropical climate ; and that it, 
moreover, afforded the only chance for the conversion 
of the Indian, who, unless compelled, could never be 
brought in contact with the white man.*" 

On these grounds, Ferdinand openly assumed for 
himself and his ministers the responsibility of main- 
taining this vicious institution, and subsequently issued 
an ordinance to that effect, accompanied, however, by 
a variety of humane and equitable regulations for re- 
straining its abuse.'" The license was embraced in its 
full extent ; the regulations were openly disregarded."* 

»"' Las Casas concludes an elaborate memorial, prepared for the 
govemnjent in 1542, on the best means of arresting the destruction ot 
the aborigines, with two propositions, i. That the Spaniards would 
still continue to settle in America, though slavery were abolished, from 
the superior advantages for acquiring riches it offered over the Old 
World. 2. That, if they would not, this would not justify slavery, 
since "God forbids us to do evil that good may come of it." Rare 
maxim, from a Spanish churchman of the sixteenth century ! The 
whole argument, which comprehends the sum of what has been since 
said more diffusely in defence of abolition, is singularly acute and 
cogent. In its abstract principles it is unanswerable, while it exposes 
and denounces the misconduct of his countrymen with a freedom 
which shows the good bishop knew no other fear than that of his 
Maker. 

»" Recop. de Leyes de las Indias, August 14th, 1509, lib. 6, tit. 8, 
ley I. — Herrera, Indias occidentales, dec. i, lib. 9, cap. 14. 

i»3 The text expresses nearly enough the subsequent condition of 
things in Spanish America. " No government," says Heeren, " has 
done so much for tlie aborigines as the Spanish." (Modem History, 
Bancroft's trans., vol. i. p. 77.) Whoever peruses its colonial codes 
may find much ground for the eulogium. But are not the very num- 
ber and repetition of these humane provisions sufficient proof of tht^ir 
inefiicacy i 



REl'IEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



501 



Several years after, in 15 15, Las Casas, moved by the 
spectacle of human suffering, returned to Spain, and 
pleaded the cause of the injured natives, in tones which 
made the dying monarch tremble on his throne, it 
was too late, however, for the king to execute the 
remedial measures he contemplated."* The efficient 
interference of Ximenes, who sent a commission for 
the purpose to Hispaniola, was attended with no 
permanent results. And the indefatigable "protector 
of the Indians" was left to sue for redress at the court 
of Charles, and to furnish a splendid if not a solitary 
example there of a bosom penetrated with the true 
spirit of Christian philanthropy.'"* 

I have elsewhere examined the policy pursued by the 
Catholic sovereigns in the government of their colonies. 
The supply of precious metals yielded by them proved 
eventually far greater than had ever entered into the 
conception of the most sanguine of the early discov- 
erers. Their prolific soil and genial climate, moreover, 
afforded an infinite variety of vegetable products, which 
might have furnished an unlimited commerce with the 
mother country. Under a judicious protection, their 

»»4 Herrera, Indias occidentales, dec. 2, lib. 2, cap. 3. — Las Casas, 
Memoire, apud CEuvres, dd. de Llorente, torn. i. p. 239. 

»"S In the remarkable discussion between the doctor Sepulveda and 
Las Casas, before a commission named by Charles V., in 1550, the 
former vindicated the persecution of the aborigines by the conduct of 
the Israelites towards their idolatrous neighbors. But the Spanish 
Fenelon replied that " the behavior of the Jews was no precedent for 
Christians ; that the law of Moses was a law of rigor ; but that of 
Jesus Christ, one of grace, mercy, peace, good will, and charity." 
(CEuvres, ^d. de Llorente, torn. i. p. 374.) The Spaniard first perse- 
cuted the Jews, and then quoted them as an authority for persecuting 
all other infidels. 



509 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



population and productions, steadily inc"*?asing, would 
have enlarged to an incalculable extent the general re- 
sources of the empire. Such, indeed, might have been 
the result of a wise system of 1 gislation. 

But the true principles of colonial policy were sadly 
misunderstood in the sixteenth century. The discovery 
of a world was estimated, like that of a rich mine, by 
the value of its returns in gold and silver. Much of 
Isabella's legislation, it is true, is of that comprehensive 
character which shows that she looked to higher and 
far nobler objects. But with much that is good, there 
was mingled, as in most of her institutions, one germ 
of evil, of little moment at the time, indeed, but which, 
under the vicious culture of her successors, shot up to 
a height that overshadowed and blighted all the rest. 
This was the spirit of restriction and monopoly, aggra- 
vated by the subsequent laws of Ferdinand, and carried 
to an extent under the Austrian dynasty that paralyzed 
colonial trade. 

Under their most ingeniously perverse system of laws, 
the interests of both the parent country and the colo- 
nies were sacrificed. The latter, condemned to look 
for supplies to an incompetent source, were miserably 
dwarfed in their growth; while the former contrived 
to convert the nutriment which she extorted from the 
colonies into a fatal poison. The streams of wealth 
which flowed in from the silver quarries of Zacatecas 
and Potosi were jealously locked up within the limits 
of the Peninsula. The great problem proposed by the 
Spanish legislation of the sixteenth century was the 
reduction of prices in the kingdom to the same level as 
in other European nations. Every law that was passed, 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



503 



\ 



however, tended, by its restrictive character, to aug- 
ment the evil. The golf tide, which, permitted a 
free vent, would have fertilized the region through 
which it poured, now buried the land under a deluge 
which blighted every green and living thing. Agricul- 
ture, commerce, manufactures, every branch of national 
industry and improvement, languished and fell to decay ; 
and the nation, like the Phrygian monarch, who turned 
all that he touched to gold, cursed by the very con- 
summation of its wishes, was poor in the midst of its 
treasures. 

From this sad picture let us turn to that presented by 
the period of our History when, the clouds and darkness 
having passed away, a new morn seemed to break upon 
the nation. Under the firm but temperate sway of 
Ferdinand and Isabella, the great changes we have 
noticed were effected without convulsion in the state. 
On the contrary, the elements of the social system, 
which before jarred so discordantly, were brought into 
harmonious action. The restless spirit of the nobles 
was turned from civil faction to the honorable career 
of public service, whether in arms or letters. The 
people at large, assured of the security of private rights, 
were occupied with the different branches of productive 
labor. Trade, as is abundantly shown by the legisla- 
tion of the period, had not yet fallen into the discredi*; 
which attached to it in later times.'*' The precious 



I 



i 



»»* It is only necessary to notice the contemptuous language of 
Philip II. 's laws, which designate the most useful mechanic arts, aa 
those of blacksmiths, shoemakers, leather-dressers, and the like, as 
"oficios viles y baxosf corresponding, probably, with the epithet 
" Bavovawu" (illiberal arts) of the Greeks, among whom various menial 



504 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



metals, instead of flowing in so abundantly as to palsy 
the arm of industry, served only to stimulate it,'"' 

The foreign intercourse of the country was every day 
more widely extended. Her agents and consuls were 
to be found in all the principal ports of the Mediter- 
ranean and the Baltic."* The Spanish mariner, instead 

and mechanic occupations fell into disrepute from their being engrossed 
by the slaves. (See Aristotle, Politics, lib. 3.) A whimsical distinc- 
tion prevails in Castile in reference to the more humble occupations. 
A man of gentle blood may be a coachman, lacquey, scullion, or any 
other menial, without disparaging his nobility, which is said io sleep in 
the mean while. But he fixes on it an indelible stain if he exercises 
any mechanical vocation. " Hence," says Capmany, " I have often 
seen a village in this province in which the vagabonds, smugglers, and 
hangmen even, were natives, while the farrier, shoemaker, etc. was a 
foreigner." (Mem. de Barcelona, torn. i. part. 3, p. 40 ; tom. iii. part. 
2, pp. 317, 318.) See also some sensible remarks on the subject, by 
Blanco White, the ingenious author of Doblado's Letters from Spain, 
p. 44. 

"7 " The interval between the acquisition of money and the rise of 
prices," Hume observes, " is the only time when increasing gold and 
silver are favorable to industry." (Essays, part 2, essay 3.) An ordi- 
nance of June 13th, 1497, complains of the scarcity of the precious 
metals, and their insufficiency to the demands of trade. (Pragmdti- 
cas del Reyno, fol. 93.) It appears, however, from Zuniga, that the 
importation of gold from the New World began to have a sensible 
effect on the prices of commodities from that very year. Annales de 
Sevilla, p. 415. 

'»8 Mr. Turner has made several extracts from the Harleian MSS., 
showing that the trade of Castile with England was very considerable In 
Isabella's time. (History of England, vol. iv. p. 90.) A pragmatic of 
July 21st, 1494, for the erection of aconsulate at Burgos, notices the com- 
mercial establishments in England, France, Italy, and the Low Coun- 
tries. This tribunal, with other extensive privileges, was empowered 
to hear and determine suits between merchants ; " which," says the 
plain-spoken ordinance, " in the hands of lawyers are never brought to 
a close ; porque se presentauan escritos y libolos de letrados de ma- 
nera que por mal pleyto que fuesse le sostenian los letrados de manera 



HE VIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



50s 



of creeping along the beaten track of inland navigation, 
now struck boldly across the great western ocean. The 
new discoveries had converted the land-trade with 
India into a sea-trade ; and the nations of the Penin- 
sula, who had hitherto lain remote from the great high- 
ways of commerce, now became the factors and carriers 
of Europe. 

The flourishing condition of the nation was seen in 
the wealth and population of its cities, the revenues of 
which, augmented in all to a surprising extent, had 
in some increased forty and even fifty fold beyond 
what they were at the commencement of the reign: "^ 
the ancient and lordly Toledo ; Burgos, with its bus- 
tling, industrious traders;'^ Valladolid, sending forth 
its thirty thousand warriors from its gates, where the 
whole population now scarcely reaches two-thirds of 

que los hazian immortales." (PragmAticas del Reyno, fol. 146-148.) 
This institution rose soon to be of the greatest importance in Castile. 

'^ The sixth volume of the Memoirs of the Academy of History 
contains a schedule of the respective revenues afforded by the cities 
of Castile in the years 1477, 1482, and 1504; embracing, of course, 
the commencement and close of Isabella's reign. The original docu- 
ment exists in the archives of Simancas. We may notice the large 
amount and great increase of taxes in Toledo, particularly, and in 
Seville ; the former thriving from its manufactories, and the latter from 
the Indian trade. Seville, in 1504, furnished near a tenth of the whole 
revenue. Ilust. 5. 

»3o " No ay en ella," says Marineo of the latter city, " gente ociosa, 
ni baldia, sino que todos trabajan, ansi mugeres como hombres, y los 
chicos como los grandes, buscando la vida con sus manos, y con 
sudores de sus carnes. Unos exercitan las artes mecdnicas ; y otros 
las liberales. Los que tratan las mercaderias, y hazen rica la ciudad, 
son muy fieles, y liberales." (Cosas memorables, fol. 16.) It will not 
be easy to meet, in prose or verse, with a finer-colored picture of de- 
parted glory than Mr. Siidcll has given of the former city, the venerable 
Gothic capital, in his " Year in Spain," chap. 12. 

W 



\ I 



I 



PI 



il?l' 






I 



5o6 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



that number;*" Cordova, in the south, and the mag- 
nificent Granada, naturalizing in Europe the arts and 
luxuries of the East; Saragossa, "the abundant," as 
she was called from her fruitful territory; Valencia, 
"the beautiful ;" Barcelona, rivalling in independence 
and maritime enterprise the proudest of the Italian 
republics ; '^ Medina del Campo, whose fairs were 
already the great mart for the commercial exchanges 
of the Peninsula;"^ and Seville,'^ the golden gate of 

'3' Sandoval, Hist, del Emp. Carlos V., torn. i. p. 60, 
•3a It was a common saying in Navagiero's time, " Barcelona la ricca, 
Saragossa la harta, Valentia la hcrmosa." (Viaggio, fol. 5.) The 
grandeur and commercial splendor of the first-named city, which 
forms the subject of Capmany's elaborate work, have been sufficiently 
displayed in Part I., chapter 2, of this History. 

'33 "Algunoi suponen," says Capmany, " que estas ferias eran ya 
famosas en tiempo de los Reyes Catolicos," etc. ( Mem. de Barcelona, 
tom. iii. p. 356.) A very cursory glance at the laws of this time will 
show the reasonableness of the supposition. See the Pragniaticas, fol. 
146, and the ordinances from the archives of Simancas, apud Mem. de 
la Acad., tom. vi. pp. 249, 232, providing for the erection of buildings 
and other accommodations for the " great resort of traders." In 1520, 
four years after Ferdinand's death, the city, in a petition to the regent, 
represented the losses sustained by its merchants in the recent fire as 
more than the revenues of the crown would probably be able to meet 
for several years. (Ibid., p. 264.) Navagiero, who visited Medina 
some six years later, when it was rebuilt, bears unequivocal testimony 
to its commercial importance : " Medina h buona terra, e piena di 
buone case, abondante assai se non che le tante ferie che se vi fanno 
ogn" anno, e il concorso grande che vi h di tutta Spagna, fanno pur 
che il tutto si paga piii di quel che si faria. ... La feria h abon- 
dante certo di molte cose, ma sopra tutto di speciarie assai, che ven- 
gono di Portogallo ; ma le maggior faccende che se vi facciano sono 
cambij." Viaggio, fol. 36. 

'34 •• Qiiien no vi6 d Sevilla 
No vi6 maravilla." 

The proverb, according to Zuiiiga, is as old as the time of Alonso 
XI. Annales de Sevilla, p. 183. 



REVIEiy OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



507 



the Indies, whose quays began to be thronged with 
merchants from the most distant countries of Europe. 

The resources of the inhabitants were displayed in 
the palaces and public edifices, fountains, aqueducts, 
gardens, and other works of utility and ornament. 
This lavish expenditure was directed by an impro' ed 
taste. Architecture was studied on purer i)rincii>les 
than before, and, with the sister arts of design, showed 
the influence of the new connection with Italy in the 
first gleams of that excellence which shed such lustre 
over the Spanish school at the close of the century. '•** 
A still more decided impulse was given to letters. 
More printing-presses were probably at work in Spain 
in the infancy of the art than at the present day.'* 
Ancient seminaries were remodelled; new ones were 
created. Barcelona, Salamanca, and Alcala, whose 
cloistered solitudes are now the grave rather than the 
nursery of science, then swarmed with thousands of 
disciples, who, under the generous patronage of the 
government, found letters the surest path to prefer- 
ment. '^7 Even the lighter branches of literature felt 



»3S The most eminent sculptors were, for the most part, foi> ijii'ers; 
—as Miguel Florentin, Pedro Torregiano, Filipe de Bci{^. >ua, — 
chiefly from Italy, where the art was advancing rapidly to perfection 
in the school of Michael Angelo. The most successful architectural 
achievement was the cathedral of Granada, by Di go de Siloe. 
Pedraza, Antigiiedad de Granada, fol. 82. — Mem. if. ;a Acad, de Hist., 
tom. vi. Ilust. 16. 

'3* At least so says Clemencin, a ompetent judge : " Desde los 
mismos principios de su establecimiento fue mas comun la imprenta 
en Espana que lo es al cabo de trescientos anos dentro ya del siglo 
decimonono." Elogio de Dona Isabel, Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., 
tom. vi. 

•37 Ante, Introduction, sect. 2 ; Part I., chapter 19 ; Part II., chap< 



Kil)- 



■ I ■«■- 



5o8 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



the revolutionary spirit of the times, and, after yield- 
ing the last fruits of the ancient system, displayed new 
and more beautiful varieties, under the influence of 
Italian culture. '^^ 



ter 21. — ^The " Pragmdticas del Reyno " comprises various ordinances 
defining the privileges of Salamanca and Valladolid, the manner of 
conferring degrees, and of election to the chairs of the universities, 
so as to obviate any undue influence or corruption. (Fol. 14-21.) 
" Porque," says the liberal language of the last law, " los estudios 
generales donde las ciencias se leen y aprenden effuer9an las leyes y 
fazen a los nuestros subditos y naturales sabidores y honrrados y acre- 
cientan virtudes : y porque en el dar y assignar ae las cdtedras salari- 
adas deue auer toda libertad porque sean dadas d personas sabidores 
y cientes." (Tara9ona, October sih, 1495.) If one would see the 
totally different principles on which such elections have been con- 
ducted in modern times, let him read Doblado's Letters from Spain, pp. 
103-107. The university of Barcelona was suppressed in the begin- 
ning of the last century. Laborde has taken a brief survey of the 
present dilapidated condition of the others, at least as it was in 1830, 
since which it can scarcely have mended. Itin^raire, torn. vi. p. 144 
et seq. 

'38 See the concluding note to this chapter. Erasmus, in a lively 
and elegant epistle to his friend, Francis Vergara, Greek professor at 
Alcald, in 1527, lavishes unbounded panegyric on the science and 
literature of Spain, whose palmy state he attributes to Isabella's 
patronage and the co-operation of some of her enlightened subjects : 

*' Hispanise vestrae, tanto successu, priscam eruditionis gloriam 

sibi postIimini6 vindicanti. Quae quum semper et regionis amoenitate 
fertilitateque, semper ingeniorum eminentium ubere proventu, semper 
bellica laude floruerit, quid desiderari poterat ad summam felicitatem, 
nisi ut studiorum et religionis adjungeret ornamenta, quibus aspirante 
Deo sic paucis annis effloruit ut caeteris regionibus quamlibet hoc 
decorum genere praecellentibus vel invidiae queat esse vel exemplo. 
. . . Vos istam felicitatem secundum Deum debetis laudatissimoe 
Reginarum Elisabetae, Francisco Cardinal! quondam, Alonso Fonsecse 
nunc Archiepiscopo Toletano, et si qui sunt horum similes, quo- 
rum autoritas tu3tur, benignitas alit fovetque bonas artes." Epistolae, 
p. 978. 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



509 



With this moral development of the nation, the 
public revenues, the sure index, when unforced, of 
public prosperity, went on augmenting with astonish- 
ing rapidity. In 1474, the year of Isabella's accession, 
the ordinary rents of the Castilian crown amounted to 
885,000 reals;'* in 1477, to 2,390,078; in 1482, after 
the resumption of the royal grants, to 12,711,591 ; and 
finally, in 1504, when the acquisition of Granada'** 
and the domestic tranquillity of the kingdom had en- 
couraged the free expansion of all its resources, to 
26,283,334; or thirty times the amount received at 
her accession.'*' All this, it will be remembered, was 
derived from the customary established taxes, without 
the imposition of a single new one. Indeed, the im- 
provements in the mode of collection tended materially 
to lighten the burdens on the people. 

The accounts of the population at this early period 
are, for the mo. part, vague and unsatisfactory. Spain, 
in particular, has been the subject of the most absurd, 
though, as it seems, not incredible estimates, sufficiently 



139 The sums in the text express the real de vellon; to which they 
have been reduced by Seflor Clemencin, from the original amount in 
maravedis, which varied very materially in value in different years. 
Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., torn. vi. Ilust. 5. 

140 The kingdom of Granada appears to have contributed rather less 
than one-eighth of the whole tax. 

I4X In addition to the last-mentioned sum, the extraordinary service 
voted by cortes, for the dowry of the infantas, and other matters, in 
1504, amounted to 16,113,014 reals de vellon ; making a sum total, for 
that year, of 42,396,348 reals. The bulk of the crown revenues was 
derived from the alcavalas, and the tercias, or two-ninths of the eccle- 
siastical tithes. These important statements were transcribed from the 
books of the escribania mayor de rentas, in the archives of Simancas. 
Ibid., ubi supra. 



Sio 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



evincing the paucity of authentic data.*** Fbrtunately, 
however, we labor under no such embarrassment as 
regards Castile in Isabella's reign. By an official report 
to the crown on the organization of the militia, in 
1492, it appears that the population of the kingdom 
amounted to 1,500,000 vecinos, or householders; or, 
allowing four and a half to a family (a moderate es- 
timate), to 6,750,000 souls. '*' This census, it will be 
observed, was limited to the provinces immediately 
composing the crown of Castile, to the exclusion of 
Granada, Navarre, and the Aragonese dominions.*** It 

»4a The pretended amount of population has been generally in the 
ratio of the distance of the period taken, and, of course, of the diffi- 
culty of refutation. A few random remarks of ancient writers have 
proved the basis for the wildest hypotheses, raising the estimates to the 
total of what the soil, under the highest possible cultivation, would be 
capable of supporting. Even for so recent a period as Isabella's time, 
the estimate commonly received does not fall below eighteen or twenty 
millions. The official returns, cited in the text, of the most populous 
portion of the kingdom, fully expose the extravagance of preceding 
estimates. 

<43 These interesting particulars are obtained from a memorial, pre- 
pared by order of Ferdinand and Isabella, by their contactor, Alonso 
de Quintanilla, on the mode of enrolling and arming the militia, in 
X492 ; as a preliminary step to which, he procured a census of the 
actual population of the kingdom. It is preserved in a volume en- 
titled Relaciones tocantes a la junta de la Hermandad, in that rich 
national repository, the ai hives of Simancas. See a copious extract, 
apud Mem. de la Acad, de Hist., torn. vi. Apend. 12. 

M4 I am acquainted with no sufficient and authentic data for com- 
puting the population, at this time, of the crown of Aragon, always 
greatly below that of the sister kingdom. I find as litde to be relied 
on, notwithstanding the numerous estimates, in one form or another, 
vouchsafed by historians and travellers, of the population of Granada. 
Marineo enumerates fourteen cities and ninety-seven towns (omitting, 
as he says, many places of less note) at the time of the conquest ; & 
Statement obviously too vague for statistical purposes. (Cosas memc 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMimSTRATION. 



5" 



was taken, moreover, before the nation had time to 
recruit from the long and exhausting struggle of the 
Moorish war, and twenty-five years before the close 
of the reign, when the population, under circumstances 
peculiarly favorable, must have swelled to a much 
larger amount. Thus circumscribed, however, it was 
probably considerably in advance of that of England 
at the same period.'*' How have the destinies of the 
two countries since been reversed ! 

The territorial limits of the monarchy, in the mean 
time, went on expanding beyond example; — Castile 
and Leon, brought under the same sceptre withAragon 



rabies, fol. 179.) The capital, swelled by the influx from the country, 
contained, according to him, 200,000 souls at the same period. (Fol. 
177.) In 1506, at the time of the forced conversions, we find the 
numbers in the city dwindled to fifty or at most seventy thousand. 
(Comp. Bleda, Cor6nica, lib. 5, cap. 23, and Bernalde:;, Reyes Cat6- 
licos, MS., cap. 159.) Loose as these estimates necessarily are, we 
have no better to guide us in calculating the total amount of the 
population of the Moorish kingdom, or of the losses sustained by the 
copious emigrations during the first fifteen years after the conquest, 
although there has been no lack of confident assertion, as to both, 
in later writers. The desideratum in regard to Granada will now 
probably not be supplied ; the public offices in the kingdom of Ara- 
gon, if searched with the same industry as those in Castile, would 
doubtless afford the means for correcting the crude estimates so cur- 
rent respecting that country. 

'4S Hallam, in his " Constitutional History of England," estimates 
the population of the realm, in 1485, at 3,000,000 (vol. i. p. 10). The 
discrepancies, however, of the best historians on this ^ubject, prove the 
difficulty of arriving at even a probable result. Hume, on the au- 
thority of Sir Edward Coke, puts the population of England (including 
people of all sorts) a century later, in 1588, at only 900,000. The his- 
torian cites Lodovico Guicciardini, however, for another estimate, as 
high as 2,000,000, for the same reign of Queen Elizabeth. History of 
England, vol. vi. Append. 3. 



1 



S" 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



and its foreign dependencies, Sicily and Sardinia ; 
with tlie kingdoms of Granada, Navarre, and Naples j 
with the Canaries, Oran, and the other settlements 
in Africa ; and with the islands and vast continents of 
America. To these broad domains the comprehensive 
schemes of the sovereigns would have added Portugal ; 
and their arrangements for this, although defeated for 
the present, opened the way to its eventual completion* 
under Philip the Second.*** 

The petty states, which had before swarmed over the 
Peninsula, neutralizing each other's operations, and 
preventing any effective moveriient abroad, were now 
amalgamated into one whole. Sectional jealousies and 
antipathies, indeed, were too sturdily rooted to be 
wholly extinguished ; but they gradually subsided under 
the influence of a common government and community 
of interests. A more enlarged sentiment was infused 
into the people, who, in their foreign relations, at least, 
assumed the attitude of one great nation. The names 
of Castilian and Aragonese were merged in the com- 
prehensive one of Spaniard ; and Spain, with an empire 
which stretched over three quarters of the globe, and 
which almost realized the proud boast that the sun 
never set within her borders, now rose, not to the first 
class only, but to the first place, in the scale of £uropean 
powers. 

»46 Philip II. claimed the Portugiiese crown in right of his mother, 
and his wife, both descended from Maria, third daughter of Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella, who, as the reader may remember, married King 
Emanuel. 



* [It is scarcely correct to speak of the " completion" of a union 
which, effected through conquest and usurpation, Uisted only sixty 
years. — Ed.] 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



513 



The extraordinary circumstances of the country 
tended naturally to nourish the lofty, romantic quali- 
ties and the "-"mewhat exagger'^.^ed tone of sentiment 
which always \ rvaded the national character. The 
age of chivalry had not faded away in Spain, as in 
most other lands.**' It was fostered, in time of peace, 
by the tourneys, jousts, and other warlike pageants 
which graced the court of Isabella.'*^ It gleamed out, 
as we have seen, in the Italian campaigns under Gon- 
salvo de Cordova, and shone forth in all its splendors 
in the war of Granada. "This was a right gentle 
war," says Navagiero, in a passage too pertinent to be 
omitted, "in which, as firearms were comparatively 
little used, each knight had the opportunity of show- 

M7 Old Caxton mourns over the little honor paid to the usages of 
chivalry in his time ; and it is sufficient evidence of its decay in Eng- 
land that Richard III. thought it necessary to issue an ordinance re- 
quiring those possessed of the requisite ^\o a year to receive knight- 
hood. (Turner, History of England, vol. iii. pp. 391, 392.) The use 
of artillery was fatal to chivalry ; a consequence well understood, even 
at the early period of our History. At least, so we may infer from the 
verses of Ariosto, where Orlando throws Cimosco's gun into the sea : 

" Lo tolse e disse ; Acci6 piii non istea 
Mai cavalier per te d' essere ardito ; 
N& quanto il buono val, niai piii si vanti 
II rio per te valer, qui giCk rimantj." 

Orlando Furioso, canto 9, st. 90. 

Don Quixote is loud in his maledictions on " the diabolical inven- 
tion," as he terms it, so fatal to knight-errantry, and makes little doubt 
that the soul of the inventor is paying the penalty in hell, for thus put- 
ting it in the power of any coward to take away the life of a brave 
cavalier. Part. i. cap. 38. 

X48 " Qaien podrd contar," exclaims the old Curate of Los Palacios, 
" la grandeza, el concierto de su corte, la cavallerfa de los Nobles de 
toda Espana, Duques, Maestres, Marqueses i Ricos homes ; los Ga- 
lanes, las Damas, las Fiestas, los Torneos, la Moltitud de Poeta.^ < 
Trovadores," etc. Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 201. 
Vol. III. 33 w» 



111 

11 



I 



I 



514 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



ing his personal prowess; and rare was it that a day 
passed without some feat of arms and valorous exploit. 
The nobility and chivalry of the land all thronged 
there to gather renown. Queen Isabel, who attended 
with her whole court, breathed courage into every 
heart. There was scarce a cavalier who was not en- 
amored of some one or other of her ladies, the wit- 
ness of his achievements, who, as she presented him 
his weapons or some token of her favor, admonished 
him to bear himself like a true knight, and show 
the strength of his passion by his valiant deeds. '^' 
** What knight so craven, then," exclaims the chivalrous 
Venetian, ** that he would not have been more than a 
match for the stoutest adversary; or who would not 
sooner have lost his life a thousand times than return 
dishonored to the lady of his love? In truth," he 
concludes, "this conquest maybe said to have been 
achieved by love, rather than by arms."^** 

»49 Oviedo notices the existence of a lady-love, even with cavaliers 
who had passed their prime, as a thing of quite as imperative neces- 
sity in his day as it was afterwards regarded by the gallant knight of 
La Mancha : " Costumbre es en Espafia entre los sefiores de estado 
que venidos d la corte, aunque n6 est^n enamorados 6 que pasen de 
la mitad de la edad, fingir que aman por servir y favorescer d alguna 
dama, y gastar como quien son en fiestas y otras cosas que se ofrescen 
de tales pasatiempos y amores, sin que les de pena Cupido.*' Quin- 
cuagenas, MS., bat. i, quinc. i, dial. 28. 

•so Viaggio, fol. 27. — Andrea Navagiero, whose Itinerary has been 
of such frequent reference in these pages, was a noble Venetian, born 
in 1483. He became very early distinguished, in his cultivated cap- 
ital, for his scholarship, poetical talents, and eloquence, of which he 
has left specimens, especially in Latin verse, in the highest repute to 
this day with his countrymen. He was not, however, exclusively de- 
voted to letters, but was employed in several foreign missions by the 
republic. It was on his visit to Spain, as minister to Charles V., soon 






REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



515 



The Spaniard was a knight -errant, in its literal 
sense,'** roving over seas on which no bark had ever 
ventured, among isl^inds and continents where no 
civilized man had ever trodden, and which fancy 
peopled with all the marvels and drear enchantments 
of romance; courting danger in every form, combat- 
ing everywhere, and everywhere victorious. The very 
odds presented by the defenceless natives among whom 
he was cast, ** a thousand of whom," to quote the 
words of Columbus, "were not equal to three Span- 
iards," was in itself typical of his profession;'** and 
the brilliant destinies to which the meanest adventurer 

after that monarch's accession, that he wrote his Travels; and he filled 
the same office at the court of Francis I., when he died at the pre- 
mature age of forty-six, in 1529. (Tiraboschi, Letteratura Italiana, 
tom. vii. part. 3, p. 228, ed. 1785.) His death was universally lamented 
by the good and the learned of his time, and is commemorated by his 
friend. Cardinal Bembo, in two sonnets, breathing all the sensibility 
of that tender and elegant poet. (Rime, Son. 109, no.) Navagiero 
becomes connected with Castilian literature by the circumstance of 
Boscan's referring to his suggestion the innovation he so successfully 
made in the forms of the national verse. Obras, fol. 20, ed. 1543. 

isi Fernando de Pulgar, after enumerating various cavaliers of his 
acquaintance who had journeyed to distant climes in quest of adven- 
tures and honorable feats of arms, continues, " E ol decir de otros Cas- 
tellanos que con dnimo de Caballeros fueron por los Reynos estraiios 
d facer armas con qualquier Caballero que quisiere facerlas con ellos, 
€ por ellas ganaron honra para si, i fama de valientes y esforzados 
Caballeros para los Fijosdalgos de Castilla." Claros Varones, tit. 17. 

»5a " Son todos," says the Admiral, " de ningun ingenio en las armas, 
y muy cobardes, que mil no aguadarian tres" 1 (Primer Viage de 
Colon.) What could the bard of chivalry say more ? 

" Ma quel ch' al timor non diede albergo 
Estima la vil turba e 1' arme tante 
Quel che dentro aila mandra a 1' aer cupo, 
II nunier dell' agnelle estimi il lupo." 

Orlando Furioso, canto 13. 



t; 



Si6 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



was often called, now carving out with his good swoitl 
some "El Dorado" more splendid than fancy had 
dreamed of, and now overturning some old barbaric 
dynasty, were full as extraordinary as the wildest 
chimeras which Ariosto ever sang or Cervantes sat- 
irized. 

His countryman who remained at home, feeding 
greedily on the reports of his adventures, lived almost 
equally in an atmosphere of romance. A spirit of 
chivalrous enthusiasm penetrated the very depths of 
the nation, swelling the humblest individual with lofty 
aspirations and a proud consciousness of the dignity 
of his nature. ** The princely disposition of the Span- 
iards," says a foreigner of the time, "delighteth me 
much, as well as the gentle nurture and noble conver- 
sation, not merely of those of high degree, but of the 
citizen, peasant, and common laborer." 's^ What won- 
der that such sentiments should be found incompatible 
with sober, methodical habits of business, or that the 
nation indulging them should be seduced from the 
humble paths of domestic industry to a brilliant and 
bolder career of adventure? Such consequences be- 
came too apparent in the following reign. *S4 

In noticing the circumstances that conspired to form 

»S3 L. Marineo, Cosas memorables, fol. 30. 

»S4 " I Spagnuoli," says the Venetian minister, "non solo in questo 
paese di Granata, ma in tutto '1 resto della Spagna medesimamente, 
non sono molto industriosi, ne piantano, ne lavorano volontieri la terra ; 
ma se danno ad altro, e piu volontieri vanno alia guerra, o alle Indie 
ad acquistarsi facultk, che per tal vie." (Viaggio, fol. 25.) Testimo- 
nies to the same purport thicken, as the stream of history descends. 
See several collected by Capmany (Mem. de Barcelona, torn. iii. pp. 
358 et seq.), who certainly cannot be charged with ministering to the 
vanity of his countrymen. 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



517 



the national character, it would be unpardonable to 
omit the establishment of the Inquisition, which con- 
tributed so largely to counterbalance the benefits re- 
sulting from Isabella's government ; an institution 
which has done more than any other to stay the proud 
march of human reason; which, by imposing uni- 
formity of creed, has proved the fruitful parent of 
hypocrisy and superstition ; which has soured the 
sweet charities of human life,'** and, settling like a foul 
mist on the goodly promise of the land, closed up the 
fair buds of science and civilization ere they were fully 
opened. Alas ! that such a blight should have fallen 
on so gallant and generous a people 1 That it should 
have been brought on it, too, by one of such unblem- 
ished patriotism and purity of motive as Isabella ! 
How must her virtuous spirit, if it be permitted the 
departed good to look down on the scene of their 
earthly labors, mourn over the misery and moral 
degradation entailed on her country by this one act ! 
So true is it that the measures of this great queen 



<ss One may trace its immediate influence in the writings of a man 
like the Curate of Los Palacios, naturally, as it would seem, of an 
amiable, humane disposition, but who complacently remarks, " They 
[Ferdinand and Isabella] lighted up the fires for the heretics, in which, 
with good reason, they have burnt, and shall continue to bum, so long 
as a soiJ of them remains"! (Reyes Cat61icos, MS., cap. 7.) It 
becomes more perceptible in the literature of later times, and, what is 
singular, most of all in the lighter departments of poetry and fiction, 
which seem naturally devoted to purposes of pleasure. No one can 
estimate the full influence of the Inquisition in perverting moral sense, 
and infusing the deadly venom of misanthropy into the heart, who 
has not perused the works of the great Castilian poets, Lope de 
Vega, Ercilla, above all Calderon, whose lips seem to have been 
touched with fire from the very altars of this accursed tribunal. 



5i8 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 



have had a permanent influence, whether for good or 
for evil, on the destinies of her country. 

The immediate injury inflicted on the nation by 
the spirit of bigotry in the reign of Ferdinand and 
Isabella, although greatly exaggerated,'^ was doubt- 
's' The late secretary of the Inquisition has made an elaborate com- 
putation of the number of its victims. According to him, 13,000 were 
publicly burned by the several tribunals of Castile and Aragon, and 
191,413 suffered other punishments, between 1481, the date of the 
commencement of the modem institution, and 1518. (Hist, de I'ln- 
quisition, torn. iv. chap. 46.) Llorente appears to have come to these 
appalling results by a very plausible process of calculation, and with- 
out any design to exaggerate. Nevertheless, his data are exceedingly 
imperfect, and he has himself, on a revision, considerably reduced, 
in his fourth volume, the original estimates in the first. I find \. )od 
grounds for reducing them still further, i. He quotes Mariana for 
the fact that 9000 suffered martyrdom at Seville in 148 1, and makes 
this the basis of his calculations for the other tribunals of the king- 
dom. Marineo, a contemporary, on the other hand, states that " in 
the course of a/eiu years they burned nearly 2000 heretics;" thus not 
only diffusing this amount over a greater period of time, but em- 
bracing all the tribunals then existing in the country. (Cosas memo- 
rabies, fol. 164.) 2. Bernaldez states that five-sixths of the Jews 
resided in the kingdom of Castile. (Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. no.) 
Llorente, however, has assigned an equal amount of victims to each 
of the five tribunals of Aragon with those of the sister kingdom, ex- 
cepting only Seville. One might reasonably distrust Llorente's tables, 
from the facility with which he receives the most improbable estimates 
in other matters, as, for example, the number of banished Jews, which 
he puts at 800,000. (Hist, de I'lnquisition, tom. i. p. 261.) I have 
shown, from contemporary sources, that this number did not probably 
exceed 160,000, or, at most, 170,000, (Part I. chapter 17.) Indeed, 
the cautious Zurita, borrowing, probably, from the same authorities, 
cites the latter number. (Anales, tom. v. fol. 9.) Mariana, who owes 
so much of his narrative to the Aragonese historian, converting, as it 
would appear, these 170,000 individuals into families, states the whole, 
in round numbers, at 800,000 souls. (Hist, de Espatia, torn. ii. lib. 
26, cap. I.) Llorente, not content with this, swells the amount still 



REVIEW OF THEIR ADMINISTRATION. 



519 



less serious enough. Under the otherwise beneficent 
operation of their government, however, the healthful 
and expansive energies of the state were sufficient to 
heal up these and deeper wounds, and still carry it 
onward in the career of prosperity. With this impulse, 
indeed, the nation continued to advance higher and 
higher, in spite of the system of almost unmingled 
evil pursued in the following reigns. The glories of 
this later period, of the age of Charles the Fifth, as it 
is called, must find their true source in the measures of 
his illustrious predecessors. It was in their court that 
Boscan, Garcilasso, Mendo2a, and the other master- 
spirits were trained, who moulded Castilian litera- 
ture into the new and more classical forms of later 
times."' It was under Gonsalvo de Cordova that 

further, by that of the Moorish exiles, and by emigrants to the New 
World (on what authority?), to 2,000,000; and, going on with the 
process, computes that this loss may fairly infer one of 8,000,000 in- 
habitants to Spain at the present day I (Ibid., ubi supra.) Thus the 
mischief imputed to the Catholic sovereigns goes on increasing in a 
sort of arithmetical progression with the duration of the monarchy. 
Nothing is so striking to the imagination as numerical estimates ; they 
speak a volume in themselves, saving a world of periphrasis and 
argument; nothing is so difficult to form with exactness, or even 
probability, when they relate to an early period ; and nothing more 
carelessly received and confidently circulated. The enormous state- 
ments of the Jewish exiles, and the baseless ones of the Moorish, are 
not peculiar to Llorente, but have been repeated, without the slightest 
qualification or distrust, by most modem historians and travellers. 

«S7 In the two closing chapters of Part I. of this History I have 
noticed the progress of letters in this reign ; the last which displayed 
the antique coloring and truly national characteristics of Castilian 
poetry. There were many circumstances which operated, at this 
period, to work an important revolution, and subject the poetry of the 
Peninsula to a foreign influence. The Italian Muse, after her long 
silence, since the age of the trecentisti, had again revived, and poured 



Sao 



FERDINAND AND ISABELLA, 



Leyva, Pescara, and those great captains with their in- 
vincible legions were formed, who enabled Charles the 

forth such ravishing strains as made Ihemsolves heard and felt in every 
corner of Europe. Spain, in particular, was open to their influence. 
Her language had an intimate affinity with the Italian. The improved 
taste and culture of the